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Journal articles on the topic 'Yugoslavia'
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1
Walgrave, Spyros A. "Mass Communication and the 'Nationalisation' of the Public Sphere in Former Yugoslavia." Res Publica 39, no. 2 (June 30, 1997): 259–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/rp.v39i2.18591.
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Although the quasi-confederal character of Yugoslavia, especially after the introduction of its 1974 constitution did not encourage the development of a genuine Yugoslavian public sphere wherepublic debate could transcend ethnic and republic divisions, it nevertheless allowed the formation of what could be called Yugoslav cultural space, a space within which social and political actors (feminist, peace movements) forged their identities regardless of the ethnic or national diversity that characterised their membership. However, the existence of this 'space' had a limited impact in Yugoslav politics partly due to the breakdown of inter-republic communication and the fragmentation of the Yugoslavian mass media. This paper traces the process of disintegration of the Yugoslav cultural space and the emergence of national 'public spheres' in the republics and provinces of former Yugoslavia and attempts to assess the role of the mass media and cultural institutions in these developments by identifying the key strategies of representation employed in the process of the fragmentation and 'nationalisation' of the public sphere of former Yugoslavia.
2
Markuš, Petar. "Neki aspekti političkih i ekonomskih odnosa Jugoslavije i Etiopije od 1975. do 1990." Radovi Zavoda za hrvatsku povijest Filozofskoga fakulteta Sveučilišta u Zagrebu 54, no. 2 (December 15, 2022): 191–228. http://dx.doi.org/10.17234/radovizhp.54.15.
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The Non-Aligned Movement formed the backbone of Yugoslavia’s foreign policy during the Cold War. As one of the founders of the Non-Aligned Movement, Yugoslavia sought to maintain, as much as possible, a balance within the Movement, which encompassed countries with differing political affiliations and systems, some of which had close relations with the opposing blocs led by the USA or USSR. After the Ethiopian revolution of 1974, which overthrew Emperor Haile Sellasie, the country was led by the Derg, a junta officially known as the Provisional Military Administrative Council, which was in 1977 taken over by a Marxist-ideological current led by Mengistu Haile Meriam, who openly showed sympathy for the Soviet bloc. The Ogaden War between Ethiopia and Somalia in 1977-1978 would prove to be a turning point in Ethiopia’s foreign policy, which moved toward closer political and economic cooperation with the USSR and Cuba. Closer ties to Cuba was a particular concern for Yugoslavia, due to Cuba’s desire to impose itself as the leader of the Non-Aligned Movement and thus turn the balance of political forces within the Movement to its advantage. In this paper we want to explore political and economic relations between Ethiopia and Yugoslavia, including economic relations between the Socialist Republic of Croatia and Ethiopia, from 1975, when a new revolutionary Ethiopian diplomatic delegation came to Yugoslavia to continue Ethiopian-Yugoslavian relations, and ending in 1990, with the disintegration of Yugoslavia and socialist systems in general, when the Yugoslav role in the Non-Aligned Movement slowly eroded. The paper will also present the joint Yugoslav-Ethiopian project Nekemte, which was implemented during the 1980s and aimed at showcasing methods to increase agricultural production in Ethiopia.
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Lampe, John R. "Introduction." East Central Europe 42, no. 1 (August 8, 2015): 1–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763308-04201001.
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Read back from the 1990s, the scenario of a Greater Serbian agenda based in Belgrade and using Yugoslavia as a means to that end continues to tempt Western scholarship. Serbian exceptionalism thereby doomed both Yugoslavias. This special issue of East Central Europe addresses connections between Belgrade, Serbia, and Yugoslavia promoting contradictions that belie this simple scenario. Focusing on the first Yugoslavia, these six articles by younger Belgrade historians critically examine a series of disjunctures between the capital city and the rest of Serbia as well as Yugoslavia that undercut the neglected pre-1914 promise of Belgrade’s Yugoslavism. First came the failure of the city’s political and intellectual elite the First World War was ending to persevere with that promise. Most could not separate themselves from a conservative rather than nationalist reliance on the Serbian-led ministries in Belgrade to deal with the problems of governing a new state that now included many non-Serbs. From Serbian political divisions and a growing parliamentary paralysis to the Belgrade ministries’ failure to support the Serb colonists in Kosovo, problems mounted. They opened the way for King Aleksandar’s dictatorship in 1929, with initial Serbian support. But as the royal regime imposed an integral Yugoslavism on what had been the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes and punished disloyalty to the Crown in particular Serbs were punished as well as non-Serbs. Their locally organized associations were also placed under royal authority, whose ministries were however no more successful in uniform administration than their predecessors. At the same time, however, Belgrade’s growing connections to European popular culture skipped over the rest of the country, Serbia included, to establish a distinctive urban identity. After the Second World War, what was now a Western identity would grow and spread from Belgrade after the Tito-Stalin split, despite reservations and resistance from the Communist regime. This cultural connection now promoted the wider Yugoslav integration that was missing in the interwar period. It still failed, as amply demonstrated in Western and Serbian scholarship, to overcome the political contradictions that burdened both Yugoslavias.
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Troch, Pieter. "Yugoslavism between the world wars: indecisive nation building." Nationalities Papers 38, no. 2 (March 2010): 227–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990903517819.
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This article examines Yugoslav national programs of ruling political elites and its concrete implementation in education policy in interwar Yugoslavia. It is argued that at the beginning of the period Yugoslavism was not inherently incompatible with or subordinate to Serbian, Croatian or to a lesser degree Slovenian national ideas. However, the concrete ways in which Yugoslavism was formulated and adopted by ruling elites discredited the Yugoslav national idea and resulted in increasing delineation and polarization in the continuum of national ideas available in Yugoslavia. Throughout the three consecutive periods of political rule under scrutiny, ruling elites failed to reach a wider consensus regarding the Yugoslav national idea or to create a framework within which a constructive elaboration of Yugoslav national identity could take place. By the end of the interwar period, the Yugoslav national idea had become linked exclusively to conservatism, centralism, authoritarianism and, for non-Serbian elites at least, Serbian hegemony. Other national ideas gained significance as ideas providing viable alternatives for the regime's Yugoslavism.
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Duančić, Vedran. "Geographical Narration of Interwar Yugoslavia." East Central Europe 43, no. 1-2 (September 16, 2016): 188–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763308-04302002.
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The article examines the involvement of Yugoslav geographers in the multifaceted process of constructing the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes between the final stage of the First World War and the mid-1920s, when Yugoslavia’s external boundaries and internal arrangement were temporarily settled. Researchers have recognized Jovan Cvijić as the leading scientist behind the political-geographical legitimation of the newly created Yugoslav state. This article, however, examines the role of two hitherto neglected Yugoslav geographers—the Slovene Anton Melik and the Croat Filip Lukas—in the process of constructing the Yugoslav national space. This process, in fact, only intensified after the 1918 publication of Cvijić’s seminal work La Péninsule balkanique. Whereas Cvijić aimed at an international readership, the construction of Yugoslav national space by Croat and Slovene geographers was primarily a domestic enterprise; these were geographies of Yugoslavia by Yugoslav geographers, narrating Yugoslavia to Yugoslav readership. For a period, scholars from Ljubljana and Zagreb rather than Belgrade influenced the project of the geographical narration of Yugoslavia, and approached the pressing contemporary political issues in geographical works in a manner that revealed both connections and tensions between discourses of “center” and “periphery.”
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Shakhin, Yuri. "Literary polemic 1956–1957 about the unified Yugoslav criterion." Slovenica 5 (2023): 142–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2618-8562.2023.06.
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In 1956 the leadership of Yugoslavia made an attempt to strengthen cultural rapprochement tendencies among Yugoslavian peoples. The new course was implemented by indirect methods, without setting direct party directives. The Ideological Commission of the Central Committee of the Union of Communists of Yugoslavia used indirect methods for infl uence on intelligentsia and didn’t proclam its aims in public way. But this course faced with resistance in Slovenia, which took on the character of a literary polemic over a unified Yugoslav criterion in culture. Serbian literary critic Zoran Mishich acted at the side of Yugoslavian leaders, and his opponent was the Slovenian literary critic Drago Shega. The public opinion didn’t saw the polemics as something significant one, but the leading Yugoslav politicians drew attention to it. They abandoned a unified Yugoslavian criterion in culture and began to pay more attention to national problems in the country.
7
Orlić, Milan. "Post-Yugoslav Serbian Literature and Its Roots in the Social and Political Changes." Transcultural Studies 14, no. 1 (July 31, 2018): 101–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/23751606-01401006.
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Post-Yugoslav literature and culture came out of the stylistic formations of Yugoslav modernism and postmodernism, in the context of European cultural discourse. Yugoslav literature, which spans the existence of “two” Yugoslavias, the “first” Yugoslavia (1928–1941) and the “second” socialist Yugoslavia (1945–1990), is the foundation of various national literary and cultural paradigms, which shared the same or similar historical, philosophical and aesthetic roots. These were fed, on the one hand, by a phenomenological understanding of the world, language, style and culture, and on the other, by an acceptance of or resistance to the socialist realist aesthetics and ideological values of socialist Yugoslav society. In selected examples of contemporary Serbian prose, the author explores the social context, which has shaped contemporary Serbian literature, focusing on its roots in Serbian and Yugoslav 20th century (post)modernism.
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Mihaylov, Valentin. "Zasady etnopolitycznej i terytorialno-politycznej organizacji Jugosławii. Geneza, ewolucja, współczesne konsekwencje." Sprawy Narodowościowe, no. 39 (February 15, 2022): 51–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.11649/sn.2011.021.
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Principles of Ethnopolitical and Territorial-Political Organization of Yugoslavia: Genesis, Evolution and Contemporary ConsequencesThe article is devoted to the principles of ethnopolitical and territorial-political organization of the Yugoslavian state. The study presents the genesis and evolution of this question in the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenians (1918–1941) and in the Socialist Federation of Yugoslavia (1945–1991). In doing so it considers one of the most important and controversial problems in Yugoslavian ethnopolitics – the relations between its ethnopolitical and territorial-political subsystems. The author emphasizes dynamic changes and a lack of consistency in Yugoslav ethnopolitics. One issue in focus is the question of territorial-political reorganization of the federation at the beginning of the 1990s. The groups engaged in the struggle over the division of Yugoslavia applied various principles of delimitation of contentious areas. Susan Woodward identifies four main principles which the antagonist groups used as arguments for their “property right” over a given territory – historical, democratic, principle of the inviolability of borders and realistic principle. After the civil war during the 1990s, the Yugoslavian federation was reorganized into sovereign states by recognizing the existing internal administrative borders between the Yugoslav republics as international ones. The author also discusses contemporary problems of the ethnopolitical and territorial-political organization of post-Yugoslav countries and close relations between state-building and nation-building processes. Major current problems in the field of ethnopolitics are considered as a direct consequence of the influence of those accumulated during the seventy-year period of existence of a common state.
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Musabegović, Senadin. "National Messianism in the Service of Self-destruction: Miroslav Krleža’s Views on Nationalism." Društvene i humanističke studije (Online) 7, no. 4(21) (December 30, 2022): 365–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.51558/2490-3647.2022.7.4.365.
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The paper focuses on the divergent national perspectives – Croatian and Serbian – regarding the reasons behind Yugoslavia's unification (the Kingdom of SHS), moreover on the causes of its disappearance from the historical scene, both as the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes and as the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. From the perspective of Serbian „nationally conscious“ historians, it was the Croatian separatism that should be blamed for the downfall of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia during the Italian and German occupation in 1941 as well as the inner disintegration of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia in 1991. From the Croatian perspective, the reason behind the downfall of Yugoslavia is in Serbian unitarism, which, through Yugoslavia, aimed to dominate over the other nations. While condemning the nationalistic politics of other nations for the breakup of Yugoslavia, both of these nationalistic perspectives consider Yugoslavia an artificial creation. Miroslav Krleža, a Croatian and Yugoslav writer, criticized the politics of Croatian national separatism and Serbian unitarism in the texts he wrote during the time of the Kingdom of SHS (Yugoslavia). These writings also represent his efforts to open a possibility for a new political community based on socialistic principles. Although his polemic thought was based on the recognition of national particularities, Krleža was looking for ways to overcome the national antagonisms within socialist Yugoslavia. Although Yugoslavia disappeared, his thought on nationalistic antagonisms is relevant in the current political framework, the one in which national exclusion is dominating.
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Wright, Peter. "“Are there Racists in Yugoslavia?” Debating Racism and Anti-blackness in Socialist Yugoslavia." Slavic Review 81, no. 2 (2022): 418–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/slr.2022.150.
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This article examines debates, scholarly studies, and literary representations of the phenomenon of racism in socialist Yugoslavia and Yugoslavs’ relationship to whiteness in the 1960s and 70s. I argue that the persistent activism of black African students helped provoke official, scholarly, and public discussions about the thorny question of racism in Yugoslav society during this time. The salience of black students’ accusations eventually made something that was taboo in the 1950s and early 1960s—namely, entertaining the prospect that anti-black racial prejudice existed in non-aligned, socialist, and anti-racist Yugoslavia—into an active subject of debate by the end of the decade. Importantly, the relative candidness with which academic studies and popular literature addressed racism indicates a reflexivity about “racial” questions on the part of socialist Yugoslav society, something that scholarship has largely neglected in favor of focusing on the suppression or elision of race and the inadequacy of state socialist responses to the problem of domestic expressions of prejudice.
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Milošević, Tatjana. "Military-political and economic relations between Yugoslavia and USA in 1974: "Watergate" affair." Vojno-istorijski glasnik, no. 2 (2023): 189–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/vig2302198m.
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During 1974.Yugoslav-American relations were characterized by large amplitudes. Relation varied from correct to very bad. Sometimes they were calculated but sometimes with too many emotional reactions. However it can be concluded that relations between two states were based on pure pragmatism. While Yugoslav side had strictly economical and political interests, Americans had strategic interests. It is important to stress that Yugoslavs skillfully used the conflict between East and West to strengthen and preserve state independence. Thanks to the ability to determinate its foreign policy socialist Yugoslavia in this period took the opportunity to position itself very good in compared to its real power. From the Yugoslav point of view it could be said that Yugoslavia found "modus vivendi" within the triangle Moscow-Belgrade-Washington which was acceptable for all sides.
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Glaurdić, Josip. "The Owl of Minerva Flies Only at Dusk?" East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 27, no. 3 (May 6, 2013): 545–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325413484758.
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Could the Western foreign policy makers have done anything to prevent the violence accompanying the breakup of Yugoslavia? The answer to that question largely depends on their level of awareness of what was happening in the South Slavic federation in the run-up to war. This article analyzes a string of newly declassified documents of the British Foreign Office related to the February 1991 visit of a high-level British political delegation to Yugoslavia, together with interviews with some of the meetings’ protagonists. These declassified documents and interviews offer a unique snapshot in the development of the Yugoslav crisis and Britain’s policy in the region. They give us a clear picture of the goals and strategies of the principal Yugoslav players and show us what the West knew about the true nature of the Yugoslav crisis and when. The article’s conclusions are clear. Yugoslavia’s breakup and impending violence did not require great foresight. Their cause was known well in advance because it was preannounced—it was the plan of the Serbian regime of Slobodan Milošević to impose a centralized Yugoslavia upon the other republics or, if that failed, to use force to create a Greater Serbia on Yugoslavia’s ruins. Crucially, British policy at the time did nothing to dissuade Milošević from his plan and likely contributed to his confidence in using violence to pursue the creation of a new and enlarged Serbian state.
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Koloskov, Evgenii A. "House of Flowers: An Analysis of the Image of Yugoslavia in Video Games." Slavic World in the Third Millennium 15, no. 3-4 (2020): 85–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2412-6446.2020.15.3-4.06.
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This article examines the image of Yugoslavia in contemporary video games. I researched games of various genres (action games, strategy games, military simulators, etc.) that were released on various gaming platforms (PC, Sony PlayStation, etc.) between 1990 and the present day. I researched such aspects as visualization, information, plot components, and popularity among players. I consider and provide definitions of the terms used to designate various elements of video games and their meaning for the perception of the image of the country. I paid special attention to the characters associated with the Yugoslav region. Two of them – the inventor Nikola Tesla and the main character of the comics of the same name, Largo Winch – owing to their potential significance for the image of Yugoslavia, were considered in detail. The article is accompanied by four illustrations showing important moments of the visualization of personalities and the structure of game moments. As a result of this research, I draw some conclusions about the main plots associated with the image of Yugoslavia that prevails in modern video games. Firstly, there is the obvious peripherality of Yugoslav plots and their generally negative connotation. In most of the video games reviewed, the settings involved the criminal world, the Yugoslav war of the 1990s, or the problem of international terrorism. Secondly, the portrayal of Yugoslav characters is not very homogeneous and it is therefore impossible to talk about their exclusively positive or negative character. Thirdly, in general, Yugoslavia is mostly unplayable: only a very limited set of strategy games and a very small set of action games allow you to control the country, its troops, or characters of Yugoslavian origin.
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Gluba, Justyna. "Dystrybucja filmów zagranicznych w Ludowej Republice Chorwacji na tle polityki kulturalnej Jugosławii (1944-1963)." Images. The International Journal of European Film, Performing Arts and Audiovisual Communication 32, no. 41 (January 5, 2023): 221–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/i.2022.41.13.
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The subject of this article is the distribution of foreign films in the People’s Republic of Croatia in 1944-1963 against the background of Yugoslavia’s cultural policy. The author considers as foreign films those that were not made in Yugoslavia or in the production or co-production of Yugoslav studios. The article aims to show in a cross-sectionally way the trends that led to the import of films into Yugoslavia from specific countries. These tendencies were shaped primarily by political factors, which are also pointed out in the article.
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Pavlin, Tomaž, and Zrinko Čustonja. "Sokol." Kinesiology 50, no. 2 (2018): 260–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.26582/k.50.2.15.
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The Sokol gymnastic movement was an important part of civil societies of Slavic nations. The first Sokol society within Yugoslavian nations (Slovenes, Croats, Serbs) was founded in 1863 in Ljubljana and in a few decades, it spread throughout the Slovene, Croatian, and Serbian territories. In the Austro-Hungarian period before WWI, Sokol valued itself as a national, liberal and emancipation-seeking movement, based on the Tyrsch’s gymnastics and national and pan-Slavic idea. In 1919, following the end of WWI and with the formation of the Yugoslav state, the national Sokol organisations merged in the centralised Yugoslav Sokol Union. The Yugoslavian state went through difficult political situations and confrontations in the first decade, which culminated in the summer of 1928 with shooting in the parliament in Belgrade. In attempting to solve the situation, King Aleksandar Karadjordjević proclaimed the so-called Sixth January Dictatorship (1929). Consequently, the government, with the approval of the King, adopted, on the 4th of December 1929, the law on establishing of a new all-state gymnastic organisation Sokol of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia. The new Sokol organisation, based on the Sokolism of the former Yugoslav Sokol (Sokol’s gymnastics, principles, national-liberal and Slavic idea) was constituted at the beginning of 1930. It was supported by the King and government and the King’s son, Prince Petar became the leader of the Sokol organisation. After the assassination of king Aleksandar (1934), in the filling-in period of Prince Pavle (1935-41) and government of the Prime Minister Milan Stojadinović (1935-39), Sokol of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia fell out of political grace in the western Roman-Catholic regions and it had to defend its position. Due to drasticall changes in international policy (German revisionist policy, the “Anschluss” in 1938 and the Czechoslovakian crisis in 1938/39), more militaristic practices were included in the Sokol’s professional work to preserve a free and independent state. During tense diplomatic events in March 1941, when Yugoslavia entered the Nazi- Fascist camp, Sokol supported a military putsch and stepped into the front lines of demonstrations. In that mood, Sokol faced the Nazi-Fascist attack on Yugoslavia in April 1941 and the beginning of WWII in the Yugoslav territory.
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Perović, Jeronim. "The Tito-Stalin Split: A Reassessment in Light of New Evidence." Journal of Cold War Studies 9, no. 2 (April 2007): 32–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws.2007.9.2.32.
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This article reassesses the Tito-Stalin split of 1948 based on findings from former East-bloc archives. In particular, it shows that the version propagated in the official Yugoslav historiography, suggesting that the break with Moscow arose because of Yugoslavia's distinct path toward socialism, is incorrect. Instead, Josip Broz Tito's unwillingness to give up on his territorial and political ambitions in the Balkans, especially Albania, despite Moscow's objections is the main factor that ultimately sparked the conflict in 1948. Yugoslavia fell afoul of Moscow's policy of enforced Sovietization of the socialist camp, though not because of a long-term Soviet plan or because of particular animosity toward the Yugoslav leadership. Rather, Tito's independent foreign policy provided a welcome pretext to clamp down on Yugoslavia and thereby tighten Soviet control over the other East European states.
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Gomes Guimarães, Bruno. "The international determinants of the Bosnian War." Brazilian Journal of International Relations 5, no. 3 (January 5, 2017): 593–619. http://dx.doi.org/10.36311/2237-7743.2016.v5n3.07.p593.
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This paper analyzes the international determinants that led to and triggered the Bosnian War in the 1990s. An overview of the Socialist Yugoslavia and its international stance up to its dismemberment is presented at first, focusing on the integration of the country in the international system (and its impact on Yugoslavia) and on its international economic status. Then, the onset of the war and the actions of the Great Powers — United States, France, Germany, United Kingdom, and Russia — are analyzed, looking at the undermining of the Yugoslav state's sovereignty and the empowerment of domestic actors through external support to belligerent groups. It is seen that after Yugoslavia's economic destabilization, foreign interference propelled the start of the war by making the belligerent groups in Bosnia confident because of their foreign support. Geopolitical interests were a determinant of the Bosnian War, which was characterized as an intractable ethnic conflict to hide political agendas at play.Keywords: Bosnian War; Yugoslavia; Post-Cold War geopolitics; Dismemberment of Yugoslavia; Great power politics; Ethnic conflict.
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Perica, Vjekoslav. "United They Stood, Divided They Fell: Nationalism and the Yugoslav School of Basketball, 1968–2000." Nationalities Papers 29, no. 2 (June 2001): 267–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990120053746.
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Both Yugoslav wars and Yugoslav basketball were conspicuous in Western media in the 1990s. While CNN transmitted scenes of horror from battlefields of Bosnia and Kosovo, several dozen professional athletes of Yugoslav background could be seen in action on U. S. sport channels. Yugoslavs, by far the most numerous among foreign players in the strongest basketball league in the world—the American professional basketball league (NBA)—sparked the audience's curiosity about their background and the peculiar Yugoslav style of basketball. The literature concerning the Yugoslav crisis and Balkan wars noted sporadic outbursts of ethnic hatred in sport arenas, but did not provide any detailed information on the otherwise important role of sport in Yugoslav history and society. Not even highly competent volumes such as Beyond Yugoslavia, which highlighted the country's culture, arts, religion, economy, and military, paid attention to what Yugoslavs called “the most important secondary issue in the world”—sport. Yet sport reveals not merely the pastimes of the Yugoslav peoples, but also the varieties of nationalism in the former Yugoslavia, including probably the most neglected of all local nationalisms: the official communist-era patriotic ideology of interethnic “brotherhood and unity.” The goal of this article is to highlight this type of nationalism manifested via state-directed sport using as a case study the most successful basketball program outside the United States.
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Čolović, Ivan. "Yugoslav culture after Yugoslavia." Rocznik Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej 19, no. 4 (December 2021): 33–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.36874/riesw.2021.4.2.
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In the states which formed on the territory of the former Yugoslavia, ethnic/national cultures are developing independently, alongside a parallel shared post-Yugoslav culture. This culture is not a continuation of the official cultural collaboration between the Yugoslav nations which took place when Yugoslavia existed, rather it is a new phenomenon. It is appearing in opposition to nationalism, against the closing off of culture into narrow ethno-national frames and is based on the genuine existence of a cultural unity older than the common state which was created from the common Yugoslav state itself. It seeks creative responses to the problems caused by the wars and collapse of Yugoslavia in the 1990s. It also looks for the appropriate analytical instruments. The author uses the Biblioteka XX vek (The 20th Century Library) as an example – the book series which he founded and publishes in the field of humanities and social sciences. The alternative post-Yugoslav culture is characterised by the high quality of what it offers. However, its protagonists are simultaneously criticised by the nationalist circles in power in the states formed after the dissolution of Yugoslavia, who consider the post-Yugoslav cultural unity an alleged national betrayal.
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Mazzucchelli, Francesco. "What remains of Yugoslavia? From the geopolitical space of Yugoslavia to the virtual space of the Web Yugosphere." Social Science Information 51, no. 4 (November 20, 2012): 631–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0539018412456781.
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This article works from the double hypothesis that: (1) a Yugoslav socio-cultural space still exists in spite of the dissolution of the former Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia; and (2) the communities ‘occupying’ this space can be considered, in some measure, ‘diasporic’, if the ‘Yugoslav diaspora’ is defined by not only the geographic displacement of people but also by the loosening of connections between members of an ex-nation who still consider themselves a national community. The ‘space’ mapped in the article is the so-called ‘virtual space’ of the Web, including all websites that reconnect to the ‘cultural languages’ of the ‘past-country’. The author observes how these ‘different Yugoslavias’ are ‘staged’ and linked together on the Web, and verifies how some far-flung communities rally around the ‘virtual re-foundation’ and ‘virtual representations’ of Yugoslavia. The corpus is constituted mainly of ‘yugonostalgic’ websites that are subjected to a content analysis. The 191 websites of the corpus and the hypertextual map of their edges are analysed using semantic features together with other tools of categorization.
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Pomiguev, Ilya A., and Eldar R. Salakhetdinov. "The Memory Policy of the Second World War in the Post-Yugoslav Republics: Symbolic and Commemorative Aspects." RUDN Journal of Political Science 23, no. 4 (December 15, 2021): 659–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2021-23-4-659-674.
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The paper analyses the politics of memory of the World War II (WWII) in socialist Yugoslavia and compares the corresponding commemorative practices in the post-Yugoslav republics. The focus is on the design of holidays and memorial dates that reflect the symbolic and valuable attitudes of society, as well as the trajectory of nation-building. The formation of the state metanarrative in post-war Yugoslavia was closely related to the monopolisation of the leadership roles of the national liberation war by the communists, who united the six South Slavic nations in their struggle against the Nazi invaders. The state holidays and memorial days were derived from the history of resistance to foreign occupiers and internal enemies in order to legitimise and strengthen the triumph of the new socialist order. Alternative Yugoslavian non-communist movements, especially the Ustash and Chetniks who were potentially capable of competing in the symbolic field, were declared class enemies, reactionary elements, and quislings. As the processes of disintegration increased in socialist Yugoslavia, there were several attempts to revise its ideological attitudes and symbolic heritage of WWII. Nevertheless, as the study shows these attempts became, rather, a marginal phenomenon, and most post-Yugoslav states retained the commemorative, albeit de-ideologised, practices of the previous period.
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Cosovschi, Agustín, Joaquín Fernández Abara, and Marcelo Casals. "Entre Santiago y Belgrado. Redes, amistades y desencuentros entre la Yugoslavia de Tito y los socialistas chilenos en las décadas de 1950 y 1960." EIAL - Estudios Interdisciplinarios de América Latina y el Caribe 34, no. 1 (June 30, 2023): 17–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.61490/eial.v34i1.1796.
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Este artículo estudia las relaciones entre Yugoslavia y los socialistas chilenos en las décadas de 1950 y 1960. Mientras Yugoslavia necesitaba de nuevos aliados internacionales luego de la ruptura con la Unión Soviética, los socialistas chilenos requerían de nuevos referentes internacionales para afirmar sus líneas estratégicas internas. La afinidad ideológica estrechó e incrementó el nivel de relaciones políticas entre ambos, incluyendo viajes oficiales y publicaciones. Sin embargo, en los años 1960 estos vínculos empezaron a ser eclipsados por la Cuba socialista, crítica del enfoque yugoslavo percibido como moderado en materia de política extranjera y en la no-alineación. El socialismo chileno terminaría decantándose por esa retórica revolucionaria e insurreccional por sobre las ideas yugoslavas.
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Kukobat, Ilija. "DEVELOPMENT OF AIR TRANSPORT BETWEEN YUGOSLAVIA AND THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA 1945-1992." Istorija 20. veka 40, no. 2/2022 (August 1, 2022): 441–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.29362/ist20veka.2022.2.kuk.441-456.
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Air transport between Yugoslavia and the United States was one of the defining aspects of Yugoslav civil aviation after the Second World War. Cooperation between the two countries developed in several fields. Early attempts to regulate civil air transport by the means of a bilateral agreement were made as early as 1945, but without success. Three agreements on air transport were eventually signed in 1949, 1973 and 1977. Pan American World Airways started overflying Yugoslav territory in 1950 on its international routes between North America and the Middle East and started landing at Belgrade in 1963, thus providing a true connection between the two countries. From 1970, Yugoslav Airlines operated charter flights between Yugoslavia and USA, followed by the introduction of a regular service between Belgrade, Zagreb, and New York in 1976. From 1964 to 1966 and during 1972, another Yugoslav air operator, (Inex) Adria Airways also flew charter flights between Yugoslavia and the United States. Apart from this, most passenger airplanes used in Yugoslavia were made in the United States, while some Yugoslav factories manufactured components for American aircraft producers. Yugoslav airmen and other aviation experts undertook training in America, greatly improving the functioning and safety of Yugoslav civil aviation in general. The disintegration of Socialist Yugoslavia and international sanctions imposed on the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia in 1992 also led to a ban on air traffic between Yugoslavia and the rest of the world. The United States introduced this ban several days before the sanctions came into force, ending all air transport services between the two countries.
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Katkova, Ekaterina. "Relations of Yugoslavia with the countries of Latin America in the 1960-1980’s." Latinskaia Amerika, no. 6 (2023): 73. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s0044748x0025613-3.
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Based on published sources and relevant literature, the article examines the relations of socialist Yugoslavia with the countries of Latin America in the period of 1960-1980’s. The main part of the article is preceded by a short review of Yugoslavia’s contacts with Latin America in the first post-war years. The authors analyze the features of the political, economic, cultural and educational interaction between Yugoslavia and the countries of the region. Particular attention is paid to the role of the Non-Aligned Movement and Tito’s understanding of Yugoslav foreign policy in the matter of building equal, constructive and mutually beneficial relations between Belgrade and the states of the South American continent.
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Videkanić, Bojana. "Nonaligned Modernism: Yugoslav Culture, Nonaligned Cultural Diplomacy, and Transnational Solidarity." Nationalities Papers 49, no. 3 (April 12, 2021): 504–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/nps.2020.105.
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AbstractThis article examines aspects of the history of socialist Yugoslavia’s contribution to creating a transnational Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) culture. It does so by analyzing cultural diplomacy on the Yugoslav cultural and political scene between the 1950s and 1980s. The cultural diplomacy of Yugoslavia and its nonaligned partners is seen as a form of political agency, paralleling and supplementing larger activities of forming economic and political cooperation in the Global South. Yugoslavia’s role in building NAM culture was instrumental in nurturing nascent transnationalism, which was born out of anti-colonial movements following World War II. Cultural events, bilateral agreements, and cultural institutions were used to complement Yugoslav participation in an anti-colonial, anti-capitalist struggle; they promoted NAM ideals and sought to create transcultural networks that would counter Western cultural hegemony. Such examples of solidarity were based in a modernist cultural ethos, but espoused political, social, and cultural forms that were indigenous to various NAM countries. For Yugoslavia, nonaligned modernism and transnationalism solidified the country’s transition from a hardline, Soviet-style state to a more open, humanist-socialist one. The history of transnational collaboration, examined through the narrative of cultural work, is an example of Yugoslav attempts at building political agency and international cooperation through the promotion of nonaligned ideals.
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Dimić, Natalija. "CONNECTING TRADE AND POLITICS: NEGOTIATIONS ON THE RELEASE OF THE GERMAN PRISONERS OF WAR IN YUGOSLAVIA AND THE FIRST WEST GERMAN-YUGOSLAV TRADE AGREEMENT OF 1949/1950." Istorija 20. veka 39, no. 2/2021 (August 1, 2021): 333–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.29362/ist20veka.2021.2.dim.333-352.
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After repatriations were officially over in January of 1949, around 1,400 German prisoners remained in Yugoslavia on charges of war crimes. Yugoslavia’s foreign political shift westward following the Cominform Resolution of 1948, paved the way for establishing productive economic, as well as political and cultural cooperation with West Germany. The first trade agreement between the two states was signed in December of 1949. In the next four months, the West German Government attempted to pressure the Yugoslav side to release the remaining German prisoners by not ratifying the agreement. Eventually, in April of 1950, the two sides reached an unofficial agreement, according to which the Yugoslav side would release its prisoners gradually and improve their living conditions, while the West Germans would ratify the trade agreement and agree to negotiate long-term economic cooperation. The last transport of German prisoners arrived from Yugoslavia in March of 1953.
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Hasani, Mentor, and Skender Lutfiu. "The Italian-Yugoslav Rivalry for Political-Economic Influence in Albania 1929-1934." Eminak, no. 4(44) (January 13, 2024): 125–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.33782/eminak2023.4(44).679.
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The purpose of the study is to analyze in a substantive manner the circumstances in which Albanian-Italian and Albanian-Yugoslav relations have developed and in particular to reflect the causes and consequences of the Italian-Yugoslav rivalry for economic and political dominance in Albania. Although the objective and clear reflection of the Italo-Yugoslav rivalry affects the exact recognition of the specifics and challenges that these countries faced in extending their influence over Albania through the economy during the above-mentioned period. As a result of the essence of these challenges, we are able to create a clearer perspective in the development of more intensive economic and political relations between Albania and the former Kingdom of Yugoslavia, on the one hand, and Italy and the countries of the former Yugoslavia on the other. Though today Italy does not focus on the Albanian area due to the common European market, the countries of the former Kingdom of Yugoslavia continue to have tendencies for dominance in the economy of the Albanian state. The real reflection of the specifics and challenges in the period 1929-1934 and the analogy with the specifics of today, are another essential goal.
Scientific novelty: it was concluded that the characteristic of the Italian-Yugoslav rivalry in the period 1929-1934 is the dominance of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia in the political and to some extent also the economic life of Albania, in particular in the years 1933-1934, although Italy was much more powerful and more present in political and economic life. But the reason for this favorable position of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia only in this period of time was the crisis in Albanian-Italian relations, as a consequence of the refusal of the Albanian side to renew the Pact of Friendship in 1931 and Italy’s request for customs union with Albania in 1932. The rivalry between these two countries was exacerbated by the geographical proximity of the two countries to Albania, and the small cost of benefits, so their interest was extremely high.
Conclusions. In 1929-1934, the Kingdom of Yugoslavia and Italy had fierce competition for political and economic dominance in Albania. However, despite the temporary advantage of the first one and its constant efforts, Italy managed to be dominant and challenge its main competitor in Albania: the Kingdom of Yugoslavia. It even managed to remove Albania from Yugoslav influence, turning it in its entirety on its side. In addition to the Kingdom of Yugoslavia’s economic and military powerlessness in comparison to Italy, the Italians throughout the 1920s had invested a great deal of time and resources in establishing the state of Albania, which sought support from some power of the time, such as Italy, in its efforts to attain overall development. The political and economic life of Albania was also dominated by Italy due to its proximity to Albania and the fact that neither Greece nor the Kingdom of Yugoslavia had territorial claims towards Albania, at least not until the mid-1930s.
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Vuletic, Dean. "Generation Number One: Politics and Popular Music in Yugoslavia in the 1950s." Nationalities Papers 36, no. 5 (November 2008): 861–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990802373579.
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Popular music is one of the cultural phenomena that has been most shared among the peoples inhabiting the territory of the former Yugoslavia; indeed, considering the persistence of a common popular music culture there even after the break up of the Yugoslav federation in 1991, there is perhaps little in cultural life that unites them more. It was in the 1950s that a Yugoslav popular music culture emerged through the development of local festivals, radio programs and a recording industry, at a time when popular music was also referred to as “dance,” “entertainment” or “light” music, and when jazz, pop and, by the end of the decade, rock and roll were the styles of it that were being listened to in Yugoslavia and around the world. However, the development of a Yugoslav popular music culture at this time was rooted not only in international cultural trends but was also shaped by the domestic and foreign policies that were pursued by the ruling Communist Party of Yugoslavia (CPY), which was renamed the League of Communists of Yugoslavia (LCY) in 1952. Through its cultural, economic and foreign policies, the party sought to define Yugoslavia's position in Cold War international relations, develop a sense of Yugoslav identity among its multinational citizenry, and reconstruct and modernize a country that had suffered some of the greatest losses in Europe in the Second World War—and which had, just before it, been one of the Continent's least developed states, not only economically but also in terms of cultural infrastructure. In the cultural sphere, investments were needed immediately after the war to redress the facts that Yugoslavia had high rates of illiteracy and low rates of radio ownership by European standards, that cultural activities beyond folklore remained the purview of a small urban elite, and that it lacked musical artists, schools and instruments—with great disparities in all of these measures existing between its more developed northern areas (Slovenia, Croatia and northern Serbia) and the poorer south (Bosnia-Herzegovina, Macedonia, Montenegro and southern Serbia). For example, with regards to radio ownership, in 1946 the number of individuals per radio ranged from 40 in Slovenia, 48 in Croatia and 91 in Serbia to 137 in Macedonia, 288 in Bosnia-Herzegovina and 702 in Montenegro, with the average for all of Yugoslavia being 78.
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Bykova, Elizaveta Aleksandrovna, and Anna Olegovna Gridneva. "The Yugoslav factor in the Hungarian Revolution of 1956 and its impact upon Yugoslav-Soviet relations." Конфликтология / nota bene, no. 1 (January 2021): 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0617.2021.1.34784.
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This article is dedicated to the process of normalization of Yugoslav-Soviet relations, which took place on the background of the Hungarian Revolution of 1956. The goal consists in identification of causes for the absence of strong negative influence of the Yugoslav factor in the Hungarian events upon the relations between the Soviet Union and the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. Using the analysis of a wide array of sources and systematic consideration of the international situation that formed in 1956, the authors characterize the dynamics and vector of Yugoslav-Soviet relations during this period, determine the degree of impact of the Yugoslav factor in all its manifestations upon the development of Hungarian events, as well as trace the influence of the Hungarian Revolution upon Yugoslav-Soviet relations. The scientific novelty of this research consists in the analysis of direct and indirect participation of Yugoslavia in the conflict, which has been traditionally regarded as the conflict between the Soviet Union and Hungary alone. The conclusion is made that in 1956, the Soviet Union sought to unite the socialist countries on the background of tense foreign policy situation, trying to overcome the consequences of the conflict of 1948 and “attach” Yugoslavia to the bloc. Despite the fact that such intentions were jeopardized by the events of 1956 due to a range of controversial steps taken by Belgrade, Moscow did not immediately turn to public criticism of the Yugoslavs, as the mutual cooperation between the two countries was rather advantageous that the return to the situation of 1948 – 1953.
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Zhivanovich, Milana. "Orders of Socialist Yugoslavia awarded to Russian diaspora representatives." Studia Slavica et Balcanica Petropolitana 33, no. 1 (2023): 177–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu19.2023.113.
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The article analyzes the state award system in the socialist Yugoslavia. It deals with awarding the Russian diaspora representatives in the country the state orders. Paper is based on official government gazette, which contained the list of persons awarded the state awards, as well as the archival documents: Yugoslav Army Official Military Personnel Files, kept in Military Archives. On the one hand, after Yugoslavia was liberated and Communist Party came to power, the Russian diaspora representatives were subjected to repression by the Yugoslav secret services and the Soviet counterintelligence. On the other hand, the policy of the new government in Yugoslavia was aimed at integrating Russian emigrants loyal to the country and to the regime, as evidenced by the practice of presenting Russian emigrants of both the first and second generations to state awards — heroes-partisans of the People’s Liberation Army of Yugoslavia and figures of science, culture and art. During the study, cases of awarding the same persons with orders of both the pre-war Kingdom of Yugoslavia and the post-war socialist Republic were identified, which indicates the continuity of the state communicative policy towards emigrants. However, state award system in socialist Yugoslavia also implied an educational function in relation to Yugoslav society, therefore, the Russian diaspora representatives never received the highest awards of Communist Yugoslavia — the Order of Freedom and the Order of the People’s Hero, established in 1945 and in 1944 respectively. The highest order awarded to a representative of the Russian diaspora was the Order of the Partisan Star. A certain number of Russian members of the Resistance movement were awarded a Partisan memorial badge of 1941. And the Order of Merit for the People was awarded not only to the fighters of the People’s Liberation Army of Yugoslavia and Russian members of the Resistance movement, but also to figures who made a great contribution to the development of the economy, culture and science of Yugoslavia. It is noteworthy that the conjuncture of Soviet-Yugoslav relations directly affected the measures applied to Russian emigrants, and the holders of Yugoslav orders were no exception and were also subjected to repression during the Soviet-Yugoslav tension. After the Soviet-Yugoslav relations normalized, orders were awarded mainly to the Russian scientists and artists.
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Todić, Jelena. "Yugoslavia's membership "succession" to GATT and the WTO." Revija Kopaonicke skole prirodnog prava 6, no. 1 (2024): 29–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/rkspp2401029t.
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This article examines how the issue of State succession was interpreted and applied in the case of membership in General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) and World Trade Organization (WTO) of the former Yugoslav republics, focusing on the claim of continuity by the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (FRY) and the reactions of other states and international organizations. The article aims to (1) provide a historical overview of Yugoslavia's accession, membership, and suspension of its membership in GATT, as well as the FRY's assertion of identity and continuity with respect to the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (SFRY) before the WTO; (2) analyze the legal arguments and political factors that influenced the decisions of the GATT and WTO bodies regarding the FRY's status; and (3) compare the accession processes and outcomes of the six former Yugoslav republics under the WTO framework. The article posits that FRY's assertion of continuity was rejected by both GATT and WTO, mirroring the stance of the UN, viewing FRY as a new State obligated to reapply for accession. Simultaneously, the transition from GATT to WTO coincided with the emergence of six distinct new States from the former Yugoslavia, each following a unique trajectory and timeline for accession to GATT/WTO.
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Sinitsyn, Fedor L. "Military aid of the Soviet Union to the National Liberation Movement of Yugoslavia during the World War II." Izvestiya of Saratov University. History. International Relations 23, no. 2 (May 22, 2023): 189–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.18500/1819-4907-2023-23-2-189-197.
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During World War II, the Soviet Union provided large-scale and multifaceted military assistance to the national liberation movement of Yugoslavia. This activity had several main directions, including training of Yugoslav military personnel in the USSR. The second direction was the training of Yugoslav military personnel in the USSR with the simultaneous creation of military formations. Thirdly, the formation of military units and the training of their personnel took place on the territory of Yugoslavia. The fourth direction of Soviet aid was sending advisers and instructors to the Yugoslav army. The fifth area of Soviet assistance was the logistics of the People’s Liberation Army of Yugoslavia and, finally, the assistance in the transformation of this army into the regular army of Yugoslavia.
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Pavić, Verica. "Are there Yugoslavs after Yugoslavia?" Der Donauraum 49, no. 1-2 (December 2009): 177–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.7767/dnrm.2009.49.12.177.
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Ivešić, Tomaž. "Od jugoslovanstva do jugoslovanstva: Komunistična partija Jugoslavije in njen odnos do nacionalnega vprašanja v prvih desetletjih obstoja." Studia Historica Slovenica 20 (2020), no. 2 (September 30, 2020): 597–622. http://dx.doi.org/10.32874/shs.2020-17.
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Communist Party of Yugoslavia was an all-Yugoslav political party. In the year 1922/23 the debate between the Left and Right current of the Party on their stand toward the national started. Because of the changed domestic and international political position, the CPY gradually changed their stand toward the Yugoslav state and the national question until the mid-1920s. The Author argues, that in the mentioned period the CPY, as well as other European Communist parties, started using and misusing national symbols and speaking the "language of the nation". With the outbreak of the Second World War the Croatian and Slovenian communists gave an emphasis to the national question over the socialist promises in the early stages of the war. Only when, in years 1942/43, the constellation of international events in year 1942/43 made it clear that the Allies will allow only the renovation of Yugoslavia, the CPY again started to actively promote Yugoslavism.
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Putnik Prica, Vladana. "The Role of Architecture in Shaping Sokol Visual Identity in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia." East Central Europe 50, no. 2-3 (October 9, 2023): 225–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/18763308-50020005.
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Abstract The interwar period is considered to be the “golden age” of the Sokol movement in Yugoslavia, when the organization enjoyed the support of the state and much of the population. One of the key elements in the process of shaping the visual identity of the Yugoslav Sokol was its purpose-built architecture, namely Sokolski dom (Sokol hall or center) and Sletište (Sokol stadium). It is estimated that there were around 280 such structures built in Yugoslavia, and a number of them are considered highlights of Yugoslav architecture. The stylistic variety of these structures demonstrated the different approaches to and interpretations and overall understanding of how Sokol’s visual identity should be shaped and, more importantly, how Yugoslavism could be visually communicated through Sokol architecture. This article explores the different methods and approaches to Sokol architecture in the context of the country’s post-imperial transition following the end of the Great War. It demonstrates how the relationship between Sokol societies and the state was reflected in Sokol architecture.
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Zaytsev, Aleksandr V. "Yugoslavia on the pages of the journal Slavyane (1942–1958)." Slavic Almanac, no. 1-2 (2021): 100–126. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2073-5731.2021.1-2.1.06.
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The journal Slavyane was created by the Central Committee of All-Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks) as an organ of internal and external political propaganda aimed at Russian-speaking Slavs. It reflected the pullback of Soviet foreign policy from proletarian internationalism. The policy of its editorial board towards Yugoslavia repeated the one of the Party, but sensitive subjects were avoided or covered with a delay on the pages of the journal. Josip Broz Tito as spokesman for the aspirations of Yugoslav peoples was extolle since 1943 while D. Mihajlović’s activities had not been covered until his condemnation in October 1943. The journal supported the government of the People’s Federative Republic of Yugoslavia until early 1948, condemned it since late 1949 to early 1953, kept silence on Yugoslavia for several months in 1948–1949, 1953–1954, 1956, 1957 and 1958. Each time such deliberate silence had been caused by the aggravation or, on the contrary, by attempts to break ice in relations between the Soviet Union and People’s Federative Republic of Yugoslavia, the All-Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks) / the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and the Communist Party of Yugoslavia / the Union of Yugoslavian Communists. The only exception from the rule seems to be Issue 5/1953 of the journal which contains anti-Tito insults but they may be due to struggle on top of the Soviet government. Overall, the policy of the editorial board was marked by more caution and desire to cover up problems than the policy of Party newspapers.
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Turajlić, Mila. "Filmske Novosti: Filmed Diplomacy." Nationalities Papers 49, no. 3 (January 25, 2021): 483–503. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/nps.2020.89.
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AbstractThis article maps out a network of cinematic collaboration established between Yugoslavia and the non-aligned countries in Africa, primarily via the institution of the Yugoslav Newsreels (Filmske novosti). Yugoslav newsreel activities developed to accompany the performative diplomacy of President Tito’s “Voyages of Peace,” playing a role both in cementing his image internationally and his political status at home. By the late 1950s, cinema would become one of the central instruments of Yugoslav information activities abroad, capitalizing on an expanding diplomatic network. In this context, Filmske novosti became the bearers of Yugoslav technical aid in the domain of cinema. Building on a trope of shared revolutionary struggles, they boosted Yugoslavia’s international reputation through the filming of the Algerian Liberation Movement. The unique nature of the cinematic aid provided by Filmske novosti to liberation movements such as the ALN and FRELIMO was continued, with assistance in setting up of national film centers in countries such as Mali and Tanzania. Throughout, Yugoslavia maintained a praxis of non-conditional and non-credited transnational ciné-kinship, which is one of the reasons this remains an unknown chapter in the history of Third Cinema and militant ciné-geographies.
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Sfetas, Spyridon. "The Bulgarian-Yugoslav dispute over the Macedonian question as a reflection of the Soviet-Yugoslav controversy (1968-1980)." Balcanica, no. 43 (2012): 241–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc1243241s.
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During the Cold War, relations between Bulgaria and Yugoslavia were marred by the Macedonian Question. Bulgaria challenged the historical roots of the Macedonian nation, whereas Yugoslavia insisted that Bulgaria should recognize the rights of the Macedonian minority within her borders. The Soviet Union capitalized on its influence over Bulgaria to impair Yugoslavia?s international position. Bulgaria launched an anti-Yugoslav campaign questioning not only the Yugoslav approach to Socialism, but also the Yugoslav solution of the Macedonian Question. This antipathy became evident in 1968, in the wake of the events in Czechoslovakia. In the years 1978/9 the developments in Indochina gave a new impetus to the old Bulgarian-Yugoslav conflict.
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Mrdenović, Maja. "Yugofuturistic Performing of History: Demythologizing Kingdom of Heaven (Nebesko Carstvo)." Maska 36, no. 209 (September 1, 2022): 41–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/maska_00113_1.
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The war which caused the breakup of Yugoslavia and its transition from socialism to capitalism in newly-established states, oriented the region towards a “rebirth” of nationalistically defined values. In spite of the exclusion of the narrative about Yugoslavism from official discourse, it continues to influence the lives and co-habitation of residents in nationalist states established on the territory of the former Yugoslavia. This is also precisely where the potential for a vital political stance can be found. The text, by choosing to analyze Kingdom of Heaven, a theatre performance, as an example, offers a premise that Yugofuturism in theatre ‐ in the sense of an emancipatory potential of Yugoslav heritage ‐ is manifested by critically demythologizing nationalist history and the construct of the ethno-nationalist identity that is based on it.
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Neimarević, Vukašin. "ENDING THE NAGY AFFAIR: YUGOSLAVIA, SOVIET UNION AND THE TERMINATION OF HUNGARIAN REVOLUTION REVISITED." Istorija 20. veka 41, no. 1/2023 (February 1, 2023): 139–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.29362/ist20veka.2023.1.nei.139-158.
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This paper analyzes the diplomatic relations between Hungary, Yugoslavia, and the Soviet Union during the Soviet intervention in Hungary in 1956, with a primary focus on the case of Imre Nagy’s capture. The crisis that arose during Nagy’s hiding in the Yugoslav embassy reveals the background of these countries’ relations, in which Yugoslavs showed ambiguousness to maintain the achieved status of a free socialist country on the one hand, and on the other, to keep good relations with the Soviet Union. Furthermore, the author attempts to provide answers on Yugoslav role in Nagy’s arrest after he left his hideout within the Yugoslav embassy. The author argues that Yugoslavs were not aware of any Soviet plans to capture Nagy after he left the embassy, even though there are other claims present in this paper that suggests the opposite.
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Stojanović, Dušica. "“A certain expansion of cooperation is planned”: A view of the Yugoslav diplomacy on Yugoslav-Soviet literary exchange. 1961–1964." Slavic Almanac, no. 1-2 (2021): 127–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2073-5731.2021.1-2.1.07.
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Relations between Yugoslavia and the USSR in 1961–1964 differed for the better in comparison with the previous period. Intensive cooperation in the field of culture and literature characterized those years. The article traces the activities of Yugoslav diplomats in maintaining literary ties between Yugoslavia and the USSR. Yugoslav diplomats, in negotiations with their Soviet colleagues, publishers and editors of magazines, presented their country’s literature as a reflection of the current state policy of Yugoslavia. According to the reports of the embassy, Soviet partners were unofficially recommended to publish contemporary Yugoslav works. By encouraging Soviet publishers to negotiate directly with Yugoslav writers and their union, which was more competent in matters of literature, the embassy tried to present the matter as if the state in Yugoslavia did not interfere in the activities of independent creative associations. An exhibition of Yugoslav books, including political ones, organized in the USSR, was supposed to present the Yugoslav path to socialism. The mutual trips of the writers demonstrated the closeness and friendship of the two countries. The Yugoslav diplomats were faced with the task of maintaining positive relations between Belgrade and Moscow through interaction with Soviet partners, on the one hand, and with Yugoslav publishers and the Writers’ Union, on the other. It was necessary to prevent cultural contradictions that could darken bilateral political relations. This instrumentalization of culture, reflected in diplomatic reports, demonstrates that despite the public demonstration of the differences between Yugoslavia and the USSR, in practice, both states had a similar approach to culture policies.
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Radić, Radmila. "Constantinople/Istanbul and its Yugoslav Visitors and Residents during the Interwar Period (1918–1939)." Hiperboreea 9, no. 2 (December 1, 2022): 222–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/hiperboreea.9.2.0222.
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Abstract The research for this article was conducted in archives, literature, and periodicals. The topic is the Yugoslavs’ (the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes from 1918 to 1929, then the Kingdom of Yugoslavia) connection to Constantinople/Istanbul. It explores the following questions: After World War I, what happened to Yugoslav nationals who remained in Constantinople/Istanbul and those who came and stayed throughout the interwar period? In what ways does Istanbul appeal to Yugoslav travel writers? What impact did political circumstances and relations between the two states have?
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Estrin, Saul. "Yugoslavia: The Case of Self-Managing Market Socialism." Journal of Economic Perspectives 5, no. 4 (November 1, 1991): 187–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/jep.5.4.187.
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For many years the Yugoslav economic system appeared to offer a middle way between capitalism and Soviet central planning. The Yugoslavs' brand of market socialism placed reliance on markets to guide both domestic and international production and exchange, with the socialist element coming from the “social ownership” and workers' self-management of enterprises. The system seemed successful until the late 1970s. However, in recent years, many of the problems besetting other socialist economies like Poland and Hungary—like stagnation, international debt, enterprise inefficiency, and inflation—have emerged to bring the whole experiment into question. Reforms paralleling those elsewhere in Central and Eastern Europe are now on the agenda. This paper will first describe how the Yugoslav economy has been distinguished from those of its socialist neighbors. The following sections will describe the economic record of Yugoslavia since the 1950s and the lessons to be drawn from the long-standing Yugoslav experiment.
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Obradovic, Marija, and Nada Novakovic. "The “National Political Elites” and the Disintegration of the SFRY, 1970 - 1991." Advances in Social Sciences Research Journal 9, no. 7 (August 6, 2022): 754–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.14738/assrj.97.12784.
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The goal of this paper is research into the role of the "national polititical elites", religious and ethnic identies of the working class in the didintegration of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (SFRY) in 1991. The article is based on the hypothesis that the "national political elites" in Yugoslavia, in conditions marked by the process of the historical collapse of the socialist social-economic system in Eastern Europe, through the manipulation of power, i.e. by means of propaganda of nationalistic ideology, exploited the ethnic and religious identites of the working class in Yugoslavia and converted that political pover through war into economic power by the expropriation of public property. Therefore, relying on the historical method of economics, this paper analyses the process of the founding of the conservative "national political elites" from the League of Communist of Yugoslavia's nomenclature during the process of the elemental and uncontrolled borrowings of various Yugoslavian subjects on the international financial market in the period between 1970 and 1980 and the "debt crisis" during the 1980's. The second hypothesis researched is based on the political economy approsch that the basic cause for the disintegration of the SFRY were economic factors (international and local) and not ethnic conflicts.
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Misic, Sasa. "Serbian orthodox church municipality in Trieste in Yugoslav-Italian relations 1954-1971." Balcanica, no. 52 (2021): 179–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc2152179m.
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The paper analyzes the role of the Serbian Orthodox Church Municipality in Trieste (SOCM) in Yugoslav-Italian relations in the period from the signing of the London Memorandum in 1954 to the early 1970s. In that period, the SOCM president Dragoljub Vurdelja, an anti-communist and an opponent of socialist Yugoslavia, had a decisive role. Yugoslavia perceived the SOCM under Vurdelja?s leadership as a center of anti-Yugoslav propaganda, so it sought to take control over this church community. To that end, Yugoslavia raised this issue in its relations with Italy and used all available diplomatic means to persuade this country to remove Vurdelja from Trieste. However, the improvement in relations between the SOCM and Yugoslavia began only after Dragoljub Vurdelja died in 1971.
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Rajak, Svetozar. "No Bargaining Chips, No Spheres of Interest: The Yugoslav Origins of Cold War Non-Alignment." Journal of Cold War Studies 16, no. 1 (January 2014): 146–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00434.
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This article reevaluates the origins of Yugoslavia's instrumental role in the formation of the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) and elucidates the roots and conceptualization of Tito's strategic reorientation toward nonalignment. Yugoslav foreign policy became truly independent only after Yugoslavia was expelled from the Soviet fold. The article shows that Belgrade began searching for a “third way” earlier than is acknowledged in the relevant historiography. The search began when, faced with the distinct threat of a Soviet invasion in the early 1950s, Yugoslavia became all but formally incorporated into the Western alliance. Based on previously unknown or inadequately researched documents from the Yugoslav archives, the article demonstrates that Josip Broz Tito's trip to India and Burma in December 1954, particularly his first encounter with India's Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru, played a key role in shaping Tito's principles of active peaceful coexistence and noncommitment and in transforming them into a global initiative. The article highlights the well-defined political and philosophical rationale behind the principles that became embedded in the concept of non-engagement and, later, nonalignment.
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Mentzel, Peter. "The German Minority in Inter-War Yugoslavia." Nationalities Papers 21, no. 2 (1993): 129–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905999308408280.
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The Kingdom of the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes inherited a considerable number of Germans along with its ex-Habsburg territories when it was established in December 1918. The two most important German communities in inter-war Yugoslavia were the Germans of Slovenia and the Germans of the Vojvodina and Croatia-Slavonia, the so-called Donau Schwaben (Swabians). There were also scattered pockets of ethnic Germans in Bosnia-Hercegovina. The Yugoslavian ethnic Germans (Volksdeutsche), like the other Yugoslavian non-Slav minorities, were objects of discrimination by the Yugoslavian government. The Slovenian German community responded to this hostility by developing a virulent German nationalism which, after 1933, rapidly turned into Nazism. The Swabian community, on the other hand, generally tried to cooperate with the central government in Belgrade. The Swabians remained rather ambivalent toward the rising Nazi movement until the tremendous successes of the Third Reich in 1938 made Nazism irresistibly attractive. In the face of the government's anti-German policies, why did each of these German communities manifest such different attitudes towards the Yugoslav state during the inter-war period? This article will show how several factors of history, demography, and geography combined to produce the different reactions of the two groups.
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Gagnon, V. P. (Chip). "Yugoslavia in 1989 and after." Nationalities Papers 38, no. 1 (January 2010): 23–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990903389961.
Full textAbstract:
The year 1989 marked a turning point for the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (SFRY). But unlike other places in the region, that year saw a turn towards growing political conflict which soon led to violent warfare. This paper identifies and discusses three processes that led to this outcome. The first process was the impetus towards reform of the Yugoslav federal state, its political and economic system. The second was the conflict over the future of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia (Savez komunista Jugoslavije – SKJ). The third was the shifting meanings of ethnic and nonethnic labels and the ways in which putative “national” and “ethnic” interests came to be aligned with specific political options. By the end of 1989 these three processes had come together to spell the end of the SKJ, of the SFRY, and of “Yugoslavism” as a political identity. In their places, ruling parties threatened by changes within their own societies, as well as by pressures created by the 1989 revolutions in the region, resorted to strategies of conflict and violence in an attempt to forestall the kinds of changes and elite turnovers seen in other socialist countries.
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Dyker, David A. "Yugoslavia—a Peripheral Tragedy." Journal of Interdisciplinary Economics 4, no. 3 (April 1992): 281–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/02601079x9200400307.
Full textAbstract:
The post-war political economy of Yugoslavia is analysed in terms of an interaction between patterns of international relations which have tended to peripheralise Yugoslavia and stubborn internal problems of centre-periphery relations. It is argued that the tendency for the West to give open-ended financial support to Yugoslavia for political reasons has in the past made it regrettably easy for Yugoslav governments to postpone decisive action on these internal problems. The present civil war situation in Yugoslavia, and the likely dissolution of the Yugoslav state, are explained in terms of a combination of unresolved centre-periphery problems and very poor economic performance over the past two decades or so. The analysis underlines the danger that economic aid may in the long run further destabilise countries suffering from this kind of domestic instability, and that processes of democratisation, highly desirable in themselves, may have similar results in the given circumstances.
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Sinani, Arsim, and Veli KRYEZIU. "Yugoslav Totalitarian Society, Discrimination Against Albanian and Bulgarian Minorities in Macedonia." Balkanistic Forum 32, no. 3 (September 15, 2023): 167–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.37708/bf.swu.v32i3.9.
Full textAbstract:
The Balkans as a region of Southeast Europe is one of the most sensitive regions of Europe; this is where the sparks of war arose from the time of the Ottoman Empire until 2001 when a political solution was finally given to each problem of nationalities and inequalities in this region. The former Yugoslavia as an artificial creation of a state, lacking nationality, is one of the sources of conflicts which erupted with bloody wars caused by Serbia. The Yugoslav federation which gained political power after World War II consisted of 6 republics and 2 provinces. According to the Federal Constitution of Yugoslavia, all peoples must be integrated into Yugoslavia. Unfortunately within Yugoslavia there were privileged peoples, and others who were treated as secondary-class people. Albanians in Yugoslavia, most of whom belonged to the Autonomous Province of Kosovo, did not experience the status of equal population in Yugoslavia; Bulgarians were treated the same, most of whom lived in the Socialist Republic of Macedonia. The Republican government in Macedonia influenced by the Federal one has directly influenced Macedonia in the manner of discrimination against national minorities such as Albanians, Bulgarians, Hungarians, Roma, Ashkali, Turks, etc., while the: Serbian, Montenegrin, Macedonian people have been the most privileged ones within the Republic, as well as in the Yugoslav Federation.The communist regime in Yugoslavia denied any minority efforts for equality and prosperity. The most vocal in the quest for rights were Albanians and Bulgarians, who faced torture, draconian punishments, internment, and even murder in Yugoslav concentration camps. Yugoslavia, namely the Socialist Republic of Macedonia from 1945 until 2001, was the most dictatorial regime in the history of Southeast Europe for Albanians and Bulgarians; unfortunately the Bulgarian community in Macedonia, even with the new constitution, has not resolved its political, cultural, educational status etc…