Academic literature on the topic 'Zanu-PF African National Union-Patriotic Front'
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Journal articles on the topic "Zanu-PF African National Union-Patriotic Front"
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Verheul, Susanne. "From ‘Defending Sovereignty’ to ‘Fighting Corruption’: The Political Place of Law in Zimbabwe After November 2017." Journal of Asian and African Studies 56, no. 2 (March 2021): 189–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021909620986587.
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In this article, I examine the shifting language of debates over law and justice in Zimbabwe in the run-up to, and following, the November 2017 coup. I argue that the rhetoric Zimbabwe African National Union–Patriotic Front (ZANU–PF) drew upon to secure its authority and negotiate legitimacy through law, shifted from a focus of ‘sovereignty’ and ‘protection’, to one of battling ‘corruption’ and ‘criminality’. At the same time, there remained a consistency in the manner that the legal system was used to target a select part of the country’s population, those opposed to ZANU–PF and its vision for the future.
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Southall, Roger. "Flight and fortitude: the decline of the middle class in Zimbabwe." Africa 90, no. 3 (May 2020): 529–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0001972020000078.
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AbstractThis article focuses on the impact of the policies of the ruling Zimbabwe African National Union – Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF) government on Zimbabwe's black middle class. It does so by exploring three propositions emerging from the academic literature. The first is that during the early years of independence, the middle class transformed into a party-aligned bourgeoisie. The second is that, to the extent that the middle class has not left the country as a result of the economic plunge from the 1990s, it played a formative role in opposition to ZANU-PF and the political elite. The third is that, in the face of ZANU-PF's authoritarianism and economic hardship, the middle class has largely withdrawn from the political arena.
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Ndlovu-Gatsheni, Sabelo J. "Rethinking Chimurenga and Gukurahundi in Zimbabwe: A Critique of Partisan National History." African Studies Review 55, no. 3 (December 2012): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0002020600007186.
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Abstract:This article examines how the Zimbabwe African National Union-Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF) sought to inscribe a nationalist monologic history in Zimbabwe in order prop up its claim to be the progenitor and guardian of the postcolonial nation. Since its formation in 1963, it has worked tirelessly to claim to be the only authentic force with a sacred historic mission to deliver the colonized people from settler colonial rule. To achieve this objective, ZANU-PF has deployed the ideology of chimurenga in combination with the strategy of gukurahundi as well as a politics of memorialization to install a particular nationalist historical monologue of the nation. After attaining power in 1980, it proceeded to claim ownership of the birth of the nation. While the ideology of chimurenga situates the birth of the nation within a series of nationalist revolutions dating back to the primary resistance of the 1890s, the strategy of gukurahundi entails violent and physical elimination of enemies and opponents. But this hegemonic drive has always encountered an array of problems, including lack of internal unity in ZANU-PF itself, counternarratives deriving from political formations like the Zimbabwe African People's Union (ZAPU); labor movements; and critical voices from the Matebeleland region, which fell victim to gukurahundi strategy in the 1980s. With the formation of the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) in 1999, which soon deployed democracy and human rights discourse to critique the ideology of chimurenga and the strategy of gukurahundi, ZANU-PF hegemony became extremely shaky and it eventually agreed to share power with the MDC in February 2009.
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Vengeyi, Obvious. "Mapositori Churches and Politics in Zimbabwe: Political Dramas to Win the Support of Mapositori Churches." Exchange 40, no. 4 (2011): 351–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157254311x600753.
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AbstractThis article confirms the validity of the well known observation by scholars regarding the intrinsic interconnectedness of religion and politics in Africa. This truism is affirmed by demonstrating how Zimbabwe’s main political parties, Zimbabwe African National Union Patriotic Front (zanu-pf) and Movement for Democratic Change (mdc), contrary to their public statements appeal to religious leaders and groups for political survival. Special focus is on ‘white garment churches’ otherwise commonly known as Mapositori the biggest brand of African Initiated Churches. As such, mainline churches and traditional chiefs are considered in passing especially in order to understand the present state of affairs where Mapositori rule the roost in political matters of Zimbabwe.
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Sylvester, Christine. "Whither Opposition in Zimbabwe?" Journal of Modern African Studies 33, no. 3 (September 1995): 403–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00021182.
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On 8 and 9 April 1995, Zimbabweans turned out for an election that mostly was not. As many as 55 of the 120 parliamentary seats open for contestation had already been decided for the Zimbabwe African National Union (Patriotic Front), because the six opposition parties of the moment did not put up candidates for them. ZANU PF could also count on another 30 parliamentarians: 12 non-constituency members, to be appointed by the President of Zimbabwe, as well as the eight provincial governors; and ten chiefs elected by local chiefs, all beholden to the ruling party for carrying forward traditional powers to the post- independence era. In other words, ZANU PF was sure of obtaining 85 of the 150 seats in the House of Assembly before a single ballot was cast in the 1995 elections.
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Mutekwe, Paddington, and Kudzaiishe Peter Vanyoro. "Politicising ‘Covid-19’: An analysis of selected ZANU-PF officials’ 2020-2021 media statements on the pandemic in Zimbabwe." Acta Academica 53, no. 2 (December 13, 2021): 12–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.18820/24150479/aa53i2/2.
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This paper examines the politicisation of Covid-19 in Zimbabwe through discourse analysis of selected media statements released by Zimbabwe African National Union-Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF) officials on the Covid-19 pandemic between March 2020 and February 2021. Theoretically, the paper employs Foucault’s theory of biopower to interpret the state-citizen power relations that surfaced in the Zimbabwean government’s response to the Covid-19 pandemic. It argues that the ZANU-PF-led government used Covid-19 as an excuse to pursue its political interests. This is politics that protected ZANU-PF’s social, political and economic interests by using Covid-19 as an excuse to pulverise various forms of opposition. The argument advanced herein is that while the implementation of the lockdown in Zimbabwe was necessary to save lives, one of its consequences was the protection of self-interests through selective application of lockdown regulations and the passing of laws to silence critics. This resulted in the prohibition of political gatherings, arbitrary arrests, labelling and name-calling of the opposition and the West by ZANU-PF officials who were safeguarding their party’s waning support resulting from their mismanagement of the pandemic.
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Smith, Evan. "'A last stubborn outpost of a past epoch': The Communist Party of Great Britain, national liberation in Zimbabwe and anti-imperialist solidarity." Twentieth Century Communism 18, no. 18 (March 30, 2020): 64–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.3898/175864320829334825.
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The Communist Party of Great Britain (CPGB) had been involved in anti-colonial and anti-imperialist campaigns since the 1920s and in the late 1950s, its members were instrumental in the founding of the Anti-Apartheid Movement (AAM). In the 1960s and 1970s, this extended to support for the national liberation movement in Rhodesia/Zimbabwe. From the early 1960s to the mid-1970s, the CPGB threw its support behind the Soviet-backed Zimbabwe African People's Union (ZAPU), instead of their rival, the Chinese-backed Zimbabwe African National Union (ZANU). When both groups entered into a short-term military and political alliance in 1976, the Patriotic Front, this posed a possible problem for the Communist Party and the AAM, but publicly these British organisations proclaimed solidarity with newly created PF. However this expression of solidarity and internationalist links quickly untangled after the 1980 elections, which were convincingly won by ZANU-PF and left the CPGB's traditional allies, ZAPU, with a small share of seats in the national parliament. This article explores the contours of the relationship between the CPGB, the broader Anti-Apartheid Movement in Britain and its links with the organisations in Zimbabwe during the war of national liberation, examining the opportunities and limits presented by this campaign of anti-imperial solidarity.
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Knight, Virginia Curtin. "Growing Opposition in Zimbabwe." Issue: A Journal of Opinion 20, no. 1 (1991): 23–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047160700501395.
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A realignment of economic interests in Zimbabwe is fueling broad-based demands for an open, democratic, multiparty society. The shift in alignment comes as a result of the ruling party’s failure to meet the needs and expectations of the majority of Zimbabweans in the eleven years since independence. Under the leadership of the Zimbabwe African National Union-Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF), headed by President Robert Mugabe, the government adopted socialism guided by Marxist-Leninist principles as its ideological philosophy. The socialist agenda, coupled with cumbersome, centralized decision-making by a bloated bureaucracy, discouraged domestic and foreign investment and stymied employment growth.
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Munoriyarwa, Allen. "So, who is responsible? A framing analysis of newspaper coverage of electoral violence in Zimbabwe." Journal of African Media Studies 12, no. 1 (March 1, 2020): 61–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/jams_00011_1.
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This study examines how the 2008 election violence was framed in three mainstream Zimbabwean weekly newspapers – The Sunday Mail, The Independent and The Zimbabwean. It was noted that four frames – the victim, justice and human rights, trivialization and attribution of responsibility frames dominated the coverage of electoral violence in these three newspapers. The dominance of the trivializing frame in The Sunday Mail privileged the ruling party’s (Zimbabwe African National Union Patriotic Front; ZANU PF) interpretation of electoral violence as inconsequential to the electoral process. Simultaneously, the prevalence of the victim, justice and human rights frames in The Independent and The Zimbabwean newspapers signifies the private media’s obsession with ZANU PF’s alleged electoral malpractices and situates these alleged transgressions within a broad global social justice and human rights trajectory to cultivate the West’s sympathy with the ‘victimised’ opposition.
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Moyo, Charles. "Party Foot-Soldiers, Quasi-Militias, Vigilantes, and the Spectre of Violence in Zimbabwe’s Opposition Politics." Modern Africa: Politics, History and Society 8, no. 1 (June 26, 2020): 65. http://dx.doi.org/10.26806/modafr.v8i1.241.
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Scholarship tends to neglect the phenomenon of political violence in opposition parties in Zimbabwe. The prevailing narrative is that political violence is largely a monopoly of the state and the ruling party, Zimbabwe African National Union – Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF). However, an emerging trend implicates opposition political parties, particularly the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC). The MDC’s party’s foot-soldiers, especially the “Vanguard,” often exhibit violent tendencies. Accordingly, the present article explores the scourge of intra-party violence in the opposition party MDC between 2005 and 2019. The article conceptualises and contextualises MDC’s violence through the lenses of Zimbabwe’s political culture and socialisation in the context of the country’s pre-colonial, colonial, and postcolonial historical trajectories.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Zanu-PF African National Union-Patriotic Front"
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Mangani, Dylan Yanamo. "Changes in the Conception of Nationalism in Zimbwabwe: A Comparative Analysis of ZAPU and ZANU Liberation Movements 1977-1990." Thesis, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/11602/1525.
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PhD (Political Science)Department of Development Studies
No serious study into the contemporary politics of Zimbabwe can ignore the celebrated influence of nationalism and the attendant role of elite leaders as a ‘social force’ in the making of the nation-state of Zimbabwe. This study analyses the role played by nationalism as an instrument for political mobilisation against the white settler regime in Rhodesia by the Zimbabwe African People Union (ZAPU) and the Zimbabwe African National Union (ZANU). Therefore, of particular importance is the manner in which the evolution and comprehensive analysis of these former liberation movements, in the political history of Zimbabwe have been viewed through the dominant lenses of nationalism. Nationalism can be regarded as the best set of beliefs and the worst set of beliefs. Being an exhilarating force that led to the emergence of these nationalist movements to dismantle white minority rule, nationalism was also the same force that was responsible for dashing the dreams and hopes associated with an independent Zimbabwe. At the centre of this thesis is the argument that there is a fault line in the manner in which nationalism is understood as such it continued to be constructed and contested. In the study, nationalism has been propagated as contending political narratives, and the nationalist elite leaders are presented as a social force that sought to construct the nation-state of Zimbabwe. Thus, the study is particularly interested in a comparative analysis of the competing narratives of nationalism between ZAPU and ZANU between the period of 1977 and 1990. This period is a very important time frame in the turning points on the nationalist political history of Zimbabwe. Firstly, the beginning of this period saw the struggle for the liberation of Zimbabwe climax because of concerted efforts by both ZAPU and ZANU. Secondly, the conclusion of this period saw the death of ZAPU as an alternative to multi-party democracy within the nationalist sense and the subsequent emergence of a dominant socialist one-party state. Methodologically, a qualitative approach has been employed where the researcher analysed documents.
NRF
Books on the topic "Zanu-PF African National Union-Patriotic Front"
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Zimbabwe), ZANU-PF (Organization :. Constitution of the Zimbabwe African National Union Patriotic Front, ZANU PF. [Harare, Zimbabwe]: ZANU PF, 1996.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Zanu-PF African National Union-Patriotic Front"
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Kurebwa, Jeffrey. "The Capture of Traditional Leaders by Political Parties in Zimbabwe for Political Expediency." In Civic Engagement in Social and Political Constructs, 196–219. IGI Global, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-7998-2364-3.ch009.
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Traditional leaders have been at the centre of controversy from the pre-colonial to the post-colonial period. The recognition of traditional leaders by the ruling party Zimbabwe African National Union Patriotic Front (ZANU PF) in Zimbabwe has been controversial. Since 1999, the ZANU-PF government has been facing a serious political crises and an increasingly powerful opposition party (Movement for Democratic Change). Zimbabwe adopted a new Constitution in 2013 which, among other things recognizes the role of the institution of traditional leadership which operates alongside modern state structures. While recognizing the role and status of the institution, the Constitution strictly regulates the conduct of traditional leaders.
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Chigwata, Tinashe Carlton. "Multiparty Democracy in Zimbabwe after the Adoption of the 2013 Constitution." In Democracy, Elections, and Constitutionalism in Africa, 119–46. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192894779.003.0006.
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Zimbabwe adopted a new Constitution in 2013 which, among other objectives, sought to give greater legitimacy to multiparty democracy. This Constitution strengthens the role of an independent electoral commission, entrenches an array of political rights and freedoms, and requires multilevel government elections. The harmonized elections of 2013 and 2018, which were held under its regime, did not seem to have changed the previous patterns of disputed electoral processes and outcome. Both the electoral process and outcomes for these elections were disputed and subjected to court challenges. The main opposition, the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), continue to cry foul that elections are stolen in favour of the ruling Zimbabwe African National Union—Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF) political party. On the other hand, ZANU-PF argues that it wins elections fairly and squarely as it has always done in the past because it is the most popular political party. This chapter addresses the question of whether the new Constitution has been able to end a culture of disputed elections and, therefore promote effective multiparty democracy. If not, what are the major obstacles and areas of contention? It will do so by examining the harmonized elections that have so far been held under its regime—the 2013 and 2018 harmonized elections.
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Gloppen, Siri, Marja Hinfelaar, and Lise Rakner. "Zimbabwe." In Democratic Backsliding in Africa?, 235–57. Oxford University PressOxford, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192867322.003.0010.
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Abstract Zimbabwe’s contemporary political history as a post-liberation militarized regime displays both a willingness and a capacity for violence and manipulation. The Zimbabwe African National Union–Patriotic Front (ZANU–PF) elite has consistently relied on legal strategies to legitimize its rule since independence. The use of legal strategies (lawfare) puts a veneer of legality on repression, notably for a foreign audience, but its primary purpose is not legitimacy but power maintenance. Yet, at the same time, legal strategies and the courts have provided space for the opposition and civil society to contest executive abuse of power and advance their political agendas. The regime has relied on discourses of sovereignty to justify the closing of political space. Across a wide range of issues, from multiparty elections and land allocations to human rights and LGBT issues, the incumbent regime has relied on sovereigntist arguments. In other instances, the ruling party has sought to accommodate support from international development actors, most notably through advancing gender and gender norms. Mirroring the dual function of the legal strategies, at critical junctures, the international relationships—through funding for democracy support—have provided the opposition and civil society with legitimacy and financial clout to challenge the authoritarian regime.