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Hall, Emily R. "From metate to combate: women in the Zapatista movement." Thesis, Boston University, 2002. https://hdl.handle.net/2144/27663.
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Boston University. University Professors Program Senior theses.PLEASE NOTE: Boston University Libraries did not receive an Authorization To Manage form for this thesis. It is therefore not openly accessible, though it may be available by request. If you are the author or principal advisor of this work and would like to request open access for it, please contact us at open-help@bu.edu. Thank you.
2031-01-02
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Vitale, Riccardo. "Flows of rebellion : a multi-dimensional ethnography of the Zapatista movement." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2004. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.415319.
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Garrido, Maria I. "The importance of social movements' networks in development communication : lessons from the Zapatista Movement in Chiapas, Mexico /." Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/6150.
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Azerad, Jessica. "Negotiating Intersectionality: Women in the Civil Rights Movement and the Zapatista National Liberation Front." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2017. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1640.
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This thesis set out to determine the interaction between gender and social movement participation. In other words, it is answering the questions: how are women able to interact social movements and how do social movements enable women to be full participants in their struggle? It uses an intersectional framework to examine two social movements: the Black Civil Rights Movements that took place in the U.S. in the 1950s and 1960s, and the Zapatista National Liberation Front (EZLN) that began in Chiapas, Mexico in the 1980s and works to this day.
For the Civil Rights Movement, it finds that the major organizations did not enact any policies or make any structural changes to incorporate women more fully into the Movement. Furthermore, women that wanted leadership roles in the Movement often had to forge their own by means of grassroots organizing and local women-led political action groups.
For the EZLN, it finds that the organization gave women both leadership positions and military titles, passed the Women's Revolutionary Law that codified women's rights within the organization and the community, and lastly created autonomous municipal governance structures to enforce women's rights.
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Rozo-Marsh, Roxanne. "Comandantas and Caracoles: The Role of Women in the Life and Legacy of the Zapatista Movement." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2019. https://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/1235.
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This thesis delves into the role of women in the Zapatista movement and how that role has changed over time in the private, public and political spheres. It also draws parallels between the struggle for female liberation within Zapatismo and the struggles of working-class, women of color movements in the United States. Chapters are focused on topics including women's involvement in the San Andrés Accords, the Women's Revolutionary Law, the Other Campaign and Marichuy's electoral campaign as well as personal observations from time spent in Oventik, a Zapatista caracol. As complement to the text, the thesis includes a visual zine.
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Hall, Jamie. "From the text to the frame : a frame analysis of the collective action frames of the Zapatista Army of National Liberation, 1980-1998." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10036/48133.
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Despite the wealth of interest in South Mexico’s Ejercito Zapatista Liberacion Nacional (EZLN), few studies have attempted to deconstruct the discourse of the Zapatistas according to its component parts. Most scholars have so far addressed the Zapatistas from the standpoint of political theory, international relations or anthropology, and in so doing have tended to engage primarily with broader polemical agendas. Furthermore, in their determination to typologise the Zapatistas as ‘this’ or ‘that’ sort of movement, scholars have overlooked the nuances and shades of meaning that exist within the Zapatista discourse, as well as the evolution of those meanings over time. As a result, the content and ongoing construction of the Zapatistas’ message has been eclipsed by a more encompassing, contested, and ultimately chimeric quest to reify the movement’s ‘essence’ or ‘truth’. This thesis represents an empirical analysis of the EZLN’s collective discourse that focuses on the content and constructed nature of their collective action frames. Combining three strands of social movement frame analysis, it avers to draw-out the ever-changing detail of the EZLN’s discursive output and so add value to the debates that surround the Zapatistas. It also makes several theoretical contributions to social movement frame analysis.
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Mendes, Clécio Ferreira. ""Prá soletrar a Liberdade ": as propostas educacionais do monvimento Zapatista no México e dos Sem-terras no Brasil na década de 90." Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo, 2005. https://tede2.pucsp.br/handle/handle/12816.
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ABSTRACT The purpose of this study is to analyse the educational concepts of Landless Rural Workers Movement (MST), in Brazil, and of Zapatist Army of National Liberation, in Mexico. Our goal is to verify convergent and divergent aspects among their speeches which are the basis of their educational practices. We intend to analyse how the educational proposal of these movements express the revindications of the rural population which historically, struggle for the land. As to the Zapatist case, their historical revindications are based on the common appropriation of the land, being common also the decisions regarding production and distribution. In the case of MST, proposals aiming the organization of cooperatives and the communization of production and distribution are found even in the field of education. Both movements have educational projects which reflect ideologies defended by them and, in their struggles, they display the contradictions of capitalist system. Such contradictions become more intense due to the advancement of neoliberal policies and direct the fight of both movements against neoliberalism and its consequences. It is therefore necessary to understand neoliberalism in Latin America not only as an economic trend but also as a kind of dictatorship which marginalizes and restrain the social struggles and movements. This study intends to rescue educational projects, while expression of their historicity, that is, while ideological representation of people who are deprived of socially produced goods. One of the main reflections derived from these movements is related to the way social movements act, creating new paths which are followed by new social movements facing old dilemmas.
O objetivo desta dissertação é analisar as concepções educacionais e verificar os aspectos de convergência e divergência entre os discursos que fundamentam as práticas educacionais do Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem-Terra (MST), no Brasil e do Exército Zapatista de Libertação Nacional, no México. Nosso interesse reside em analisar como as propostas pedagógicas destes movimentos expressam as reivindicações da população do campo que historicamente lutam pela terra. No caso zapatista, suas reivindicações históricas vão no sentido de uma apropriação coletiva da terra, assim como são coletivas as decisões relativas à produção e à distribuição. No caso do MST, observa-se, inclusive no campo educacional, propostas visando à organização de cooperativas, assim como à coletivização da produção e da distribuição. Consideramos que seus projetos educacionais refletem as ideologias destes dois movimentos, que expõem, em suas lutas, as contradições do sistema capitalista. Essas contradições se aprofundam conjuntamente com o avanço das políticas neoliberais, direcionando a luta dos movimentos contra essa tendência e suas conseqüências. Portanto, faz-se necessário, o entendimento do neoliberalismo na América Latina não somente como uma corrente econômica, mas também como uma forma de ditadura, que marginaliza e reprime as lutas e os movimentos sociais. O trabalho se fundamenta no resgate dos preceitos educacionais enquanto expressões de sua historicidade, ou seja, enquanto representações ideológicas de pessoas excluídas do acesso aos bens produzidos socialmente. Uma das principais reflexões oriundas desses movimentos sociais é sobre as formas de atuação, criando os novos caminhos dos novos movimentos sociais frente aos velhos dilemas.
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Turner, Bethany, and n/a. "Strategic translations: the Zapatistas from silence to dignity." University of Canberra. Creative Communication, 2004. http://erl.canberra.edu.au./public/adt-AUC20051123.144212.
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This thesis demonstrates that the discursive strategies that characterise the political struggle of the Zapatista (EZLN) movement are produced in response to the political and economic realities of Mexico and the southeastern state of Chiapas. The EZLN�s intentionally ambiguous discourse of dignity epitomises these strategies. By deploying various incarnations of dignity to counter the Mexican Government�s strategic political manoeuvres, the EZLN destabilises the political, economic and social hegemonies of the nation. This destabilisation creates a space for the EZLN to suggest the possibility of an alternative political logic to the Mexican populace. However, the marginalised social location and ethnic diversity of the movement�s indigenous constituents impedes their ability to effect significant political change. This impediment is overcome when they coalesce around the politically advantageous subjectivity of indigenous Zapatistas and engage with the mestizo Subcomandante Marcos to produce the EZLN. The movement enacts a progressive coalitional politics that articulates radical political alternatives for Mexico through the strategic practice of translation. Thus, translation is posited as a powerful political practice for marginalised groups engaged in resistance struggles in the contemporary global conditions.
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Aloisio, Gina. "Join the revolution just for the health of it a comparison of indigenous health in and outside of the Zapatista movement in Chiapas, Mexico /." Connect to resource, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1811/37048.
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Oliveira, Lilian Crepaldi de. "A aposta na esperança: identidades culturais e sociais nas revistas Sem Terra e Chiapas." Universidade de São Paulo, 2009. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/27/27153/tde-23042009-185727/.
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Esta pesquisa tem por objetivo compreender como as revistas especializadas Sem Terra e Chiapas representam as identidades e as culturas de dois movimentos sociais da América Latina: Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem Terra (Brasil) e Exército Zapatista de Libertação Nacional (México). Para tanto, analisaram-se dez reportagens e artigos dessas publicações numa perspectiva qualitativa e comparada, utilizando como ferramentas de interpretação a análise de conteúdo e os conceitos de identidade e cultura de Néstor García Canclini. A partir das análises, percebe-se a ênfase em manifestações culturais populares e tradicionais, que representariam a verdadeira essência de comunidades camponesas ou indígenas. Entretanto, conclui-se que a identidade é construída socialmente e constantemente reinterpretada pelo próprio grupo e por aqueles que o observam. O jornalismo dessas revistas especializadas auxilia na construção de representações sociais, imaginários e memórias, uma vez que as mensagens culturais estão articuladas a outras esferas da realidade social. É por meio da cultura que o ser humano elabora as representações sobre os outros, sobre o mundo e sobre si mesmo.This research examines how the specialized magazines Sem Terra and Chiapas represent the identities and the cultures of two Latin-American social movements: Brazil´s Landless Workers Movement (Brazil) and Zapatista Army of National Liberation (Mexico). To achieve this goal, ten pieces of news and articles of these magazines have been analysed on a qualitative and comparative perspective, adopting as interpretation tools the contents analyses and the concepts of identity and culture by Néstor García Canclini. As analyses point out, emphasis is laid on popular and traditional cultural manifestations, which would represent the true essence of country or Indian communities. Identity, however, is socially constructed and often reinterpreted by the group or observers. Journalism as it is exercised by these specialized magazines helps in the construction of social representations, imagery and memories, because the cultural messages are related to other aspects of social reality. Through culture humans elaborate representations about the others, the world and themselves.
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Serra, Grau Josep. "Rebeldes transacionales: la Red Zapatista Catalana." Doctoral thesis, Universitat de Lleida, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/462168.
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El principal interrogant que pretén resoldre aquesta tesi doctoral és per què el zapatisme va tenir tanta acceptació a Catalunya en una època de reflux dels moviments revolucionaris. Com a resposta podríem utilitzar el principi de Levoisier en que, la matèria no es crea ni es destrueix sinó que es transforma. El zapatisme català va ser un pont entre la vella societat civil de la Transició i els nous moviments socials antisistema de finals dels anys 80 i principis dels 90 als quals se'ls afegirà el discurs de la indústria de la cooperació. El zapatisme català serà hereu del discurs de la lluita de classes per construir l'herència dels discursos fluids, líquids i mal·leables de la societat post-ideològica de finals del segle XX. Aquí radica el seu èxit, la seva capacitat camaleònica de crear i modificar el relat en funció del context polític i així poder ser al mateix temps, llibertari, nacionalista, antisistema i receptor de fons públics.El principal interrogante que pretende resolver esta tesis doctoral es por qué el zapatismo tuvo tanta aceptación en Catalunya en una época de reflujo de los movimientos revolucionarios. Como respuesta podríamos utilizar el principio de Levoisier de que, la materia no se crea ni se destruye sino que se transforma. El zapatismo catalán fue un puente entre la vieja sociedad civil de la Transición y los nuevos movimientos sociales antisistema de finales de los años 80 y principios de los 90 a los que se les unirá el discurso de la industria de la cooperación. El zapatismo catalán será heredero del discurso de la lucha de clases para construir la herencia de los discursos fluidos, líquidos y maleables de la sociedad pos-ideológica de finales del siglo XX. Ahí radica su éxito, su capacidad camaleónica de crear y modificar el relato en función del contexto político y poder ser al mismo tiempo, libertario, nacionalista, antisistema y receptor de fondos públicos.
The main question that this PhD pretends to resolve is why the Zapatista movement had so much support in Catalonia in a time of withdrawal fromrevolutionary movements. To answer this we could use Lavoisier’s principle which points out that the matter is not created neither destroyed but transformed. Catalan zapatism was a bridge between the old civil society from the Transition and the new antisystem groups from late 80s and early 90s, also the industry of the cooperation will join these movements. Catalan zapatism would be the heir of the class struggle discourse to build the inheritance of the fluid, liquid and malleable speech of the post-ideological society of the end of 20th century. Here lies its success, the chameleon ability to create and modify the narrative in function of the political context and to be at the same time, libertarian, nationalist, antisystem and recipient of public funds.
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Mier, Rodrigo Gonzalez Cadaval. "Spectrality and sovereignty in Zapatista discourse." Diss., Online access via UMI:, 2005.
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Petříček, Martin. "Sociální hnutí a jejich dopady na přechod k demokracii v Mexiku: případ zapatistů." Doctoral thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2004. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-71954.
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This dissertation aims to enrich the discussion about the role of social movements in the process of democratisation, ie. to assess their role in the transformation from authoritarian to democratic regime. In particular, it tries to find the way how to assess the impact of the Zapatista Army of National Liberation (Ejército Zapatista de Liberación Nacional, EZLN) and related movement on the Mexican transition to democracy in 1990s. The analysis tries to identify possible impacts on three different levels -- political (which means regime transition), social (which is related with the change of the nature of the relations between state and society, once described as corporatist) and economical (which means the end of neoliberal policy promoted by recent Mexican governments and the introduction of more equal, "more democratic" policy in zapatista logic). It looks both at the formal (direct through bargaining) and informal (influence) impact of the zapatista movement. From the methodological point of view, the study is case analysis, in some parts it uses historical analysis. The text is structured into five chapters. The first chapter shows main theoretical and methodological approaches to the social movements with special focus on Latin American context. It is followed by explaining the principles of methods used to assessment of the zapatista impacts. The second chapter presents main approaches to social change and process of democratic transition. The third chapter contains the historical analysis of transformation of relation between state and society during 20th century, from the introduction of (state) corporatist model in 1930s to its gradual dismantling in the late 20th century. The fourth chapter analysis the evolution of EZLN from its beginning in Lacandon jungle in southern Mexican state of Chiapas. In relation with the emphasis of movement's goals, the period from 1994, when zapatista uprising in Chiapas started, to 2010 is divided into four stages. In the fifth chapter, theoretical findings are applied on EZLN and zapatista movement and formulated hypotheses are tested.
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Del, Balso Amanda. "Zapatista Women Warriors: Examining the Sociopolitical Implications of Female Participation in the EZLN Army." Thesis, Boston College, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/541.
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Thesis advisor: Jennie PurnellThe Ejrcito Zapatista de Liberacint of the Zapatista platform. It will demonstrate that external conditions have influenced and frustrated realistic improvements in Zapatista gender relations. Finally, this thesis will assess the future of female participation within the Zapatista movement, and illustrate the limited social and political changes in indigenous communities
Thesis (BA) — Boston College, 2008
Submitted to: Boston College. College of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: Political Science
Discipline: College Honors Program
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Spinelli, Lucas Gebara. "Territórios de estratégia autonômica = os auto-governos rebeldes e a política zapatista." [s.n.], 2011. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/281655.
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Orientador: Andréia GalvãoDissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas
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Resumo: Esse estudo pretende abordar o surgimento da autonomia como eixo do discurso e da prática zapatista. Desde o levante armado de 1º de janeiro de 1994, em que tomou sete prefeituras do estado de Chiapas, sul do México, o Exército Zapatista de Libertação Nacional passou por constantes reformulações de sua estratégia, de forma a possibilitar a sua sobrevivência e a autonomia do movimento diante do Estado. Considerado um exército popular e apoiado por uma ampla base social não-militarizada, o EZLN sustenta até os dias de hoje um discurso de autonomia total contra todas as formas de exercício do poder e regulação social advindas do Estado. Nessa perspectiva buscamos analizar as origens dessa autonomia radical, que não apenas busca criar dentro das comunidades zapatistas e no EZLN, instâncias políticas de decisão independentes do Estado, mas que, vinculadas à tomada dos meios de produção e à reapropriação do trabalho produtivo em nível local e regional, adquirem o aspecto da auto-gestão produtiva, necessária à liberação material de militantes nos rumos de uma estratégia política que visa recriar relações sociais
Abstract: This work tries to make an aproach on the zapatistas's practical and discursive axis of autonomy. Since the armed uprising on the first january of 1994, when the it has assaulted into seven municipal townhouses of Chiapas, south Mexico, the Zapatista National Liberation Army has undergone constant reformulation of its strategy, to enable its survival and the autonomy of movement before the State. Considered a popular army and backed by a broad base of social non-militarized, the EZLN maintains to this day a speech of total autonomy against all forms of exercise of power and social regulation stemming from the State. From this perspective we analyse the origins of this radical autonomy, which not only create search within Zapatista communities and the EZLN, political bodies, independent decision of the State, but which, linked to the means of production and the reowning of productive work in local and regional level, acquire the appearance of auto-productive management needed to release material from militants in the direction of a political strategy that aims to rebuild social relationships
Mestrado
Trabalho, Movimentos Sociais, Cultura e Politica
Mestre em Ciência Política
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Santos, Juliana Silva dos. "O movimento zapatista e a educação: direitos humanos, igualdade e diferença." Universidade de São Paulo, 2008. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/48/48134/tde-13032009-160126/.
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Este trabalho tem como objetivo investigar a proposta de educação contida no discurso do movimento zapatista do estado mexicano de Chiapas, a partir da análise de documentos que tratam especificamente sobre esta questão e em outros nos quais se desenham seus princípios políticos mais gerais. Procura-se trabalhar com a tensão característica do debate atual dos direitos humanos - entre a reivindicação por igualdade social e por direitos culturais dos povos indígenas, que está presente no zapatismo contemporâneo. Encontra-se a construção de uma educação autônoma, como parte do desenvolvimento de uma organização do território rebelde de Chiapas, que procura uma maneira própria de traduzir essa tensão entre igualdade e diferença e cujos objetivos seriam a construção coletiva de uma escola empenhada na mudança das condições de vida da sociedade em que vive.This work has as objective to investigate the education proposal presents in the discourse of the zapatista movement of the mexican state of Chiapas, from the analysis of documents that deals specifically about this question and others in which is delineated yours political principles more generals. It is looked work with the tension - characteristic of the actual discussion of the rights of the man between the demands for social equality and for cultural rights of the indigenous people, that is present in the contemporaneous zapatism. We find the construction of an autonomous education, as part of the development of the an organization of the rebel territory of the Chiapas, that looks for your own way to translate this tension between equality and difference and which objectives are the collective construction of a school that is compromised in the change of the lifes conditions of the society that is part.
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Alkmin, Fabio Marcio. "Por uma geografia da autonomia: a experiência de autonomia teritorial zapatista em Chiapas, México." Universidade de São Paulo, 2015. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8136/tde-09062015-120421/.
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Observa-se nas últimas três décadas a emergência política de diversas organizações indígenas nos países latino-americanos. Um divisor de águas desse fenômeno foi o levante armado do Exército Zapatista de Libertação Nacional (EZLN), em 1994, no estado de Chiapas (México). Entre as demandas já tradicionais dos povos indígenas, como a questão da permanência à terra, o movimento zapatista incluiu em sua pauta política a reivindicação por autonomia, entendida, nesse contexto, como um distinto regime jurídico-territorial que permita aos povos indígenas mexicanos o exercício concreto da autodeterminação. Após o fracasso na aprovação de uma lei que definisse os marcos legais desse regime, os zapatistas decidem consolidar unilateralmente a autonomia que já vinham desenvolvendo em suas comunidades, desde o final de 1994. A partir dessa autonomia em resistência suprimiram qualquer tipo de relação com o Estado. As mudanças dessas relações de poder se projetaram no espaço, onde, a partir da conformação de comunidades, municípios e zonas autônomas, criaram-se governos paralelos zapatistas, operantes até a presente data. O objetivo da pesquisa foi o de analisar a organização espacial destes territórios autônomos e as relações sócio-espaciais ali travadas, especialmente no que se refere à posse da terra e a divisão social do trabalho e da produção, tentando esquadrinhar, na medida do possível, os limites e potencialidades que o modelo autonômico oferece a outros grupos indígenas. Nosso embasamento teórico e histórico partiu da revisão bibliográfica já produzida a respeito predominantemente mexicana- além de um trabalho de campo nos territórios zapatistas. Metodologicamente buscamos compreender a gênese dos processos e das contradições sociais que fomentaram o surgimento do EZLN com base na ideia de formação territorial e a partir dos pressupostos da Geografia Histórica, ainda que nossa argumentação também tenha dialogado fortemente com a Geografia Agrária e Política. Soma-se a este esforço a tentativa de compreensão dos recursos ideológicos utilizados para o submetimento destas populações ao longo do processo de formação do Estado. A pesquisa apontou aspectos inovadores na estratégia política zapatista, entre elas a própria ideia de autonomia, que há possibilitado o empoderamento das comunidades indígenas frente aos modernos processos de despossessão territorial, entre outros fatores. Em contrapartida, na atual conjuntura política de Chiapas, os territórios autônomos demonstramse com limitações estruturais de ordem econômica, o que, somado a uma nova ofensiva de forças chiapanecas refratárias ao projeto zapatista, vem dificultando, a nosso ver, o desenvolvimento das instituições autônomas e de novos projetos produtivos.In the last three decades, there was a political emergence of many indigenous organizations around Latin-American countries. This phenomenons watershed moment was the armed uprising of the Zapatista National Liberation Army (EZLN), in Chiapas (Mexico), 1994. Between the already traditional demands posed by indigenous people, as a separate legalterritorial arrangement that would allow Mexican indigenous people the concrete exercise of self-determination. After fail to approve a law that could define this regimes legal frameworks, the Zapatistas decided to consolidate unilaterally the autonomy that has been developed in their communities, since the end of 1994. From the so-called autonomy of resistance, they broke any sort of relation with the State. The changes of this power relationship are projected on a territory where, from the formation of communities, municipalities and autonomous regions, parallel governments had been set and still operating to that date. The objective of this research was to analyze the spatial organization of these autonomous territories and the socio-spatial relations there developed, especially with regard to land tenure and the division of labor and production, trying to scrutinize, to the possible extent, the limits and potentials that the autonomic model offers other indigenous groups. Our theoretical and historical knowledge was based upon a review of already established literature - predominantly Mexican authors - associated to fieldwork in Zapatista territories. Methodologically, we seek to understand the genesis of the processes and social contradictions that fostered the emergence of the EZLN by relying upon the idea of territorial formation and the assumptions of historical geography, although our argument also strongly dialogs with those of agrarian and political geography. In addition to that lies the effort to understand the ideological resources used for the subjugation of these peoples in the process of state formation. The research pointed to innovative aspects in Zapatista political strategy, including the very idea of autonomy, which enabled the empowerment of indigenous communities facing modern processes of territorial dispossession, among other factors. Simultaneously, there have been observed economic structural limitations in the current political situation in Chiapas, which associated to a new offensive of \"chiapaneca paramilitary forces to the Zapatista project is a hurdle to the development of autonomous institutions and new production projects according to my point of view.
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Bejar, Ofelia Morales. "Zapatistas: The shifting rhetoric of a modern revolution." CSUSB ScholarWorks, 2004. https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/etd-project/2610.
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This thesis studies the rhetoric of the Zapatista Revolution and social movement through the analysis of Zapatista messages using the method of cluster criticism. It explores changes in the rhetoric of confrontation and the rhetoric of peace used by the Zapatistas to further their cause during the last ten years of the revolution.
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Elfsberg, Erika, and Elisabeth Gustavsson. "Ordets blomma kommer inte att dö : att förändra världar genom globala nätverk." Thesis, Linköping University, Department of Thematic Studies, 2004. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-2538.
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Social movements have long been valuable components of the struggle for a world with true justice. Along with the changing and modernization of society these movements also change, both in their actions as well as in the goals they want to accomplish. Technology is taking a greater part in many aspects of social life, creating new dimensions but also new social divides. This thesis examines how new social movements make themselves visible and affect the world around them through different kinds of networks. For the purpose of this study, we have chosen to study two social movements; the Zapatistas in Mexico, who have become known worldwide for carrying out the first informational revolution, and MoveOn.org, an American grassroots organization that struggles for increased democracy in the US. This thesis describes an empirical analysis of these two social movements, which are studied against a backdrop of the information age and globalisation. The study aims to highlight the effect these movements’ use of network technology has on their ability to reach their goals as well as how technology can be used to further democracy and justice in a global world.
Sociala rörelser har länge varit betydelsefulla komponenter i kampen för en rättvisare värld. I takt med att samhället förändras och moderniseras förändras också dessa rörelser, både i sina sätt att agera och i de syften de vill uppnå. Tekniken tar en allt större plats i många sociala aspekter och skapar nya sociala dimensioner men även nya sociala klyftor. De nya sociala rörelserna arbetar för ett erkännande av sina identiteter och kulturer. Denna uppsats undersöker hur nya sociala rörelser gör sig synliga och påverkar sin omvärld genom olika former av nätverk. För studiens syfte har vi valt att studera två sociala rörelser; zapatisterna i Mexico, som har gjort sig kända över världen för den första informationsrevolutionen, och MoveOn.org, en amerikansk gräsrotsrörelse som kämpar för ett mer demokratiskt USA. I uppsatsen redovisas en empirisk undersökning av dessa två sociala rörelser; vilka studeras mot bakgrund av informationsåldern och globaliseringen. Uppsatsen vill visa på vad dessa rörelsers användning av nätverksteknik har för betydelse för deras möjligheter att nå sina mål och hur teknik kan användas för att främja demokrati och rättvisa i en global värld.
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Netto, Sebastiao Leal Ferreira Vargas. "A mística da resistência: culturas, histórias e imaginários rebeldes nos movimentos sociais latino-americanos." Universidade de São Paulo, 2007. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8138/tde-12022008-112052/.
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Esta tese analisa aspectos da cultura política de dois movimentos populares latinoamericanos: o Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem Terra (MST) e a guerrilha mexicana do Exército Zapatista de Libertação Nacional (EZLN). Conseqüente com o desafio intelectual de construir um conhecimento crítico e de situar a relação histórica entre luta e consciência social, decifrando no emaranhado de vontades da cena histórica as possibilidades e a eficácia da utopia camponesa e indígena gestada na adversidade de séculos de dominações e \"resistências transformadoras\", este estudo pretende verificar, pela análise das complexas tradições históricas e ideológicas desses movimentos, qual a relação da radicalidade da luta com fatores culturais diversos. Utilizando diversos suportes documentais e a observação da vida cotidiana, tento reconstituir e refletir sobre o processo de criação de uma \"nova cultura política\" que contribui para a emergência de projetos e atitudes políticas que \"organizam a esperança e a rebeldia\" articulando e mesclando modernidade e tradição. A partir de uma abordagem do imaginário político-ideológico (mas também utópico-poético) analiso e comparo os discursos e memórias, os princípios, a religiosidade, a ritualística e a \"mística\" presente nesses movimentos a fim de rastrear \"afinidades\", convergências e divergências na cultura política que emerge do campo latinoamericano. Sugiro que um estudo em perspectiva temporal de larga duração possa ajudar na compreensão destes movimentos rebeldes que têm na utilização da memória histórica e dos seus símbolos \"ativadores\" de subjetividades que impulsionam suas práticas.This theses analyses aspects of the political culture of two Latin American popular movements: the Brazil´s Landless Workers Movement (MST) and the Mexican guerrilla of the Zapatista Army of National Liberation (EZLN). Besides it presents two objectives I´d like to discuss in particular. The first one is the intellectual challenge to build up a critical knowledge and to point out the historical relationship between fight and social conscience. The second one is how to decipher, in the confusion of wills of the historical scene, the possibilities and the efficiency of the peasant and indian utopia to overcome the many adversities got in centuries of domination and transforming resistances. Therefore this study intends to show through the analysis of the complex historical traditions and the ideology of these movements what is the relationship between the radicalism of the fight and diverse cultural factors. Using not only varied documentary supports but also the observation of the daily life, I reconstitute and reflect on the process of creation of a new political culture that contributes for the emergency of projects and political attitudes that organize the hope and the revolt as well the way they articulate and mix modernity with tradition. From a point of view that deals with not only what people think about ideological principles but also utopian and poetic ones, I analyze and compare the speeches and the memories; the religiosity, the rituals and the mysticism present in these movements in order to detect affinities, convergences and divergences in the political culture that emerge from the Latin American countryside. In my conclusion I hope that a secular perspective study of wide duration may enrich the understanding of these rebellious movements that make of its historical memory and of its symbols a propeller of subjectivity that stimulates its existence.
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SILVESTRE, Hugo de Andrade. "A disputa pela esfera pública em sociedades periféricas: o estado mexicano e o zapatismo." Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2009. http://repositorio.bc.ufg.br/tede/handle/tde/1616.
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Previous issue date: 2009-08-28This dissertation has the purpose to analyze the disputes in the public sphere of peripheral societies from the western modernity of the end of twentieth century, in which the state loses its exclusivity as the center of the political process. The conflicts between the State of Mexico and the zapatistas will be used to reflect about the process of dialogue, due to the formation of political consensus among agents inserted into a hybrid culturally society. It was noted a growing interference of the public opinion and international organizations upon the actions of the State, which had centralized and a non-democratic behavior. Thus, it was used an apparatus based on the theoretical concepts of public sphere and decentred societies (Habermas, 1984), combined to the idea of movement in network from Shecher-Warren (SCHERER-WARREN, 2006). The notions of cultural hybridization and of the border zone (Canclini, 2003) has an essential collaboration to make the approaching, as facilitating the understanding of the political and cultural processes of regions which have the transition to democracy and the presence of diverse belongings as a essential characteristic. This is the case of Latin America and, consequently, of Mexico. It was applied the analysis of discourse on the Zapatista movement documents and the Mexican government, as well such as published texts containing contents about the topic analyzed.
Essa dissertação dedica-se a analisar as disputas na esfera pública de sociedades periféricas da modernidade ocidental do final do século XX, em que o Estado perde a exclusividade como centro do processo político. Os conflitos entre o Estado do México e os zapatistas serão utilizados para reflexão sobre o processo de elaboração de diálogos, em função da formação de consensos políticos, entre agentes inseridos em uma sociedade culturalmente híbrida. Notou-se a crescente interferência da opinião pública e de organizações internacionais sobre as ações do Estado, centralizador e de comportamento antidemocrático. Para tanto, empregouse aparato teórico fundamentado nos conceitos de esfera pública e sociedades descentradas (HABERMAS, 1984), conjugado à idéia de movimentos em rede de Shecher-Warren (SCHERER-WARREN, 2006). As noções de hibridização cultural e zona de fronteira (CANCLINI, 2003) colaboram de maneira essencial para compor a abordagem utilizada, pois facilitam a compreensão dos processos políticos e culturais de regiões em que a transição para a democracia e a presença de pertencimentos diversificados tornam-se características marcantes, caso da América Latina e, conseqüentemente, do México. Foi aplicada a análise do discurso sobre documentos do movimento zapatista e do governo mexicano, como também de textos publicados em conjunto.
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Collombon, Maya. "Les bâtisseurs de Mésoamérique : le plan Puebla Panama, une politique de développement transnationale au défi de ses opposants : Mexique - Nicaragua (2000-2010)." Thesis, Aix-Marseille, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012AIXM1116.
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En mai 2001, un mouvement social transnational connecte des acteurs indigènes du sud mexicain et d'Amérique centrale qui s'opposent à une politique publique de développement le Plan Puebla Panama (PPP). L'étude de la promotion et de la contestataion du PPP au Mexique et au Nicaragua vise à interroger le concept de transnationalisation appliqué à l'action publique comme à la protestation collective. La thèse montre que les acteurs indigènes mis sur le devant de la scène par les acteurs contestataires, puis par les acteurs publics en réponse aux mobilisations, ne sont pas les acteurs centraux de la transnationalisation. La sociogenèse de la contestation au PPP permet de saisir les configurations localisées où d'anciennes allégeances continuent de primer sur l'allongement des réseaux à l'international. Ce sont des enjeux agraires, des liens notabilaires et religieux, ou encore le legs zapatiste, qui forgent la matrice du mouvement. Le Chiapas constitue à ce titre un condensé d'une topographie rurale et indigène des luttes dont les connexions à l'international ne sont finalement que secondaires pour une majorité d'acteurs. De même, la transnationalisation de la politique publique ne dépend pas simplement du poids des institutions financières internationales fortement impliquées dans le développement régional mais surtout de reconfigurations élitaires mexicaines qui s'assurent domination sur leurs partenaires centraméricains et maintien de leurs positions politiques, au lendemain de l'alternance de 2000. Ces configurations réticulaires différenciées entre promoteurs et opposants aux politiques de développement n'opèrent pas de connexions explicitesIn May 2001, a transnational social movement connects indigenous actors from southern Mexico and Central America in conflict against a development public policy, the Plan Puebla Panama (PPP). The study of both promotion and contestation to the PPP in Mexico and Nicaragua aims to examine the concept of transnational applied to public policy as to collective protest. The thesis shows that indigenous actors put on the front stage by contentious actors, and by public sector in response to the protests, are not the central actors of transnationalization. The sociogenesis of contention captures localized configurations where old loyalties continue to outweigh the international networks. Agrarian, religious issues, or the Zapatista legacy form the matrix that shape the movement. Chiapas thus constitutes a condensed topography of rural and indigenous struggles where international connections are secondary to a majority of actors. Similarly, the transnationalization of public policy is not simply due to the regional involvement of international financial institutions but also to Mexican elites reconfiguration that ensure their domination on Central American partners and their political positions after the 2000 election's. These reticular and differentiated configurations between promotors and opponents of the development public policy do not operate explicit connections, but they share a set of discursive signifiers that, despite the differentiation of meanings, gradually builds a common reference space: Mesoamerica
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修子, 柴田, and Nobuko Shibata. "メキシコにおけるサパティスタ民族解放軍の研究 : フレーミング論からの分析." Thesis, https://doors.doshisha.ac.jp/opac/opac_link/bibid/BB13115618/?lang=0, 2019. https://doors.doshisha.ac.jp/opac/opac_link/bibid/BB13115618/?lang=0.
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本論文は、メキシコのチアパス州で1994年に蜂起したサパティスタ民族解放軍が25年にわたって運動を継続させてきた要因について、社会運動論の観点から考察したものである。運動の流れを理解するために、まず運動前史、蜂起後の経緯、2003年に行われた運動方針の転換を網羅的に記述している。その後運動が国内外で支持を得た要因をフレーミング論から論じ、サパティスタ運動が継続し得たのは運動体内部と外部の二重フレーミングがあったためであると指摘した。The zapatista army of national liberation, which is a group of indigenous people in Chiapas and declared a war against the federal government of Mexico in 1994, is known as the guerrilla using words, not arms. In this article I analyzed why they have suceeded in keeping struggle more than 25 years. First I have descibed the history of Chiapas, how this movement was born and developed. And I analysed why people in the world got to support them using flaming analysis. As conclusion, I pointed out the double flaming of the zapatista movement.
博士(グローバル社会研究)
Doctor of Philosophy in Global Society Studies
同志社大学
Doshisha University
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Rojas, Pedemonte Juan Nicolás. "Movilización y Desmovilización. Zapatismo y Sindicalismo en el México de Salinas de Gortari." Doctoral thesis, Universitat de Barcelona, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/127150.
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Esta investigación compara el paradigmático proceso de movilización zapatista (EZLN), con la desmovilización del movimiento sindical durante el gobierno de Carlos Salinas Gortari (1988-1994). El contrastante curso de la movilización del campo chiapaneco y del sindicalismo mexicano se estudió a la luz de la agenda de investigación propuesta en la última década por McAdam, Tarrow y Tilly en “Dinámica de la Contienda Política” (2005). Esta tesis pone a prueba esta agenda de investigación, logrando explicar política y dinámicamente los dispares procesos desarrollados por estos emblemáticos movimientos mexicanos durante un mismo período de gobierno.
Mientras la tesis indaga extensamente en la política y en la economía mexicana desde 1930, la movilización zapatista se estudia especialmente desde sus orígenes en Chiapas en 1974. Por su parte, el estudio de la desmovilización sindical se realiza desde el inicio de los ciclos de huelga en los setenta, con especial atención en sus históricos ciclos de 1982 y 1987. De tal manera, las movilizaciones durante el gobierno de Salinas de Gortari se estudian en conexión con la trayectoria y los ciclos precedentes, en un período de dos décadas. Por un lado, se indaga en cómo desde la organización pacífica del campesinado indígena en los setenta, se alcanzó durante el gobierno de Salinas el mayor ciclo de contienda en el campo chiapaneco. Y por otro, comparativamente se examina cómo el sindicalismo transitó desde sus históricas movilizaciones durante los ochenta hacia una profunda desmovilización durante el gobierno salinista. En concreto, mediante un análisis histórico-comparativo, provisto de información cualitativa y cuantitativa, se identifican respuestas, principalmente, políticas y relacionales para el curso de la movilización zapatista y la desmovilización sindical. Conjuntamente esta investigación, evalúa las potencialidades y limitaciones explicativas de la agenda de investigación de la “Dinámica de la Contienda Política”, reconociendo su pertinencia para continuar aplicándola y reformulándola frente a nuevos casos en América Latina y el mundo.This study compares the paradigmatic mobilization process of the Zapatista movement (EZLN), with the demobilization of the labour movement during the government of Carlos Salinas Gortari (1988-1994). The contrasting course of the mobilization of rural Chiapas and demobilization of the Mexican unionism was studied in the light of the research agenda put forward in the last decade by McAdam, Tarrow and Tilly in the book “Dynamics of Contention” (2005). By testing this research agenda, this thesis explains both politically and dynamically the disparate processes developed by these iconic Mexican movements during the same period of government. The thesis uses the backdrop of both Mexican politics and economy since 1930 in order to account for the trajectory of both movements. Particular emphasis is put on the Zapatista movement since its origins in Chiapas in 1974 and on the Mexican union demobilization from the seventies up to its historical cycles of contention between 1982 and 1987. Thus, mobilizations under the President Salinas de Gortari are studied in connection with the trajectory and the preceding cycles, over a period of two decades. On the one hand, this study examines how the peaceful organization of indigenous peasants in the seventies turned into the greatest cycle of contention in rural Chiapas during the Salinas administration. On the other hand, this research looks at how unionism transited from their historic mobilizations during the eighties into a deep demobilization during the Salinas’ government. Specifically, through a comparative historical analysis, supported by qualitative and quantitative data, this study identifies the political and relational responses of the course of the Zapatista mobilization and union demobilization. Overall, this research assesses the potential and limitations of the explanatory research agenda of the “Dynamics of Contention”, and recognizes the importance of continuing applying it and reformulating it to new cases in Latin America and the rest of the world.
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Göranson, Viktor. "Expanding Autonomy : A qualitative case study on the EZLN and the expansion of autonomous communities in 2019." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-409829.
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In August 2019 the indigenous social movement Ejército Zapatista de Liberación Nacional (EZLN), decided to deepen their autonomy project and thereby to intensify their conflict with the Mexican state. The group that emerged in 1994 has for almost three decades been in conflict with the Mexican government. In the last decade, the conflict has been on hold until the group announced their expansion with 11 new autonomous zones in the south of the county. This thesis puts that decision in a political opportunity structure framework; what aspects of the framework can explain the unexpected decision by the movement? A qualitative text analysis of EZLN communique's finds that the movement took advantages of several political opportunities. Most significantly, the construction of the Mayan Train constituted reasons for adopting a confrontational strategy towards the government. Changes in the level of repression towards the movement have facilitated the confrontative decision made by the movement. When controlling for two alternative explanation theories, this study establishes the political opportunity structure as having a stronger explanation factor. This thesis aims to contribute to the literature on political opportunity framework and to revitalize the interest in the EZLN.
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Buescher, Amanda Rose. "The Rise of Regionalism: The Challenge of Promoting Economic and Social Integration." Thesis, Boston College, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/525.
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Thesis advisor: David DeeseIn recent years, the rise in the formation of regional organizations such as the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) and the Mercado Común Del Sur (Mercosur) has drawn an increasing amount of attention from political scientists and economists. However, countries preparing for entry into regional organizations have the challenging task of promoting both economic and social integration. When preparing for accession into regional organizations, Mexico and Argentina implemented multiple changes in their economic and political practices. As a result of these changes, citizens who perceived themselves to be excluded from the benefits of regional integration formed social movements such as the Zapatista Army for National Liberation and El Movimiento de las Mujeres en Lucha to voice their opposition. This thesis explores the policy changes made as Mexico and Argentina prepared for accession into regional organizations, the social movements formed in opposition to these changes, and the responses formulated by Mexico's and Argentina's leaders in reaction to these movements. I conclude that countries preparing for entry into regional organizations must implement policies which address the political concerns of these groups, rather than simply their economic concerns. Failure to do so will lead to deep social divisions which will hinder the formation and development of regional organizations
Thesis (BA) — Boston College, 2008
Submitted to: Boston College. College of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: Political Science
Discipline: Political Science Honors Program
Discipline: College Honors Program
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Pecorelli, Valeria. "Practising constructive resistance through autonomy and solidarity : the case of Ya Basta and solidarity trade in Milan." Thesis, Loughborough University, 2012. https://dspace.lboro.ac.uk/2134/10400.
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The thesis explores how European social movements have actively contested that there is no alternative to capitalism by constructing alternative trading practices in solidarity with marginalized peoples in the global South. The study adopts the example of the European Zapatista solidarity network (Redprozapa) to examine the nature of organizations involved in radical political practices. One organization Ya Basta-Milano is focused on to examine in detail the operation of, and challenges faced by, an autonomous political group that engages in solidarity trade. Solidarity and autonomy are the key conceptual themes, which the investigation revolves around. The research dwells upon the potential importance as well as the limitations of solidarity trade as an emerging form of constructive resistance. It concentrates upon the subject of autonomous spaces that embodies the physical and political context in which autonomous social movements promote their practices. It questions the contradictions met in this environment despite the romanticized idea promoted by some academic literature. Finally, it provides methodological insights about solidarity action research and personal implications of working with radical groups as an activist academic.
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Pinnick, Aaron Corbett. "Variations in diagnostic and prognostic framing in the EZLN movement." 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1969.1/ETD-TAMU-2602.
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The Zapatista movement of southern Mexico has received little analytical
attention focused on the myriad of writings issued by the movement. To help fill this
gap, this study uses David Snow and Robert Benford’s concept of framing as a
theoretical basis, and performs a systematic and discursive analysis of the communiqués
issued by the Zapatista movement in order to understand how the movement framed itself
over its thirteen-year existence. Communiqués were coded by noting evocations of the
diagnostic frames of corrupt government, violent government, and neoliberal government
and in terms of prognostic framing, general democracy, small-scale democracy, and
revolutionary frames.
This research concludes that the prognostic frame of general democracy was very
high in the initial years of the movement, and shifted towards the small-scale democracy
frame after the election of Vicente Fox in 2000. The diagnostic frames dealt with in this
research showed a slight downward trend as Mexico democratized, but there is
significant inter-year variation in the prevalence diagnostic frames that seems to be
related to specific acts of government repression, or other government actions. This
research also concludes that a portion of the EZLN’s success and long existence can be attributed to the movement’s ability to modify its diagnostic and prognostic frames to
match the changing political and societal context that the movement existed in.
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Liu, Hsiao-Ju, and 劉曉儒. "Internet and Social Movement: the rebellion of Zapatista Army of National Liberation in Mexico." Thesis, 2010. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/30612949434194063932.
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碩士淡江大學
拉丁美洲研究所碩士班
98
In the Information Age, the invention of computer and the use of the Internet have improved the rapid circulation of information in the virtual world. The individual can easily communicate and change information with others, even learning new knowledge. Otherwise, the social movement begins to use the Internet to coordinate and mobilize. The Zapatista Army of National Liberation in Mexico is the first social movement of using the Internet, and is called “the first information guerrilla war.” The reason of the rebellion of Zapatista Army of National Liberation in Mexico is anti-new economic liberalism and globalization, however, in the process of rebellion uses the Internet, which eradicates the boundary of Nations, to connect the global civil society and to affect the Mexico authority, causing the “Zapatista Effect.” In order to understand the way and the effect of using the Internet of social movement, this study uses the rebellion of Zapatista Army of National Liberation as background, discusses the differences between the Internet and the traditional media and explores the effect of the Internet in this social movement to conclude the impact and the limitation in using the Internet of social movement.
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Ermatinger-Salas, Ian. "Forming Democracy in the Face of Authoritarianism: A Case Study Examination of How Politically Disenfranchised Ethnic Minority Groups Achieve Democratic Self-Governance." Thesis, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/1805/10908.
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Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI)Using a case study approach, this thesis explores how ethnic minority groups living under authoritarian rule can utilize social bonds, create social capital, and eventually achieve democratic self-governance. Social movement literature is also utilized to examine how one of the case studies, the Zapatista movement in Chiapas, Mexico should be examined as a social movement rather than a military insurgency. This thesis also examines the Kurds of Northern Iraq and then puts forward the Kurds of Northern Syria as a future case study. This thesis takes a historical analysis approach throughout as well as utilizing philanthropic studies literature.
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Kuřík, Bohuslav. "Aktivisté na cestách za zapatisty." Master's thesis, 2010. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-296531.
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Thesis "Activists on the Road to Zapatista Territory" gives a resonance of actual results of my research among activists in Chiapas and Germany with contemporary theories. Based in theories of globalization and social movement and in dialogue with fieldwork data, it elaborates proper analytical concepts. These concepts enable to study journeys of activists to the Zapatista territory in Mexican state of Chiapas. Thesis aims to follow concepts of neo- zapatistas networks, which emerged around indigenous Zapatists and spread all over the World. Middle-Class activists from Germany enter these networks while travelling to Chiapas. Thesis scrutinize the nature of six months' journeys of activists and especially focus on transformation of so-called Imaginative knowledge of the World to Experienced knowledge of the World in the context of exoticism, poverty and Zapatista resistence.
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Šmausová, Veronika. "Komunikační strategie zapatistického hnutí v Chiapasu." Master's thesis, 2015. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-348651.
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(in English): In this thesis I present the Zapatista movement and its media strategy. Further I describe its visual communication by means of a case study. After evaluating the significance of media strategies of the zapatista movement, I will prove that Zapatistas' media communication played a crucial role in the transformation of Mexican society in the late 90s and directly influenced the process of transition to democracy in Mexico. In the introduction I will explain how news photographs can be a source of exploration of the Zapatistas and I will introduce the basic hypotheses of my research. In the historical part of my introduction I will put the movement in the context with the political, social and historical development of Mexico and the state of Chiapas, where the uprising broke out in 1994 and I will explain the causes of the rebellion and introduce its goals. Before I describe the aspects of Zapatistas' communication, I will focus on the Mexican media environment so that I can link it with the media outlets of the Zapatista movement. I will describe in general terms media strategies and myths created by the movement. In the case study I will examine photographs of EZLN published in the magazine Proceso in the years 1994 and 2001, I will compare the Zapatistas' visual communication with...
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Mora, Mariana. "Decolonizing politics : Zapatista indigenous autonomy in an era of neoliberal governance and low intensity warfare." 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/18194.
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Grounded in the geographies of Chiapas, Mexico, the dissertation maps a cartography of Zapatista indigenous resistance practices and charts the production of decolonial political subjectivities in an era of neoliberal governance and low intensity conflict. It analyzes the relationship between local cultural political expressions of indigenous autonomy, global capitalist interests and neoliberal rationalities of government after more than decade of Zapatista struggle. Since 1996, Zapatista indigenous Mayan communities have engaged in the creation of alternative education, health, agricultural production, justice, and governing bodies as part of the daily practices of autonomy. The dissertation demonstrates that the practices of Zapatista indigenous autonomy reflect current shifts in neoliberal state governing logics, yet it is in this very terrain where key ruptures and destabilizing practices emerge. The dissertation focuses on the recolonization aspects of neoliberal rationalities of government in their particular Latin American post Cold War, post populist manifestations. I argue that in Mexico's indigenous regions, the shift towards the privatization of state social services, the decentralization of state governing techniques and the transformation of state social programs towards an emphasis on greater self-management occurs in a complex relationship to mechanisms of low intensity conflict. Their multiple articulations effect the reproduction of social and biological life in sites, which are themselves terrains of bio-political contention: racialized women's bodies and feminized domestic reproductive and care taking roles; the relationship between governing bodies and that governed; land reform as linked to governability and democracy; and the production of the indigenous subject in a multicultural era. In each of these arenas, the dissertation charts a decolonial cartography drawn by the following cultural political practices: the construction of genealogies of social memories of struggle, a governing relationship established through mandar obedeciendo, land redistribution through zapatista agrarian reform, pedagogical collective selfreflection in women’s collective work, and the formation of political identities of transformation. Finally, the dissertation discusses the possibilities and challenges for engaging in feminist decolonizing dialogic research, specifically by analyzing how Zapatista members critiqued the politics of fieldwork and adopted the genres of the testimony and the popular education inspired workshop as potential decolonizing methodologies.text
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Vergara-Camus, Leandro. "Neoliberal globalization, peasant movements, alternative development, and the state in Brazil and Mexico /." 2007. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:NR39058.
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Thesis (Ph.D.)--York University, 2007. Graduate Programme in Political Science.Typescript. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 374-397). Also available on the Internet. MODE OF ACCESS via web browser by entering the following URL: http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:NR39058
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Gonzalez, Pablo active 21st century 1976. "Autonomy road : the cultural politics of Chicana/o autonomous organizing in Los Angeles, California." Thesis, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/25882.
Full textAbstract:
Since 1994, Chicana/o artists, musicians, and activists have been in dialogue with the Zapatista indigenous movement of Chiapas, Mexico. Such a transnational bridge has resonated in a new and unique form of Chicana/o cultural politics centered on the Zapatista concept of “autonomy” and “autonomous organizing.” In Los Angeles, California, this brand of “Chicana/o urban Zapatismo,” as I refer to it in the dissertation, is symbolic of recent political and cultural organizing efforts by Chicanos to combat housing gentrification, economic restructuring, racial and ethnic cleansing, environmental pollution in low-income areas, and mass anti-immigrant hysteria. This dissertation contends that Chicana/o urban Zapatismo is a result of various local, statewide, national, and international social justice movements that embrace the global trend in urban and rural areas towards constructing locally rooted participatory and democratic methods of organizing that are “horizontal” and that mobilize against such far-reaching social forces as racism and global capitalism. Using ethnographic data and interviews collected between 2005 to 2007, this dissertation maps the emergence of Chicana/o urban Zapatismo by tracing its historical origins to the changing social, political, and economic conditions of ethnic Mexican communities in Los Angeles, California; capturing the everyday internal and external tensions between one primarily working class Chicano autonomous collective, the Eastside Café ECHOSPACE in El Sereno, California; offering the case study of the South Central Farm, a 14-acre Mexican and Latino immigrant community garden; and charting the trans-border organizing of Chicana/o urban Zapatistas surrounding the most recent Zapatista-initiated project, “the Mexican Other Campaign”. These four distinct case studies converge in Los Angeles in the creation of a unique political process referred to as “urban Zapatismo”. This ethnographic study suggests that by uncovering the everyday relationships and tensions between Chicana/o urban Zapatistas in Los Angeles and the communities they live in, researchers looking at the production of different forms of racisms and structural inequalities in urban areas may derive a greater understanding of social (re)organization and mobilization by a growing, diverse, and historically marginalized group like Chicanos in the United States.text