Relevant bibliographies by topics / Yugoslavia – Economic policy – 20th century

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  2. Dissertations / Theses
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Academic literature on the topic 'Yugoslavia – Economic policy – 20th century'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 10 March 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Yugoslavia – Economic policy – 20th century"

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Ilić, Saša. "Socialist Banking: The Continuous Evolution of the Banking Sector in Yugoslavia (1944/45–1991/92)." Anali Pravnog fakulteta u Beogradu, Volume 70, Issue 1 (March 30, 2022): 33–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.51204/anali_pfbu_22102a.

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The article explores the influence of the ideological and political frameworks and changes in the physiognomy of social, economic and internal political relations, as well as the foreign policy orientation, on the structure of the banking sector in socialist Yugoslavia, The attempt is to determine the appearance and the important features of the banking sector, the sequence of reforms that marked this field of economic life in the second half of the 20th century, as well as the effectiveness of the observed changes. The overview is provided of the characteristics of the different phases that the Yugoslav banking system, starting with the development of the socialist banking system, planned organization and rigid centralization, through various phases of decentralization, central plan weakening and introduction of market elements, to the shaping (and reshaping) of the self-management banking system and its repercussions on the country’s economic unity.
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Cvijanović, Drago, Tamara Gajic, and Aleksandra Vujko. "The Competitiveness of Serbian Tourism in the Region During the Transition Period." International Journal of Sustainable Economies Management 6, no. 4 (October 2017): 13–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/ijsem.2017100102.

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The recent inadequate development of tourism in Serbia was conditioned by the poor economic and political situation that affected the state of the nineties of the 20th century. The authors of the paper pointed to the current situation of the separation of tourism in Serbia and the factors that imply its competitive position among the countries of the region. Each of these states was part of the former Yugoslavia together with Serbia, and in that period shared the same destiny of tourism development. The authors used the available statistical documentation and conducted a desk research to point out the existing estimates of the factors of concreteness that would enable tourism with an adequate strategic policy of product development and placement to reach a higher ranking on the regional and world market.
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Kovacevic, Maja. "International problems and the research on process of the European integration from the establishment of the communities to the single European act." Medjunarodni problemi 70, no. 2 (2018): 147–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp1802147k.

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Based on research topics that have been discussed in the context related to the European integration in the journal International Problems in the period 1949-1990, the aim of this paper is to consider the extent to which the Yugoslav science of international relations followed this process. The main thesis is that domestic science has studied all relevant aspects of the integration process and has kept up with the times and the key theoretical frameworks. After World War II, the focus was on the economic and political situation of the Western European countries, their interests, as well as the security context in which were launched the first integration initiatives: the German issue, the Marshall Plan, the Cold war and bipolar world, the process of decolonisation, the failure of the European Defense Community and the establishment of the European Coal and Steel Community, the European Economic Community and EURATOM. At the beginning of the 60s of the 20th century, great attention was devoted to the study of regional integration in general and its models, as well as the expected effects. Along with the slowdown in the European integration process in the late 60s and throughout the 70s, the attention of researchers gradually shifted to individual policies and initiatives of the European Economic Community: the Common Agricultural Policy, development of regional policy, association agreements, the Mediterranean policy, initiatives in the field of monetary integration. The 80s of the last century were dominated by themes that marked this decade in the process of European integration: factors for change in the European Economic Community, the initiatives for reform of the Treaty, the Mediterranean enlargement, the Single European Act, the program for completing the internal market, changes in the social policy of the Community and measures to promote technological development and strategy for the industry. Along with it, the focus was on the relationship between the United States and the Western European countries, East-West relations and relations of Yugoslavia with the Community.
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Muskaj, Blerina. "NATO in Balkans and Crisis on BiH." European Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 5, no. 2 (October 15, 2019): 69. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/601nsi25e.

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The Balkan crisis is the result of a series of conflicts in various areas of political, economic and social life in the former Yugoslavia. Relations between the former republics show the complex character of European security. Without a sustainable development of the whole region, it is impossible to guarantee security throughout the European continent. Europe was shaken by the bloody events that marked the break-up of Yugoslavia. No one could have imagined that such violent military clashes could take place in a European country, 50 years after the end of World War II, and that hundreds of thousands of people would seek refuge throughout Europe. It was clear from the beginning of the crisis in Yugoslavia that the war would continue for many years and if the international community did not intervene the result would be many casualties. The United Nations, the European Union and the OSCE tried to prevent military conflicts between the nations of the former Yugoslavia, but they failed. National elites pursued a policy aimed at creating nation-states and had outside support from influential forces. To achieve this goal they were willing to pay any price. The collapse of the former Yugoslavia, in fact, meant the end of the process that had defined the development of Western Europe since the beginning of the 20th century, in the time between the two world wars. It was the beginning of nation-states. The Balkans had lagged behind in its transformation for many reasons and unlike Western and Central Europe, the Balkan states found themselves in a different wave of historical development, accompanied by conflict and chaos. The collapse of socialism had an impact on this situation, causing new economic and political conflicts. From this point of view, all the efforts of the European and international communities, aimed at controlling the situation after the break-up of Yugoslavia, had no chance of success.
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Katkov, Aleksei D. "The History of American Foreign Policy Thought: Debates about the US Sovereignty in the Late 20th – Early 21st Centuries." History 19, no. 1 (2020): 43–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.25205/1818-7919-2020-19-1-43-59.

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In the 1990s the end of the Cold War and the US’s efforts to build a “new world order” actualized in scientific discourse the problem of understanding the principle of state sovereignty. Moreover, due to the WTO accession, the discussion among United States’ scholars intensified about the preservation of sovereignty of their own state. As a result, both the US authorities and most experts advocate the inviolability of the sovereignty of their country, noting, however, that it might be temporarily limited by different international obligations, first of all by economic agreements, but this does not affect it radically and the possibility of withdrawing from various kinds of contracts remains. At the same time, the last superpower’s foreign policy actions at the end of the 20th century (interference in the internal affairs of Grenada, Nicaragua, Panama, Haiti, Yugoslavia, etc.) clearly illustrate the disregard for the sovereignty of other states. In an attempt to explain this policy, they argued that sovereignty, while remaining a significant principle in general, can be lost, which opens up the legitimate path to the internationalization of a conflict. All in all, despite the fact that such an understanding of sovereignty as a conditional principle, is not new in itself, the United States took some steps to extend this understanding to the whole world, granting itself the right to single-handedly determine cases where and why sovereign rights are lost.
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Oliver, Michael J., and Hugh Pemberton. "Learning and Change in 20th-Century British Economic Policy." Governance 17, no. 3 (July 2004): 415–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.0952-1895.2004.00252.x.

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Azizbek Guzalovich, Kholliev. "The “Mongolian question” to Russian foreign policy." International Journal on Integrated Education 2, no. 6 (December 10, 2019): 67–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.31149/ijie.v2i6.202.

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The article analyzes the "Mongolian issue", which is one of the main directions of Russian foreign policy of the early 20th century. At the beginning of the 20th century, the international situation in the Far East region, the collision of imperialist forces, and the economic benefits through diplomatic efforts will be considered.
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Blagojević, Veljko, and Dejan Petrović. "Military cliques in the Serbian strategic culture of the 20th century." Vojno delo 73, no. 3 (2021): 88–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/vojdelo2103088b.

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Throughout the entire 20th century, the Serbian strategic culture was "torn" by various discontinuities, from the state system, through foreign policy and ideological, to strategic and doctrinal orientation, and it can be said that discontinuity is almost its only constant. Nevertheless, the existence of military cliques can be considered to be one of the constants of the Serbian strategic culture. They followed the Serbian Army and influenced the political life of the Kingdom of Serbia. The dynastic coup of May 1903 can be taken as an example of their actions. After that, younger conspirators established the so-called Black Hand, whose leader was Colonel Apis, who was shot after the Thessaloniki process in 1917. The interwar period was marked by the action of the so-called White Hand, under the leadership of General Petar Živković, which was active until the assassination of King Alexander Karađorđević in Marseilles in 1934. The Second Yugoslavia even had a formalized "military clique" represented in the League of Communists, which was an integral part of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia at federal level, together with the republican leagues. Thus, the influence of the party on the military organization was secured, and the influence of the army in the society was also "secured" by its representation in the party forum at federal level. Consequently, the Serbian political elite welcomed the dissolution of the SFRY with perhaps the only constant in its strategic culture, and that is the reliance on the military in resolving political crises, which can be vividly presented by the statement of Slobodan Milosević: "We do not know how to work, but we know how to fight".
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Mau, V. "Modernization under Conditions of Political Stability (Reforms of the Second Half of XIX Century: Logic and Stages of Complex Modernization)." Voprosy Ekonomiki, no. 9 (September 20, 2009): 32–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.32609/0042-8736-2009-9-32-50.

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The paper discusses economic and political modernization under Alexander II and Alexander III. Special attention is paid to economic modernization under conservative political regime as well as to the influence of the 19th century economic policy and economic debates on the industrialization policy in the 20th century.
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Šimunić, Nikola, and Ivan Brlić. "Senjsko parobrodarstvo i socioekonomske prilike na prijelazu iz 19. u 20. stoljeće." Geoadria 19, no. 1 (June 23, 2014): 101–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.15291/geoadria.40.

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The authors of the paper examine the historical and geographical aspects of the emergence, development and decline of Senj’s steam-shipping as the crucial element of the overall social and economic progress of Senj at the turn of the 20th century. At the beginning of the 19th century, owing to the special city autonomy and the modern road connections, the Port of Senj was one of the most important maritime trading centres of the Croatian Littoral and the entire Adriatic in general, and its residents were important participants in social, economic and political turmoil of that time. Steam-shipping development has surely provided the residents of Senj a good market position in the times of demanding economic circumstances. The work also analyses important causes of weakening of Senj's economy, which during the period of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia isolated the city from the dominant maritime and economic processes, thus heavily influencing the city's socioeconomic situation.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Yugoslavia – Economic policy – 20th century"

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Alsabah, Mohammad. "Welfare Economics and Public Policy in Early 20th Century Great Britain." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2017. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1723.

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The Liberal welfare reforms were a series of bills passed in the British Parliament in the early twentieth-century. Initiated in response to a number of pressing economic and social issues, the Liberal welfare reforms were legislated with the purpose of combating poverty and improving the livelihood of the British working-class citizen. This thesis in economics outlines and examines critically the economic design behind the Liberal welfare reforms between 1906 and 1914.
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Lin, Syaru Shirley, and 林夏如. "National identity, economic interest and Taiwan's cross-strait economic policy 1994-2009." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2010. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B43761896.

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Visessuvanapoom, Vinit. "State and economy in Thailand: the possibility of establishing a developmental state." Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2006. https://hdl.handle.net/2123/28173.

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This dissertation addresses the question of whether the Thai state is already a developmental state or could readily become one early in the 21St century. To begin with it identifies the two principal conditions that have to be satisfied, namely commitment to develop and state capacity to influence development. The latter of ‘which in turn depends on the state’s general authority (legitimacy) and its general regulatory capacity. The focus of the dissertation is on the particular capacities that can be said to characterise a developmental state in the present era. These particular capacities are, first, the particular capacities providing the basis of industry policy as identified in the analyses of the earlier formation of developmental states by Chalmers Johnson and his successors and, second, certain complementary capacities which are required to meet the challenges of the twenty—first century. The body of the dissertation is an examination of whether, and to what extent, the particular capacities exist within Thailand or could readily be brought into existence. The dissertation further examines the commitment to development in Thailand through an examination of contemporary Thai polity and specifically the state’s ability, under a Thaksin administration in particular, to govern conflicts within the Thai polity in a manner consistent with broad development. It is recognised that insofar as the state’s capacity to influence development also depends on its general authority (the legitimacy of the state), that authority also is sensitive to its ability to govern conflict resolution. The dissertation ends by speculating about how different the commitment to development might be under another Democrat-led administration. The overall conclusion of the dissertation is that, while the Thai state does indeed possess critical capacities for the pursuit of industry policy, other essential capacities - fundamental and complementary — as well as legitimacy and commitment to development are weak and not obviously being strengthened. That being the case, it would only be wishful thinking to say that Thailand is already a developmental state.
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Biehl, Lundberg Andrés. "Social policy and income inequality in the Southern Cone during the 20th century : a comparative perspective." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:ce998341-6b28-41a7-9453-94a22174e47a.

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This dissertation compares the effects of progressive social reform on income inequality in the Southern Cone of South America, Scandinavia, and Australasia. These regions faced comparable economic challenges at the start of the 20th century, but experienced different trends of income inequality after they introduced progressive policies in this period. Australasia and Scandinavia converged on a downward trend while the Southern Cone remained comparatively more unequal. The dissertation concentrates on three areas that significantly predict inequality in contemporary research: labour markets, education, and taxation and spending policies. Existing explanations usually focus on supply-side aspects of policy reform: wage regulation, and increased taxation and spending on education and social insurance, are thought to bring inequality down in the long-run. These reforms are seen as the outcome of the relative power of working class groups over elites. Despite institutional variation, the three regions enacted progressive policies to address distributional conflict and protect their economies from global risks. I study the demand-side of policy reform; policies faced considerable collective action problems to promote compliance and cooperation in order to work in the long-time and include populations at large. The fact that most people were motivated to comply meant that labour markets generated formality and standard wages, education increased human capital, and spending became stable as the tax base increased in Scandinavia and the Antipodes. The opposite happened in the Southern Cone as social actors tried to link selectively with the state while state officials neglected the material constraints that limited access to welfare and education. Each chapter spells out the conditions through which policy addressed collective action problems to motivate cooperation with wage agreements, sending children to school, and compliance with taxation and spending policies. Behind comparable aggregate numbers in these areas, the underlying social processes differed as Australasians and Scandinavians fostered cooperation between state and social actors, while the Southern Cone did not.
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Widmaier, Wesley William. "A constructivist theory of international monetary relations monetary understandings, state interests in cooperation, and the construction of crises (1929-2001) /." Access restricted to users with UT Austin EID, 2001. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/utexas/fullcit?p3036613.

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Rioux, Michèle. "Transnationalism and democracy in Brazil." Thesis, McGill University, 1990. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=60472.

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In Brazil, the coincidence of massive growth and growing inequalities was also combined with an authoritarian regime. This coincidence led the dependency scholars to link the Brazilian economic model and the repressive and authoritarian nature of the political regime. However, the Brazilian democratization process, taking roots in the mid-70s, reformulated the issue. Indeed, while remaining committed to transnationalism, a democratization process was underway. This paper argues that the democratization process is consistent with, and even motivated by, the regulation imperatives of the regime of accumulation. However, these regulation imperatives limit the nature and scope of democratic reforms. Nevertheless, transnationalism also lay the foundations for more progressive and democratic option to emerge in formal politics and in civil society.
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Papadia, Andrea. "Government action under constraints : fiscal development, fiscal policy and public goods provision during the Great Depression and in 19th and early 20th century Brazil." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2017. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3683/.

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This dissertation is composed by three papers whose unifying themes are the origin and impact of fiscal institutions. The main contribution of this paper is twofold. First, it highlights the usefulness of the concept of fiscal capacity for the macroeconomics and international finance literatures by demonstrating its impact on sovereign default and fiscal dynamics during the Great Depression. Limits to the ability to tax have clear implications for macro-financial research, but are neglected by much of the literature. Second, my work contributes to the fiscal and state capacity literature by focusing on municipal level fiscal institutions in Brazil. Although research in this field is burgeoning, our understanding of the origin and impact of fiscal institutions in many parts of the world, including Latin America, is still very limited, particularly at the sub-national level. In terms of structure, the dissertation is a backwards journey from the impact of fiscal institutions to their origin. The first paper studies one of the ultimate outcomes of fiscal dynamics – sovereign default – by analyzing the debt crisis of the 1930s. The second paper takes the collapse in public revenues during the Great Depression as a starting point and demonstrates that fiscal institutions were a fundamental factor in the dynamics of fiscal aggregates. By shifting the focus to a single country and a different time period – the second half of the 19th and the early 20th centuries – the third paper demonstrates that slavery was deeply detrimental to the development of local governments’ ability to tax and provide fundamental growth and welfare-enhancing public goods in Brazil.
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Clyne, Steven S. "The debates surrounding America's hegemonic decline : a critical assessment." Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1991. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/116111.

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As the United States led the military, economic and diplomatic response to Iraq's invasion of Kuwait, Secretary of State James Baker was asked whether the determined American leadership discredited the frequently asserted notion tha t America had been toppled from its hegemonic pedestal. He responded th a t he never believed such theories.1 To many people, Secretary Baker's assessment would seem fairly reasonable. After all, in the previous year he--along with the rest of the worldhad witnessed the collapse of Soviet power in Eastern Europe, the rejection of communist controlled command economies in favour of democracy and market-based economies, and the heralding of the 'end of the Cold War.' The obvious implication was th a t the U.S., as the leader of the non-communist world, had 'won' the Cold War. Furthermore, the Kuwaiti crisis was proving th a t global leadership could not be based exclusively upon a vibrant national economy. Though endowed with flourishing economies, Germany (or the European Community for th a t ma tte r2) and Japan appeared incapable of assuming the mantle of world leadership. The United States, alone, demonstrated the capability and willingness to project its military might into the Persian Gulf to deter further Iraqi aggression and, ultimately, to eject Iraq from Kuwait.
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Sarmiento, Oddveig Nicole. "A postcolonial analysis of Cuban foreign policy towards South African liberation movements, 1959-1994." Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/4300.

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Thesis (MA (Political Science))--University of Stellenbosch, 2010.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis is a postcolonial analysis of Third World foreign policy, looking at an atypical case of state relations with national liberation movements. It is also an empirical contribution to an area of recent South African history through interrogating Cuba’s foreign policy towards South Africa’s liberation movements from 1959 until 1994. My starting point has been that meagre scholarship exists within the field of International Relations on this important area of South African history and on Cuban foreign policy. Mainstream scholars have largely overlooked relations between the Cuban state and civil society and liberation movements such as the African National Congress, the South African Communist Party, the Congress of South African Trade Unions and Umkhonto we Sizwe. By interrogating an ignored area of Third World foreign policy, this thesis furthermore aims to probe into the field of International Relations and analyses of foreign policy. Applying the methodology of a postcolonial theoretical critique, I highlight the ontological assumptions within the field that make theorising foreign policy from states and societies in the Third World peripheral within IR, as well as render states and civil society in the Third World as objects rather than subjects of the theoretical endeavour. The conceptualisation of the Cold War as a mere Superpower affair, with states in the Third World as mere sites of conflict between the Superpowers and divorced from the causal dynamics of the conflict, exemplifies the ontological assumptions that exist within the field of International Relations theory. I use the case study of Cuba’s foreign policy towards South African liberation movements in carrying out a qualitative analysis of the available literature and well as conducting interviews with senior participants of South Africa’s various liberation movements. A broad reconstruction of relations between 1959 and 1994, as well as post-1994, reveals extensive relations between Cuba and South African liberation movements involving the Cuban state and civil society. The findings of my research include an overview of relations between Cuba and various liberation movements at the political and military level, as well as the role of Cuban civil society in areas such as education and strengthening the role of women in the liberation struggle. Respondents reveal that relations between the two spheres are not uni-directional, but in fact reveal a complex interaction in which the agency of South Africa’s liberation movements in determining the content of relations is central. In conceptualising foreign policy using a postcolonial theoretical framework, I look not only at the Cuban state but also at the role of civil society in Cuba in constructing and carrying out foreign policy towards South African liberation movements. This theoretical framework rejects a strict dichotomy between the foreign and the domestic by looking at social forces within the state as well as the role of ideology in the making foreign policy domestically. Lastly, the extensive relations between Cuba and South African liberation movements that my research reveals points to possibilities for further theoretical investigations within the field of International Relations from a postcolonial theoretical critique.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie tesis is ‘n post-koloniale analise van Derde Wêreld buitelandse beleid, dit kyk na die atipiese geval van staats verhoudinge met nasionale vryheidsbewegings. Dit is ook ‘n empiriese bydrae tot ‘n area in onlangse Suid-Afrikaanse geskiedenis deurdat dit Kuba se buitelandse beleid teenoor Suid- Afrikaanse vryheidsbewegings tussen 1959 tot 1994 ondervra. My beginpunt is dat daar skamele vakkundigheid tans bestaan binne die studieveld Internasionale Betrekkinge met betrekking tot hierdie belangrike area van Suid-Afrikaanse geskiedenis en Kubaanse buitelandse beleid. Hoofstroom deskundiges hanteer tot ‘n groot mate die verhoudinge tussen staat en burgerlike samelewing van Kuba met vryheidsbewegings soos die African National Congress, die Suid-Afrikaanse Kommunistiese Party, die Congress of South African Trade Unions en Umkhonto we Sizwe met min aandag. Deur hierdie geïgnoreerde area binne Derde Wêreld buitelandse beleid te ondervra, is dit ook ‘n verdere oogmerk van hierdie tesis om die vakgebied van Internasionale Betrekkinge en die gepaardgaande analises van buitelandse beleid te ondersoek. Deur die toepassing van die metodologie van post-koloniale kritiek, beklemtoon ek die ontologiese aannames binne die vakgebied van Internasionale Betrekkinge wat die teoretisering van buitelandse beleid van state en samelewings in die Derde Wêreld marginaliseer, asook om hierdie state en burgerlike samelewings in die Derde Wêreld tot objekte in plaas van subjekte van ‘n teoretiese onderneming te reduseer. Die konseptualiseering van die Koue Oorlog as bloot ‘n supermag aangeleentheid, met state in die Derde Wêreld as blote ligging vir konflikte tussen die supermagte asook terselfdertyd vervreemd van die oorsaaklike dynamiek van die konflik, beliggaam die ontologiese aannames wat binne die vakgebied van Internasionale Betrekkinge bestaan. Ek maak gebruik van Kuba se buitelandse beleid teenoor Suid-Afrkaanse vryheidsbewegings as gevallestudie om ‘n kwalitatiewe analise te maak op die bestaande literatuur asook om onderhoude te hê met senior deelnemers in Suid Afrika se verskeie vryheidsbewegings. ‘n Uitgebreide rekonstruksie van verhoudinge tussen 1959 en 1994, sowel as post-1994, openbaar diepgaande verhoudinge tussen Kuba en Suid-Afrikaanse vryheidsbewegings wat die Kubaanse staat en burgerlike samelewing behels. Die bevindinge in my navorsing sluit in ‘n oorsig van verhoudinge tussen Kuba en verskeie vryheidsbewegings op politiekeen militêre vlak asook die rol van Kubaanse burgerlike samelewing in areas soos opvoeding en die verstewiging van die rol van vroue in die vryheidstryd. Respondente openbaar dat verhoudinge tussen die twee sfere nie in een rigting geloop het nie, maar dat dit eintlik ‘n komplekse interaksie openbaar in wie die agentskap van die Suid-Afrikaanse vryheidsbewegings om die inhoud van die verhoudinge te bepaal ‘n sentrale deel speel. Deur buitelandse beleid te konseptualiseer deur gebruik te maak van ‘n v post-koloniale raamwerk kyk ek nie net bloot na die Kubaanse staat nie, maar ook na die rol van die Kubaanse burgerlike samelewing in die konstruksie en uitvoering van buitelandse beleid teenoor Suid- Afrikaanse vryheidsbewegings. Hierdie teoretiese raamwerk verwerp ‘n eng tweeledigheid tussen die buitelandse en binnelandse deur te kyk na die sosiale magte binne die staat sowel as die rol van ideologie in die binnelandse skepping van buitelandse beleid. Ten slote, die diepgaande verhoudinge tussen Kuba en Suid-Afrikaanse vryheidsbewegings wat my navorsing openbaar dui in die rigting van moontlike verdere teoretiese ondersoeke binne die vakgebied van Internasionale Betrekkinge vanaf ‘n perspektief van post-koloniale kritiek.
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Khomo, Melvin Muzi. "The yield curve as a forecasting tool : does the yield spread predict recessions in South Africa?" Thesis, Rhodes University, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1004722.

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This paper examines the ability of the yield curve to predict recessions in South Africa, and compares its predictive power with other commonly used variables that include the growth rate in real money supply, changes in stock prices and the index of leading economic indicators. The study also makes an attempt to find out if monetary policy explains the yield spread's predictive power with regards to future economic activity. Regarding methodology, the standard probit model proposed by Estrella and Mishkin (1996) that directly estimates the probability of the economy going into recession is used. Results from this model are compared with a modified probit model suggested by Dueker (1997) that includes a lagged dependent variable. Results presented in the paper provide further evidence that the yield curve, as represented by the yield spread between 3-month and IO-year government paper, can be used to estimate the likelihood of recessions in South Africa. The yield spread can produce recession forecasts up to 18 months, although it's best predictive power is seen at two quarters. Results from the standard probit model and the modified pro bit model with a lagged dependent variable are somewhat similar, although the latter model improves forecasts at shorter horizons up to 3 months. Compared with other indicators, real M3 growth is a noisy indicator and does not provide much information about future recessions, whilst movements in the All-Share index can provide information for up to 12 months but does not do better than the yield curve. The index of leading economic indicators outperforms the yield spread in the short run up to 4 months but the spread performs better at longer horizons. Based on the results from the study, it appears that changes in monetary policy explain the yield spread's predictive power. This is because the yield spread loses its explanatory power when combined with a variable representing the monetary policy stance of the central bank.
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Books on the topic "Yugoslavia – Economic policy – 20th century"

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1948-, Catterall Ross, Aldcroft Derek Howard, and International Economic History Congress (12th : 1998 : Madrid, Spain), eds. Exchange rate regimes and economic policy in the 20th century. Aldershot, Hants, England: Ashgate, 2004.

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Fujita, Sei. The Soviet economy as a social experiment: Lessons from the 20th century. Osaka: Osaka University of Economics and Law Press, 1999.

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Sei, Fujita. The Soviet economy as a social experiment: Lessons from the 20th Century. Osaka: Osaka Univeristy of Economics and Law Press, 1999.

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Abdul-Ganiyu, Garba, and Nigerian Economic Society, eds. Development thought, policy advise [sic] and economic development in Africa in the 20th century: Lessons for the 21st century. Ibadan: Published for the Nigerian Economic Society by Ibadan University Press, 2003.

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1952-, Magnusson Lars, ed. Twentieth century economic history. New York: Routledge, 2010.

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20-seiki Higashi Ajia no poritikaru ekonomī: Political economy of the 20th century East Asia. Kyōto-shi: Kōyō Shobō, 2019.

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Broder, Albert. Histoire économique de la France au XXe: 1914-1997. Paris: Ophrys, 1998.

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I, Lawless Richard, ed. The Gulf in the early 20th century: Foreign institutions and local responses. [Durham]: University of Durham, Centre for Middle Eastern and Islamic Studies, 1986.

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Chŏgŭng kwa hyŏmnyŏk ŭi sidae: 20-segi ŭi Han'guk kyŏngje = Adaptation and collaboration : Korean economy in the 20th century. Sŏul T'ŭkpyŏlsi: Haenam, 2013.

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Tomlinson, Jim. Public policy and the economy since 1900. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1990.

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Book chapters on the topic "Yugoslavia – Economic policy – 20th century"

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Gerards Iglesias, Simon. "Social Reforms and the Fear of Economic Backlash: Political Debates on Social Policy and Transnational Influences in Argentina in the 1930s." In International Impacts on Social Policy, 345–58. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-86645-7_27.

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AbstractSince the beginning of modern social policy in Argentina in the early 20th century, concerns about the loss of economic competitiveness of domestic industries had been an important argument against the introduction of labour policies. In the 1930s, however, the Argentinean government acceded to some important international labour conventions while business leaders promoted their own projects to improve labour safety and better working conditions at their facilities. This turnaround by the ruling conservative political elites and economic liberals can only be understood by considering transnational influences, particularly the triangular relationship between Argentina, the US, and the International Labour Organisation. Using the example of occupational accident legislation, this chapter shows how a social policy flagship was used as a tool to project the image of a modern, progressive nation that complied with international labour standards.
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Catterall, Ross E. "Introduction." In Exchange Rates and Economic Policy in the 20th Century, 1–16. Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315255729-1.

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Kotios, Angelos. "Unilateral euroisation in transition countries: the case of southeastern Europe." In Exchange Rates and Economic Policy in the 20th Century, 296–320. Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315255729-10.

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Aldcroft, Derek H. "Exchange rate regimes and economic performance in the inter-war years." In Exchange Rates and Economic Policy in the 20th Century, 17–70. Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315255729-2.

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Sumner, Scott. "Exchange rates crises and US financial markets during the 1930s." In Exchange Rates and Economic Policy in the 20th Century, 71–102. Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315255729-3.

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Oliver, Michael J. "The political economy of money supply, exchange rate and inflation targets since Bretton Woods." In Exchange Rates and Economic Policy in the 20th Century, 103–29. Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315255729-4.

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Webster, Allan. "European monetary union: does recent economic history in the UK suggest that exchange rates pose significant trade barriers?" In Exchange Rates and Economic Policy in the 20th Century, 130–71. Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315255729-5.

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Toner, Kieron. "The cart before the horse? Australian exchange rate policy and economic reform in the 1980s." In Exchange Rates and Economic Policy in the 20th Century, 172–200. Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315255729-6.

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Karfakis, Costas. "Stabilisation and adjustment in Greece, 1990–99." In Exchange Rates and Economic Policy in the 20th Century, 202–27. Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315255729-7.

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Catterall, Ross E. "Riding the exchange rate roller-coaster: speculative currency markets and the durability of exchange rate regimes." In Exchange Rates and Economic Policy in the 20th Century, 228–53. Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315255729-8.

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Conference papers on the topic "Yugoslavia – Economic policy – 20th century"

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Zimin, Lev. "Barga (Hulun-Buir) in the Foreign Policy of the Russian Empire: Russian Historiography." In Irkutsk Historical and Economic Yearbook 2021. Baikal State University, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.17150/978-5-7253-3040-3.48.

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The article is devoted to the analysis of the works of Russian researchers, which studied the foreign policy of the Russian Empire / USSR in Barga. The author examines works on Russian foreign policy in the first half of the 20th century, including publications written during this period. The article analyzed in detail the publications of contemporary Russian historians on this issue.
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Norovsambuu, Khishigt, Leonid Kuras, and Bazar Tsybenov. "From Intelligence to the Beginning of Revolutionary Cooperation: the Evolution of Russian Policy in Respect of Mongolia (1905–1918)." In Irkutsk Historical and Economic Yearbook 2021. Baikal State University, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.17150/978-5-7253-3040-3.43.

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The article is devoted to the evolution of the policy of the Russian Empire and Soviet Russia on the issue of Mongolia. The period under study begins with the Russo-Japanese War at the beginning of the 20th century and ends with the attempts of Soviet Russia to establish relations with Mongolia in 1917–1918. The authors analyzed in detail the military-intelligence, diplomatic and revolutionary aspects of Russian politics in Mongolia. The article also examines the question of the probable meeting in 1917 of Mongolian representatives with the revolutionaries of the Central Executive Committee of Soviet power in Siberia and the Siberian Bureau of the Central Committee of the Russian Communist Party (Bolsheviks).
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Mazzola, Ettore Maria. "Implementing the lesson of early 20th century traditional buildings for a real sustainability. The examples of Corviale (Rome) and ZEN (Palermo) districts." In HERITAGE2022 International Conference on Vernacular Heritage: Culture, People and Sustainability. Valencia: Universitat Politècnica de València, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/heritage2022.2022.15633.

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The lesson of the early Italian 20th Century vernacular/traditional buildings and districts by ICP (Social Housing Institute), which were quickly and inexpensively built, suggests the right way to improve our cities while respecting the environment. Moreover, the socio-economic strategy of those days shows what we can do to re-train artisans and generate a vast artisanship, which could reduce the restoration costs of our heritage. As matter of fact that wise way of building aimed not only at providing new decorous houses, but also at generating labor and reducing the future maintenance costs. The success and durability of the buildings of those districts were not accidental: their authors’ assessments, as well as the urban rules conceived on those days, show that everything was carefully planned of a great thanks to an interdisciplinary approach. The use of traditional masonry, that does not need to wait for the hardening times of concrete to be loaded, allowed the quick constructions of those buildings: for instance 6 months for 44 houses of the district San Saba and only 4 for the entire Lot 24 of the Garbatella. These traditional masonry houses, whose revalued building costs were roughly 50% less than current ones, have not needed to be restored for over 100 years and are among the most sought after houses in real estate, (€/sqm 11,000, like in the historical center). Furthermore, the wise construction policy of those days shows us how we can solve the problem of housing, earning public profits from it rather than increasing public debt. The cases studied in this paper regard the projects for the urban regeneration of two wretched suburbs, in Rome and Palermo. They both show how, thanks to the simple reuse of the pre-Fascist laws and tools, as well as of traditional masonry, we can achieve the above-mentioned program
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Gukasyan, Gurgen, and Ali Nasser Khayder. "PROSPECTS OF THE OIL INDUSTRY OF OPEC+ COUNTRIES - MAJOR OIL EXPORTERS IN THE CONTEXT OF POST-PANDEMIC AND POLITICAL INSTABILITY." In 22nd SGEM International Multidisciplinary Scientific GeoConference 2022. STEF92 Technology, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.5593/sgem2022/1.1/s06.075.

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The purpose of the analysis is to identify prospects and opportunities for the development of the oil industry of Arab countries (including Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates. Kuwait, Qatar. Oman, Iraq) as well as Iran, Venezuela, Russia and some others), in the difficult post�pandemic and political conditions of 2022. In our opinion, there is a strong influence on the oil industry of cyclical and structuralcyclical fluctuations of the world economy, along with the environmental policy of the OECD countries, long-term trends in the consumption of fossil fuels. In this aspect, the historical approach to analysis contributes to a better forecasting of the studied problem, namely, an experience of the OPEC policy in the 20th century. At the same time, in the context of the events of 2022, there is an overlap of political factors of the development of the oil market with its economic trends. This may lead to a change in the entire configuration of the oil market and industry. The bet on the exceptionally decisive role of "green energy" does not fully justify itself due to various difficulties. The oil resource is viewed differently by developing countries and OECD. Under these conditions, it is possible to identify and justify the impact of a number of unexpectedly intensified factors and strategic directions of the development of the oil industry for key OPEC+ member countries. In the article the methods of macro and microeconomic analysis, historical approach, statistical analysis, and partly, political analysis, are used. The results can be used in further investigation of oil-exporting countries oil policy.
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Reports on the topic "Yugoslavia – Economic policy – 20th century"

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Kimhi, Ayal, Barry Goodwin, Ashok Mishra, Avner Ahituv, and Yoav Kislev. The dynamics of off-farm employment, farm size, and farm structure. United States Department of Agriculture, September 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.32747/2006.7695877.bard.

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Objectives: (1) Preparing panel data sets for both the United States and Israel that contain a rich set of farm attributes, such as size, specialization, and output composition, and farmers’ characteristics such as off-farm employment status, education, and family composition. (2) Developing an empirical framework for the joint analysis of all the endogenous variables of interest in a dynamic setting. (3) Estimating simultaneous equations of the endogenous variables using the panel data sets from both countries. (4) Analyzing, using the empirical results, the possible effects of economic policies and institutional changes on the dynamics of the farm sector. An added objective is analyzing structural changes in farm sectors in additional countries. Background: Farm sectors in developed countries, including the U.S. and Israel, have experienced a sharp decline in their size and importance during the second half of the 20th century. The overall trend is towards fewer and larger farms that rely less on family labor. These structural changes have been a reaction to changes in technology, in government policies, and in market conditions: decreasing terms of trade, increasing alternative opportunities, and urbanization pressures. As these factors continue to change, so does the structure of the agricultural sector. Conclusions: We have shown that all major dimensions of structural changes in agriculture are closely interlinked. These include farm efficiency, farm scale, farm scope (diversification), and off-farm labor. We have also shown that these conclusions hold and perhaps even become stronger whenever dynamic aspects of structural adjustments are explicitly modeled using longitudinal data. While the results vary somewhat in the different applications, several common features are observed for both the U.S. and Israel. First, the trend towards the concentration of farm production in a smaller number of larger farm enterprises is likely to continue. Second, at the micro level, increased farm size is negatively associated with increased off-farm labor, with the causality going both ways. Third, the increase in farm size is mostly achieved by diversifying farm production into additional activities (crops or livestock). All these imply that the farm sector converges towards a bi-modal farm distribution, with some farms becoming commercial while the remaining farm households either exit farming altogether or continue producing but rely heavily on off-farm income. Implications: The primary scientific implication of this project is that one should not analyze a specific farm attribute in isolation. We have shown that controlling for the joint determination of the various farm and household attributes is crucial for obtaining meaningful empirical results. The policy implications are to some extent general but could be different in the two countries. The general implication is that farm policy is an important determinant of structural changes in the farm sector. For the U.S., we have shown the different effects of coupled and decoupled (direct) farm payments on the various farm attributes, and also shown that it is important to take into account the joint farm-household decisions in order to conduct a meaningful policy analysis. Only this kind of analysis explains the indirect effect of direct farm payments on farm production decisions. For Israel, we concluded that farm policy (or lack of farm policy) has contributed to the fast structural changes we observed over the last 25 years. The sharp change of direction in farm policy that started in the early 1980s has accelerated structural changes that could have been smoother otherwise. These accelerated structural changes most likely lead to welfare losses in rural areas.
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