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1
Niebuhr, Robert. "Enlarging Yugoslavia: Tito's Quest for Expansion, 1945–1948." European History Quarterly 47, no. 2 (April 2017): 284–310. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0265691416688174.
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When Yugoslav strongman Josip Broz Tito secured power at the end of the Second World War, he had envisioned for himself a new Yugoslavia that would serve as the center of power for the Balkan Peninsula. First, he worked to ensure a Yugoslav presence in the Trieste region of Italy and southern Austria as a way to gain territory inhabited by Slovenes and Croats; meanwhile, his other foreign policy escapades sought to make Yugoslavia into a major European power. To that end, Yugoslav agents quickly worked to synchronize the Albanian socio-economic and political systems through their support of Albanian Partisans and only grew emboldened over time. As allies who proved themselves in the fight against fascism, Yugoslav policymakers felt able to act with impunity throughout the early post-Cold War period. The goal of this article is to highlight this early foreign policy by focusing on three case studies – Trieste, Carinthia, and Albania – as part of an effort to reinforce the established argument over Tito's quest for power in the early Cold War period.
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Shakhin, Yuri. "Slovenian Republicanism During the Height of State-Run System." Journal of Economic History and History of Economics 21, no. 1 (March 16, 2020): 29–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.17150/2308-2588.2020.21(1).29-53.
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The study analyzed 1947-1950s economic policy-related tensions between the authorities of Yugoslavia and Slovenia. In general, the Slovenian economic bureaucracy adopted the rules of the game established earlier. In 1947-1948 it confronted the union bureaucracy over the cases with unrealistically high expectations and with possible negative political impact. In addition, the Slovenian economic bureaucracy tried to turn nagative effects into its own advantage. Due to the detioration of Yugoslavia's economic situation, the nature of the tensions has been changing. Slovenian Politburo was getting discontent with union management methods. Slovenian bureaucracy intensified the struggle for scarce resources and against the reduction of republican investment. Public opinion in the republic was increasinlgy critical of its situation within Yugoslavia. Opposition to federal economic policy, previously grouped in the economic apparatus, was beginning to recieve some support from the Slovenian party leadership.
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Shakhin, Yuri. "Slovenian Republicanism During the Height of State-Run System." Journal of Economic History and History of Economics 21, no. 1 (March 16, 2020): 29–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.17150/2308-2588.2020.21(1).29-53.
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The study analyzed 1947-1950s economic policy-related tensions between the authorities of Yugoslavia and Slovenia. In general, the Slovenian economic bureaucracy adopted the rules of the game established earlier. In 1947-1948 it confronted the union bureaucracy over the cases with unrealistically high expectations and with possible negative political impact. In addition, the Slovenian economic bureaucracy tried to turn nagative effects into its own advantage. Due to the detioration of Yugoslavia's economic situation, the nature of the tensions has been changing. Slovenian Politburo was getting discontent with union management methods. Slovenian bureaucracy intensified the struggle for scarce resources and against the reduction of republican investment. Public opinion in the republic was increasinlgy critical of its situation within Yugoslavia. Opposition to federal economic policy, previously grouped in the economic apparatus, was beginning to recieve some support from the Slovenian party leadership.
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Bakic, Dragan. "The port of Salonica in Yugoslav foreign policy 1919-1941." Balcanica, no. 43 (2012): 191–219. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc1243191b.
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This paper explores the importance of the Greek port of Salonica (Thessaloniki) for Yugoslav foreign policy-makers during the interwar period. It suggests that, apart from economic interests, namely securing trade facilities in the port and transport facilities offered by the Ghevgheli-Salonica railway connecting the Yugo?slav territory with Salonica, there were security considerations which accounted for Belgrade?s special interest in this matter. These stemmed from two reasons - Serbia?s painful experience from the Great War on which occasion the cutting off of the route for Salonica had had dire consequences for the Serbian Army and the post-war strategic situation whereby Yugoslavia was nearly ringed by hostile and potentially hostile neighbours which was a constant reminder of the immediate past and made both political and military leadership envisage a potential renewed need to retreat to Salonica in a general conflict. The events prior to and during the Second World War seem to have vindicated such preoccupations of Yugoslav policy-makers. All the Great Powers involved in the conflict in the Balkans realised the significance attached to Salonica in Belgrade and tried to utilise it for their own ends. Throughout these turbulent events Prince Paul and his government did not demonstrate an inclination to exploit the situation in order to achieve territorial aggrandisement but rather reacted with restraint being vitally concerned that neither Italy nor Germany took possession of Salonica and thus encircled Yugoslavia completely leaving her at their mercy.
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Ilić, Saša. "Socialist Banking: The Continuous Evolution of the Banking Sector in Yugoslavia (1944/45–1991/92)." Anali Pravnog fakulteta u Beogradu, Volume 70, Issue 1 (March 30, 2022): 33–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.51204/anali_pfbu_22102a.
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The article explores the influence of the ideological and political frameworks and changes in the physiognomy of social, economic and internal political relations, as well as the foreign policy orientation, on the structure of the banking sector in socialist Yugoslavia, The attempt is to determine the appearance and the important features of the banking sector, the sequence of reforms that marked this field of economic life in the second half of the 20th century, as well as the effectiveness of the observed changes. The overview is provided of the characteristics of the different phases that the Yugoslav banking system, starting with the development of the socialist banking system, planned organization and rigid centralization, through various phases of decentralization, central plan weakening and introduction of market elements, to the shaping (and reshaping) of the self-management banking system and its repercussions on the country’s economic unity.
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ČOVIĆ, PAULINA. "FOREIGN STUDENTS AT THE UNIVERSITY OF BELGRADE AND THEIR INTEREST IN THE HISTORY OF SOUTH SLAVS (1923–1941)." ISTRAŽIVANJA, Јournal of Historical Researches, no. 30 (December 25, 2019): 197–216. http://dx.doi.org/10.19090/i.2019.30.197-216.
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The paper examines the schooling of foreign students, holders of the scholarships awarded by the Ministry of Education of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes/Yugoslavia, at the University of Belgrade between the two World Wars. The first competitions were opened mid 1920s, with those countries which aided the schooling of Yugoslav students at their respective universities being eligible to apply. During the 1930s student exchange continued, in an apparently more extensive and organized manner, only to be extended at the end of the period under review to include countries with which the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, in accordance with the change of foreign policy orientation, established close political and economic relations. Thus, in the beginning, students from France, Great Britain, Czechoslovakia and Poland came to study in Belgrade, whereas, during the years before World War II, students also came from Turkey, Germany and Italy. Scholarship holders most often worked on developing their knowledge of Serbo-Croatian-Slovenian, studied literature and Yugoslav culture in general. Many of them chose to study history, whether as part of their undergraduate or specialist studies. They are the particular focus of this study. The paper is based on unpublished archival sources, periodicals and relevant historiographic literature.
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Stamova, Mariyana. "Albanci na Balkanu tokom Drugog svetskog rata." Historijski pogledi 5, no. 8 (November 15, 2022): 152–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2022.5.8.152.
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After the end of the First World War, some countries in the Balkans remained dissatisfied with the status quo achieved with the Versailles system of peace treaties. The Albanian movement for territorial and ethnic Albania failed to fully realize - Kosovo and Metohija remained in the Royal Yugoslavia, established in 1918, which emerged from the First World War as a victorious state. The large Albanian population is a serious problem for the Kingdom of Yugoslavia. One of the culprits, according to some researchers, is Belgrade's own political circles in the interwar period. Nationally, culturally, economically and politically, the Albanians in this period are in the worst position of any other national minority in the royal Yugoslavia. Here are a few examples to support the above. In the period between the two world wars, the Albanian minority in Yugoslavia did not have a single school in their mother tongue, nor did it have a single cultural, educational or economic association. Dissatisfaction among Albanians from Kosovo and Metohija is growing with the policy of colonizing the Serb population from other parts of the country. This policy of repression against the Albanian population in Kosovo and Metohija provoked his numerous emigration to Albania. Much of the progressive emigration, in the person of Hassan Prishtina, Bedri Peyani, Ibrahim Gjakova and others, is extremely hostile to the Yugoslav state. This was cleverly used by the Albanian and Italian governments to break up Yugoslavia years later. In this regard, it is very important for Italian intelligence to engage Kosovo emigration in order to achieve full Italian control over Albania and weaken Yugoslavia's position in the south. With the impending new military confrontation on the international field, which would undoubtedly affect this region of Europe as well, Albanians see a real opportunity to achieve their national goals. Undoubtedly, the Albanian territory is also included in the geostrategic plans of the major countries for conducting military operations in the Balkans and implementing their further plans. In this regard, Italy's goal of making Albania a bridgehead in the Balkans for control of the Straits and the Middle East is to support the aspirations of Albanian nationalists after their long struggle to create a state that unites all Albanians. The status quo of the Balkans, reached by the Versailles system of peace treaties, was destroyed in the course of the Second World War. From all the Balkan states Albania was the first to experience the new order of Hitler and Mussolini and with their help accomplished its national program, precisely с the unification of the Albanian people and establishment of an Albanian identity in the Balkans. With the capitulation of Yugoslavia on April 7, 1941, a new territorial situation was created for the Axis forces and their satellite allies. The partition of Yugoslavia is one of the conditions for the realization of the „New Order“ in Southeast Europe. Convinced that the time was coming when, with the help of Italy and Germany, Kosovo and Metohija, western Macedonia, the eastern regions of Montenegro, etc. would enter Albania's borders, the Kosovo Committee with leading figures of Albanian nationalism, such as Bedri Pejani, Rexhep Mitrovica, Ibrahim Gjakova and Rexhep Krasniqi, have elevated political concepts for ethnic and territorial Albania familiar from the interwar period. In these years „Greater Albania” was a wartime creature, which did not get international recognition. The end of the war also put to rest the idea of a national unification of the Albanian people. The Albanian state again had its boundaries established after the end of the World War I; a large part of the Albanian population was left outside of these borders.
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Rakonjac, Aleksandar. "IZMEĐU TRANSFERA TEHNOLOGIJA I DOMAĆIH REŠENJA: IZGRADNJA MOTORNE INDUSTRIJE U JUGOSLAVIJI 1945−1952." Istorija 20. veka 40, no. 2/2022 (August 1, 2022): 405–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.29362/ist20veka.2022.2.rak.405-422.
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This article aims to shed light on how the Yugoslav motor industry in the first post-war years sought to overcome the difficulties of mastering the technology of motor vehicle production on a modern industrial basis. During this period, gigantic efforts were made to get the country out of economic backwardness in the shortest possible time. The motor industry had one of the key roles on the path of modernization of the economy, and the state accordingly paid special attention to the construction of factories in this branch of industry. Reliance on pre-war pioneering moves of truck fabrication based on a license purchased in Czechoslovakia was the main capital with which began the process of emancipation of the domestic motor industry. Due to the impossibility to independently solve the issue of construction of all types of motor vehicles, help was sought abroad. Negotiations with the USSR and Hungary were started first, but even before the severance of all relations caused by the conflict between the Yugoslav and Soviet leadership, this attempt to establish cooperation failed. In the following years, after the failure in the East, the state concentrated all its efforts on establishing strong economic ties with the West. Thanks to favorable foreign policy circumstances, the reorientation of state policy had achieved great economic benefits for the further construction of the motor industry. Licenses for the fabrication of the “Ansaldo TCA/60” tractor were purchased, thus resolving the production of all heavy types of vehicles, as well as the production of oil-powered engines. By the early 1950s, cooperation had been established with several renowned companies from Germany, Italy and Switzerland, which provided opportunities for the Yugoslav engine industry to keep pace with the latest technological solutions. However, despite the transfer of technology that played a dominant role in raising the national car and tractor industry, domestic forces played a significant role in the production of the first air-cooled engine, a light wheeled tractor with a gasoline engine and the “Prvenac” truck. The Yugoslav example has shown that reliance on one’s own strength and international cooperation are two inextricably important factors in overcoming all the difficulties that come with the forced industrialization.
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Sušić, Osman. "Bosnia and Herzegovina in Serbian cultural club concepts." Historijski pogledi 3, no. 4 (December 30, 2020): 108–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2020.3.4.108.
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This paper covers the period from 1937 to 1945, the period of the establishment and works of the Serbian Cultural Club. The paper will discuss the political circumstances in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia in wich Serbian Cultural Club was founded, as well as the program goals and its activities in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Special emphasis will be put on the period of the Second World War in the Bosnia and Herzegovina and the former common state and the activities of the Serbian Cultural Club in the Second World War. The work and achievement of the program goals of the Serbian Cultural Club in the Second World War will be presented through the work of the Exile Government in London and the activities of the Chetniks Movement in the Bosnia and Herzegovina and the former common state. The Serbian Cultural Club was formed as a form of political association and activity, which included politicians, public workers, scientists, members of various political organizations, representatives of state and parastate bodies and organizations, under the slogan "Serbs for Reunion". The club acted as a unique and homogeneous organization, regardless of the composition of the membership, with the goal of saving Serbia and Serbs. This most clearly expressed his overall activity, composition and degree of influence on state policy. The most important issues of state or Serbian nationalist policy for the interest of the Government were discussed in the Club, so the club had an extensive network of boards and several media. Professor and Rector of the University of Belgrade, Dr. Slobodan Jovanović, was elected the first president of the Serbian Cultural Club. He was the ideological creator of this organization (and he set out the basic tasks and goals of the Club). The vice presidents were Dr. Nikola Stojanović and Dr. Dragiša Vasić, and Dr. Vasa Čubrilović the secretary. Dr. Stevan Moljevic was the president of the board of the Serbian Cultural Club for the Bosnian Krajina, based in Banja Luka. According to Dinić, the initiative for the formation of the Serbian Cultural Club was given by Bosnian-Herzegovinian Serbs Dr. Nikola Stojanović, Dr. Vladimir Čorović, Dr. Vladimir Grčić and Dr. Slobodan Jovanović. The activities of the Serbian Cultural Club can be divided into two stages. The first from its founding in 1936 until the signing of the Cvetković-Maček agreement, and the second from 1939 to 1941. The program of the Serbian Cultural Club was a sum of Greater Serbia programs of all major political parties that operated in Serbia with the help of state institutions. The goals of the Serbian Cultural Club were mainly: expansionist policy of expanding Serbian rule to neighboring areas, denying the national identity of all other Yugoslav nations and exercising the right to self-determination. The program goals of the Serbian Cultural Club were to propagate Greater Serbian ideology. With its program about Greater Serbia and its activities, the Serbian Cultural Club has become the bearer of the most extreme Serbian nationalist aspirations. After the Cvetković-Maček agreement of August 1939, the Serbian Cultural Club demanded a revision of the agreement, calling for a Serbo-Croatian agreement based on ethnic, historical or economic-geographical principles. The adoption of one of these principles was to apply to the entire area inhabited by Serbs. The subcommittees of the Serbian Cultural Club in Bosnia and Herzegovina had the primary task of working to emphasize its Serbian character, and after the Cvetkovic-Macek agreement to form awareness that the whole of Bosnia and Herzegovina should enter the Serbian territorial unit. With the prominent slogan "Wherever there are Serbs - there is Serbia", the Serbs in Bosnia and Herzegovina were marked as the "vigilant guardian of the Serbian national consciousness". The leadership and most of the members of the Serbian Cultural Club joined the Chetnik movement as Draža Mihailović's national ideologues. The policy of the militant Greater Serbia program and Serbian nationalism of the Serbian Cultural Club was accepted as the program of Draža Mihailović's Chetnik movement. Some of Draža Mihailović's most important associates belonged to the Serbian Cultural Club. The main political goals of the Chetnik movement are formulated in several program documents. The starting point in them was the idea of a "Greater and Homogeneous Serbia", which was based on the idea that Serbs should be the leading nation in the Balkans.
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Popovska, Dragica. "THE PRINCIPLES OF YUGOSLAVCULTURAL POLICY (1945-1952)." PHILOLOGICAL STUDIES 19, no. 2 (2021): 25–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.17072/1857-6060-2021-19-2-25-38.
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After World War II and the formation of the new Yugoslav state, the Communist Party of Yugoslavia began to establisha new political system. In the process oftransformation of Yugoslav society, the resource of culture was crucial. The paper focuses on the basic principles upon which the cultural policy in the new Yugoslavia was built, whose specificity was largely conditioned by the current political and educational situation. Based on theavailable archival material, the paper analyzes the fundamental ideas in the specific field, in the periods before and after the conflict with the Information Bureau (Cominform). The differences between the two periodsshowhow important the social factors are in the formulation of the goals of the cultural policy. Namely, in the first years there is a strong sovietization in the cultural field, where the following of the Soviet modelsin politics is especiallynoticeable. In the 1950s began desovietization,а process that consisted of abandoning the Soviet model of cultural practices, abandonment of the ideological matrix of socialist realism and introduction of self-administrativesocialism, which would contribute to acertain democratization in the fieldof cultural production
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Cvetković, Vladimir Lj. "Ekonomski odnosi Jugoslavije i Rumunije 1945-1948. godine." Tokovi istorije 29, no. 1 (April 29, 2021): 165–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.31212/tokovi.2021.1.cve.165-190.
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This paper analyzes Yugoslav-Romanian economic relations between 1945 and 1948, marked by post-war restoration and radical social and economic changes in both countries. It is focused on the political and economic consequences of the Second World War, trade agreements and exchange, and other forms of economic cooperation which were abruptly suspended due to the conflict between Cominform and Yugoslavia in mid-1948.
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Dobrokhotov, Leonid Nikolaevich. "The New Cold War as a Geopolitical and civilizational Reality." Социодинамика, no. 11 (November 2022): 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-7144.2022.11.38672.
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In contrast to the previous optimistic forecasts of the ruling elite in the late USSR and in the new Russia about how our country's relations with the West will develop positively after the collapse of the Soviet Union and the socialist system in Eastern Europe, Russia's successful entry into the Western community; after the triumphalist sentiments in the West itself regarding the "collapse of communism", the after the victory in the cold war and the role of Russia, which has lost its role as a superpower, subordinate to the interests of the Western community, the real reality of international relations turned out to be completely different. At the turn of the century, as a result of NATO's aggression against Yugoslavia, the approach of troops and weapons of this bloc to our borders, open support in the West for separatist movements and wars on the territory of the Russian Federation, the process of disillusionment with previous illusions began. It sharply intensified after Vladimir Putin's Munich speech in 2007, Russia's recognition of the independence of South Ossetia and Abkhazia, and especially the conflict in Ukraine and the reunification of Crimea, which actually led to the beginning of a new cold war. Gradually, the ruling elites of Russia and the West began to realize that the decisive reason for the former "cold war" of 1946-1989 was not so much the notorious "communism" in the USSR and in Eastern European countries, but above all the fundamental civilizational and geopolitical differences between the West and Russia, dating back centuries, stable Russophobic sentiments of public opinion in the West. As the experience of history and modernity shows, Russia's successful domestic and international position is possible only if it preserves and strengthens the status of a great Eurasian power based on a sovereign domestic and foreign policy, a successful socio-economic course approved by the people and a wise state ideology.
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Rakonjac, Aleksandar. "Implementacija sovjetskih ekonomskih metoda u jugoslovensku privredu: industrija i rudarstvo (1945−1947)." Tokovi istorije 29, no. 2 (August 30, 2021): 65–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.31212/tokovi.2021.2.rak.65-86.
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The end of the Second World War in Yugoslavia opened a number of issues related to the organization of the economy. Regarding the concept of building the economy and society, the Yugoslav communists had a clear vision of the future structure even before the end of the war. Strong political reliance on the Soviet Union, determined by the war alliance and ideological closeness, decisively influenced the choice of the economic model that was to be implemented in Yugoslavia. The transition to the Soviet-type command economy, with the aim of mastering and applying Soviet experiences in Yugoslav conditions, took place with the wholehearted help of the USSR. This paper will analyze how the methods from the Soviet economic practice were implemented in industry and mining during the two-year period of economic restoration.
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Uvalić, Milica. "Nationalism and economic policy in the former Yugoslavia." MOCT-MOST: Economic Policy in Transitional Economies 5, no. 3 (September 1995): 37–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf00996708.
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Selimović, Sead. "Political and socio-economic changes in Bijeljina from 1945. to 1953." Historijski pogledi 3, no. 4 (December 30, 2020): 178–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2020.3.4.178.
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The author writes about political and socio-economic changes in Bijeljina from 1945 to 1953. After the Second World War, the area of Bijeljina was part of the Tuzla District. Since 1949, Bijeljina has been an integral part of the Tuzla region, and since 1952, it has been one of the 66 districts of the People's Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The area of Bijeljina consisted of the District of Bijeljina and the City of Bijeljina. After the Second World War, the new government faced many problems: lack of adequate communication between lower and higher authorities, organization and accommodation of counties, feeding the population, buying grain, sowing, repatriation of refugees, assistance to the disabled, health problems, education, etc. In the 1945 election campaign, the Communist Party of Yugoslavia (KPJ) prevented the participation of civic parties in various ways. The regime spied on its political and ideological opponents. Citizens were afraid that they would be arrested as "enemies of the people" and punished. Numerous opponents of the Popular Front were removed from the voter lists. The first elections in the socialist of Yugoslavia were held on November 11, 1945. In the elections, they voted for the list of the Popular Front and the box without the list ("blank box"). The list of the Popular Front, which also included "verified" members of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia, won convincingly. In the Bijeljina district, 27,018 voters were registered to vote. 25,188 or 93.23% of the total number of registered voters voted. Candidate of the People's Front for the Federal Assembly of the Yugoslavia from the Bijeljina District, dr. Vojislav Kecmanović received 24,419 votes (96.95%), while the box without a list won 769 votes (3.05%). The list of the Popular Front for the Assembly of Peoples of the Yugoslavia was also "convincing" in these elections. The list won 24,457 votes or 97.10% of the total number of voters who went to the polls, while the box without the list won 731 votes or 2.90%. In the total population of Bijeljina, women were more numerous than men and made up 52.24% of the population of the District and 52.29% of the population of the City. Women played an important role in the socio-economic, cultural and educational life of Bijeljina. Bosniaks, Serbs, Croats and members of other nations lived together in the area of Bijeljina, and the number of inhabitants was continuously increasing. In 1948 there were 77,482 inhabitants and in 1953, 86,865 inhabitants which was an increase of 9,383 persons or 11.49%. Serbs made up the majority in Bijeljina County (80%) and Bosniaks in Grad (52%). He is in Bijeljina, in 1948, there were 51,031 persons or 65.86% of the population without education, 24,160 persons or 31.18% with completed primary school, and 1,649 persons or 2.13% of the population with lower secondary school. 565 persons or 0.73% had completed secondary school, and 73 persons or 0.09% of the population of Bijeljina had completed college and university. There were 32,522 women or 63.73% of the total number of persons without education and 18,509 men or 36.27% without education. In addition, the literacy of the population was at a very low level. As many as 22,139 or 37.76% of people over the age of nine were illiterate. In the area of Bijeljina, in the period 1945-1953. year, the number of primary schools increased from 34, 1946, to 53, 1953. In addition to primary schools, there were other schools: Teacher's, Gymnasium, Agricultural High School. With such a population structure in Bijeljina, the reconstruction and the first five-year plan were carried out very ambitiously. Significant economic changes were made in this period (1945-1953). These changes are visible in the field of crafts, trade, catering, agriculture.
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Shakhin, Yuri. "Formation of the Yugoslav Nomenclature (1945‒1951)." OOO "Zhurnal "Voprosy Istorii" 2021, no. 12-4 (December 1, 2021): 56–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.31166/voprosyistorii202112statyi118.
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The article based on the analysis of published and archival sources attempts to investigate the formation of the Yugoslav nomenclature in 1945-1951. The article analyzes the organization of the personnel service of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia and the principles of its personnel policy. Particular attention is paid to the problems of the placement of personnel in various leadership positions. The author traces the formation of the nomenclature system and the beginning of its dismantling, caused by the policy of decentralization and the course towards the creation of self-governing socialism.
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Bartlett, Will. "Economic reform, unemployment and labour market policy in Yugoslavia." MOCT-MOST Economic Policy in Transitional Economies 1, no. 3 (October 1991): 93–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf01102300.
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Papajorgji, Endri, and Naim Mëçalla. "Enterprises in Yugoslavia as a Specialty of Workers' Self-Management System During Socialism (1945-1990)." Academic Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 10, no. 5 (September 5, 2021): 175. http://dx.doi.org/10.36941/ajis-2021-0132.
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In Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (hereinafter: SFRY) many laws were approved that regulated the legal capacity of economic organizations (Dobias, 1969);1 however, no law regulated the concept of the enterprise (Stipetić, 1982). The constitution of 13.1.1953 transformed in its Art 4 “state property” to "social property". In addition, workers' self-management of enterprises (economic organizations) was proclaimed as the basis of the social and political order. The work collective managed the assets of the companies on behalf of the company, while the state was responsible for day-to-day management and the funds needed for production (Prasnikar, Svejnar, Mihaljek & Prasnikar, 1994). In this sense, the implementation of participative management systems reflects the intentions of the political leadership to decentralize and liberalize economic life (Zeffane, 1988). The company was not a commercial company, as it is known in the West, but a production cooperative that was not in a membership relationship with the workers (because then they would be equal to a public company), but in an employment relationship (Spaić, 1960). The company was self-sufficient in terms of its internal organization and management, planning its economic activity, the distribution and use of income, the signing of contracts and the formation of economic associations (Pretnar, 1961). The self-administration law, ie the right of the work collectives to the administration of the commercial enterprises, could be called civil-law or property-law authority, because the work collectives would not have possessed a real self-administration right, without such a competence. In this sense, main objective of this manuscript is the analysis of enterprises in Yugoslavia as a specialty of both systems, capitalism and socialism. Main objective of this manuscript is the Analysis of Enterprises in Yugoslavia as a specialty of workers' self-management system from 1963 -1990 Received: 16 June 2021 / Accepted: 3 August 2021 / Published: 5 September 2021
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Jakarta, Moh Saubari. "Reflections on Economic Policy Making: 1945–51." Bulletin of Indonesian Economic Studies 23, no. 2 (August 1987): 118–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00074918712331335221.
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Savelli, Mat. "‘Peace and happiness await us’: Psychotherapy in Yugoslavia, 1945–85." History of the Human Sciences 31, no. 4 (October 2018): 38–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0952695118773951.
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Previous accounts of psychiatry within Communist Europe have emphasized the dominance of biological approaches to mental health treatment. Psychotherapy was thus framed as a taboo or marginal component of East European psychiatric care. In more recent years, this interpretation has been re-examined as historians are beginning to delve deeper into the diversity of mental healthcare within the Communist world, noting many instances in which psychotherapeutic techniques and theory entered into clinical practice. Despite their excellent work uncovering these hitherto neglected histories, however, historians of the psy-disciplines in Eastern Europe (and indeed other parts of the world) have neglected to fully consider the ways that post-World War II psychotherapeutic developments were not simply continuations of pre-war psychoanalytic traditions, but rather products of emerging transnational networks and knowledge exchanges in the post-war period. This article highlights how psychotherapy became a leading form of treatment within Communist Yugoslavia. Inspired by theorists in France and the United Kingdom, among other places, Yugoslav practitioners became well versed in a number of psychotherapeutic techniques, especially ‘brief psychotherapy’ and group-based treatment. These developments were not accidents of ideology, whereby group psychotherapy might be accepted by authorities as a nod to some idea of ‘the collective’, but were rather products of economic limitations and strong links with international networks of practitioners, especially in the domains of social psychiatry and group analysis. The Yugoslav example underscores the need for more historical attention to transnational connections among psychotherapists and within the psy-disciplines more broadly.
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Dobrivojevic, Ivana. "Od krize do krize. — Životni standard u Jugoslaviji 1955–1965." Contributions to Contemporary History 56, no. 1 (May 25, 2016): 145–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.51663/pnz.56.1.09.
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FROM CRISIS TO CRISIS. LIVING STANDARD IN YUGOSLAVIA 1955-1965The author of this paper examines living standard and living conditions of the citizens of Yugoslavia from the turning point in economic politics (1955) to economic reform (1965). Special attention is devoted to the efforts of the Party to conduct more rational investment policy, decrease levelling of wages, increase standard, liberalization, economic difficulties, constant deficit, as well as relative poverty of the largest number of Yugoslavs. Sources have been used from the Archives of Yugoslavia and relevant periodicals and literature.
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Flere, Sergej, and Rudi Klanjšek. "What typological appelation is suitable for Tito's Yugoslavia: Response to Mihaljević and Miljan." Istorija 20. veka 38, no. 2/2020 (August 1, 2020): 231–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.29362/ist20veka.2020.2.fle.231-244.
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The main aim of the paper is to expose the counterfactual, scientifically unfounded and unscholarly statements by Mihaljević and Miljan in the paper “Was Tito’s Yugoslavia not Totalitarian?” We needed to treat the issues of (1) totalitarianism as a scholarly concept and a social construct, (2) the typological characterization of Tito’s Yugoslavia, where there is substantial agreement among scholars that consociation fits it; (3) the organization of security services in Yugoslavia of the period, (4) the role of the republics in conducting foreign policy, which increased steadily; (5) monetary policy and seigniorage which came about, of which our critics were completely unaware, (6) the issue of the political system’s dynamics (there were very substantial changes in the period 1945-1991) and (7) the issue of the political system’s legitimacy. We also noted a number of minor mistakes, errors, and omissions by the authors at issue. A general failure by the authors to achieve scientific objectivity and to master the notions necessary for analysis is found.
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Strange, Susan. "Years of recovery: British economic policy 1945–51." International Affairs 62, no. 1 (1985): 130–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2618111.
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Worswick, David, and Alec Cairncross. "Years of Recovery: British Economic Policy 1945-51." Economic Journal 96, no. 381 (March 1986): 238. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2233447.
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Capie, Forrest, and Alec Cairncross. "Years of Recovery: British Economic Policy, 1945-51." Economic History Review 39, no. 1 (February 1986): 145. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2596126.
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Pollard, Sidney, and Alec Cairncross. "Years of Recovery: British Economic Policy, 1945-51." American Historical Review 91, no. 4 (October 1986): 931. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1873391.
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Drummond, Ian M., and Alec Cairncross. "Years of Recovery: British Economic Policy 1945-51." Economica 54, no. 214 (May 1987): 255. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2554395.
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Lange, Even, and Helge Pharo. "Planning and economic Policy in Norway, 1945–1960*." Scandinavian Journal of History 16, no. 3 (January 1991): 215–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03468759108579219.
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Adnett, Nick. "Years of Recovery: British Economic Policy 1945-51." Journal of Economic Issues 20, no. 1 (March 1986): 261–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00213624.1986.11504495.
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Simon, Djerdj. "Economic transition in Yugoslavia: A view from outside." Medjunarodni problemi 55, no. 1 (2003): 104–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp0301104s.
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Yugoslavia, once an advanced country in market reforms, was one of the least transformed countries in Eastern Europe in the nineties. Such a situation was caused by the civil war, policy of the Milosevic?s regime and international sanctions. The resistance of the ruling conservative forces made it impossible to establish an adequate reform policy. Thus, the transition stopped short halfway. The situation has radically changed only since the autumn of 2000, after Milosevic?s downfall, when after the gradual lifting of international isolation, economic and political reforms were given a new stimulus, and the country could start the process of European integration. This article is an attempt to give an overview of the transition of the Yugoslav economy in the last ten years or so. The growth rate of Yugoslavia?s GDP is compared not only with that of its neighbouring countries, i.e. other former socialist countries of South-Eastern Europe (Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Bulgaria, Macedonia, and Romania) but also with that of other transition economies in Central and Eastern Europe, including the Commonwealth of Independent States. A particular attention is given to the role of research and development (R&D) in Yugoslavia in the nineties as compared to Croatia, Slovenia, and the United States. The structural changes in the Yugoslav economy during the past decade are analysed together with property relations as well as the issues concerning small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs). At the sectoral level, it is the performance of manufacturing and agriculture that is separately explored. In relation to this, wage formation and relative wage levels in Yugoslavia?s manufacturing are viewed regarding the country?s international competitiveness and wider characteristics of globalising world economy. In analysing the role of external sources in the Yugoslav economy, the problems of foreign trade, external indebtedness, and attraction of foreign direct investment (FDI) are emphasized together with the economic assistance rendered to the FRY by the European Union. Regarding the important indicator of openness, i.e. the share of exports and imports in GDP, a comparison is made between Yugoslavia, on one hand, and Croatia, Slovenia, the European Union, and the United States, on the other. The economic policy of Milosevic?s regime is contrasted with that of the new democratic government that came to power after the events in October 2000. Stabilisation, liberalisation, privatisation, and institutional reform are considered giving particular attention to the experience of the member republics of the Yugoslav federation: Serbia and Montenegro. The author comes to the following conclusions: in transition countries stabilisation, liberalisation, and privatisation cannot be successful without carrying out a comprehensive, deep reform of the system of political institutions that along with creation of conditions for establishment of democracy and its strengthening also enables building of a modern and efficient market economy. This complicated and often contradictory process could come across serious obstacles if the old state and party nomenclature in power retains the command economy without planning, and under demagogical, nationalistic, and populist slogans gets involved in wars even taking the risks of being put under international isolation. However, such an outdated economic system characterised by autarchy can only temporarily exist and hinder the unravelling of market reforms in the epoch of globalisation.
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Woodward, Susan L. "Orthodoxy and solidarity: competing claims and international adjustment in Yugoslavia." International Organization 40, no. 2 (1986): 505–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818300027223.
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Yugoslav policies of domestic adjustment to world economic changes during 1973–85 are the result of two sets of constraints imposed by the strategy of the ruling communist party for retaining its power:(1) an open international strategy for economic growth and national autonomy, chosen in the 1940s, that includes extensive use of foreign capital resources, and (2) the coalition of competing political and economic interests gathered within the party, which has been maintained by granting autonomy to producers, limits on the economic role of the state, and successive devolution of financial and administrative authority. The first imposes external budget constraints, the terms of which are defined by foreign creditors and supported by domestic economic liberals; the second imposes domestic political constraints that narrow the policy alternatives, limit their effective implementation, and require compromises that encourage further borrowing and political reform. The policy result is central party determination of policy orientation; macroeconomic stabilization policies that have continually given priority to maintaining the external balance and that combine orthodox deflation with administrative controls; periodic alternation in structural adjustment policies between a developmental, redistributive emphasis and an exportoriented, liberal, market emphasis, depending on the external constraints; and political and institutional flexibility in response to each policy shift and in order to maintain political order.
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Obradović, Marija. "From Revolutionary to Clientelistic Party." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 27, no. 3 (June 17, 2013): 376–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325413486582.
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Recent reinterpretations of the history of socialist Yugoslavia, which broke up at the time of the collapse of communism in Eastern Europe (1989–1991), have revived old and opened new controversies concerning the character and policy of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia (KPJ) at the time of the establishment of the Federal People’s Republic of Yugoslavia (FNRJ) following the Second World War. One of them credits the “absolutization” of Josip Broz Tito’s charisma for the establishment and functioning of KPJ rule. The main aim of this article is to challenge such claims by providing an analytical account of the formative years of socialist Yugoslavia based upon primary archival sources. These sources illustrate that rather than Tito’s omnipotence, the decisive factor in the functioning of KPJ power was the clientelistic structure of hierarchical party and state organization. This paper argues that the establishment of clientelistic group-rational behavioral patterns in the KPJ structure and state organization drove the institutionalization of loyalty between the patron, the Politburo of the Central Committee of the KPJ (KPJ CC Politburo), and the client, the communist nomenklatura, an organized social network of party cadres occupying all significant functions in the society. The social origin of the members of the nomenklatura, that is, the new worker-peasant class organized at the level of federal units, was the basis for the legitimacy and functioning of KPJ power from 1945 through 1952. The revolutionary authority of the KPJ, which had been won through the partisan anti-fascist people’s liberation struggle during the Second World War, legitimized itself in this period through clientelistic structural dynamics in the political system of a “people’s democracy.” In order to explore these arguments, this article applies a generic-structural historical analysis to the dynamics of the social and political KPJ structures in 1945–1952 Yugoslavia.
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Komar, Volodymyr, and Adam Szymanowicz. "COSSACK MILITARY FORMATIONS IN OTHER STATES POLICY (1918–1945)." Kyiv Historical Studies, no. 1 (2019): 17–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.28925/2524-0757.2019.1.2.
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During the civil war in Russia in 1918–1921, the liberation efforts of the Cossacks of Don, Kuban, and Terek were unsuccessful, and their lands were incorporated into the USSR. Their representatives emigrating from their homeland found themselves in difficult material conditions. While in exile, many of them cooperated with Polish and German authorities. Interwar Poland was interested in the use of the Cossacks in the fight against the USSR. The General Staff of the Polish Armed Forces showed particular interest in the Free Cossack movement, as Don, Kuban, and Terek areas were the main places where the Red Army cavalry was formed.The Cossacks who stayed in their homeland experienced tragic times. The introduction of Soviet power also brought with it the elimination of the Cossacks through hunger, repressions, and deportations. However, at the end of the 1930s, the Soviet authorities introduced a new course of policy towards the Cossacks, thereby recognizing the advantages of Cossack military formations in the Red Army. At the beginning of the German-Soviet War in August 1941, the Soviet authorities formed sixteen Cossack cavalry divisions, six of which were immediately sent to the front.During World War II tens of thousands of the Cossacks also fought in German formations on the territory of the USSR. They were used mainly for anti-partisan actions. Due to the support of the Germans, the so-called Cossack State consisting of tens of thousands of Cossacks was created for the refugees from Don. They fought against partisans in Belarus, Poland, Yugoslavia, and Italy. After the capitulation of the Third Reich, the Cossack State, as well as other Cossack formations, found itself on the territory of Austria, and the Cossacks were taken into British captivity. As a result of the British-Soviet agreement, they were turned over to the Soviet authorities, from whose hands death or at best deportation to the camps awaited them.In addition, Cossack military formations were formed in the Far East with the support of Japan, which used them to fight against the USSR.
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Magaš, Dragan. "Strategic development goals and national tourism policy." Tourism and hospitality management 3, no. 2 (1997): 265–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.20867/thm.3.2.5.
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An unstable tourism policy in Croatian tourism was a consequence of two reasons, in former Yugoslavia: lack of a general concept of tourism development and the relationship in the economic system of that time. Development of a new political environment which eliminates these limiting factors results in some positive effects, but they are insufficient and inappropriate; therefore they are strategic goals of Croatian tourism under consideration. The causes of this situation has been identified in the paper and the necessity of creating a national tourism policy has been pointed out, too. Stress has been laid on the importance of establishing general economic measures to improve economy and tourism as well.
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Sacks, Stephen. "The efects of economic reform in yugoslavia: Investment & trade policy, 1959–1976." Journal of Comparative Economics 9, no. 4 (December 1985): 438–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0147-5967(85)90022-8.
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Prnjat, Dejana. "The Impact of Yugoslavia’s Foreign Policy on the Repertoires of Belgrade Theaters." Hiperboreea 9, no. 1 (June 1, 2022): 112–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/hiperboreea.9.1.0112.
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Given the great significance of moral rationales and societal values implied in theatrical plays, the Communist Party and state authorities in Tito’s Yugoslavia paid great attention to them, especially during the first decades after the country’s liberation. During my long-term research into the relationship between the government and theater in Belgrade between 1945 and 1980, a unique phenomenon revealed itself, which is that the changes in the orientation of Yugoslavia’s foreign policy three times directly affected Belgrade’s theatrical repertoires. The main aim of this research is to examine and analyze the impact of Yugoslav foreign policy on Belgrade’s theater repertoires under Tito’s rule, and the key hypothesis is that the corresponding agendas of Yugoslav foreign policy in the observed period directly influenced Belgrade’s theater repertoires.
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Mulej, Oskar. "Gospodarski in družbeni nazori v slovenskem naprednem taboru, 1930–35: I. del – velika gospodarska kriza." Contributions to Contemporary History 56, no. 1 (May 25, 2016): 108–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.51663/pnz.56.1.07.
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ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL VIEWS IN THE SLOVENE PROGRESSIVE CAMP, 1930–35. Part I. – The Great DepressionThe following article focuses on the economic and social orientations, ideas and concrete policies that were present, being developed and implemented within the Slovene progressive camp during the first half of the 1930s. Primarily it focuses on the time after 1931, when the progressives as part of the Yugoslav National Party steered the Yugoslav politics and represented the political authority in Slovenia. This article – the first part of the study – provides a detailed analysis of the global economic crisis as the factor that had the most profound impact on the period under consideration and which all the political actors had to face, respond to, and address by employing the major part of their efforts. The Slovene progressives understood the Great Depression as a serious blow to the global economy, while at the same time they also saw this crisis as a harbinger of the potential radical political changes. In this regard they argued for a more conservative approach to the fiscal policy as well as defended the principles of free trade, for they viewed the economic protectionism as one of the major causes of the deepening crisis. At the same time the gradual change in the political-economic paradigm, calling for a more prominent role of the state in the economy and reflected through the changed rhetoric and discourse of the Slovene progressives , was already becoming more apparent in the years between 1933 and 1935.
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Wrigley, C. J. "Years of Recovery: British Economic Policy, 1945-51. Alec Cairncross." Journal of Modern History 59, no. 4 (December 1987): 848–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/243309.
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Matray, James I. "Development Delayed: U.S. Economic Policy in Occupied Korea, 1945–1948." Journal of American-East Asian Relations 10, no. 1-2 (2001): 29–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187656101793645579.
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AbstractOn 9 September 1945, U.S. military forces landed at Inchon to begin American occupation of southern Korea. For almost three years thereafter, a U.S. military government under the command of Lieutenant General John R. Hodge was responsible for civil affairs south of the 38th parallel. Its policies resulted in delaying Korea's economic development. Early in World War II, the U.S. government had begun preparations for the postwar administration of military government and civil affairs. At first, the focus was on Germany and its occupied territories, but during 1944, training began for 1,500 army and navy officers to serve in occupied Japan. The program ignored Korea, with the exception of a one-hour lecture in some classes near the end of the war. Plans to prepare civil affairs handbooks summarizing conditions in target areas for over thirty nations did not include Korea. Not surprisingly, many civil affairs officers who served in postwar Korea had trained for duty in Japan. They knew nothing about the country they were to govern and of course did not speak the language. Historians have argued that this lack of preparation was largely responsible for the failures of the American occupation. But other factors were more important in explaining the lack,
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Brookshire, Jerry H., and Jim Tomlinson. "Democratic Socialism and Economic Policy: The Attlee Years, 1945-1951." American Historical Review 103, no. 4 (October 1998): 1256. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2651258.
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TOYE, RICHARD. "THE LABOUR PARTY'S EXTERNAL ECONOMIC POLICY IN THE 1940s." Historical Journal 43, no. 1 (March 2000): 189–215. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x9900881x.
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This article challenges the view that, in accepting the 1945 American loan and its attendant commitments to international economic liberalization, the Labour party easily fell in behind the Atlanticist approach to post-war trade and payments. It is suggested instead that Labour's sometimes seemingly paradoxical behaviour in office was driven, not only by the very tough economic conditions it faced, but also by a fundamental contradiction inherent in its desire to ‘plan’ at both domestic and international levels. This contradiction – the ‘planning paradox’ – is explored with reference to pre-war and war-time developments, including Labour's reactions to the Keynes and White plans of 1943, and to the Bretton Woods conference of 1944. The decision to accept the US loan, and with it the Bretton Woods agreements, is then examined within this context. Finally, an assessment is made of whether, in this key area of policy, Labour's pre-1945 deliberations were effective in preparing the party for the challenges it would face in government.
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Šušnjara, Snježana. "Bosnia and Herzegovina under the Communist Regime: an Outlook on Educational Policy." Historia scholastica 7, no. 1 (November 2021): 111–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.15240/tul/006/2021-1-006.
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Bosnia and Herzegovina as one of the nine republics of Yugoslavia was always among the poorest republics in the former state. However, the school system, as it was the case in the totalitarian regimes, was under direct control of the state. The state had the power to influence school programs and to decide who could apply for school profession. After World War II, education became compulsory for all children and the state could have influenced easily all aspects of education. The state conception how to educate a new society and how to produce a common Yugoslav identity was in focus of the new ideology and those who did not agree with this concept were exposed to negative connotations and even to persecution. Human rights of an individual were openly proclaimed but not respected. Totalitarian societies commonly expect the system of education to operate as a main transformational force that will facilitate the creation of the new man in the social order they have proclaimed. After the split of the Soviet model of pedagogy (1945–1949), the changes occurred in education when the communists established a new regime with universal characteristics of the Yugoslavian education which differentiated among the republics in accordance with their own specificities. Bosnia and Herzegovina with its multi-ethnic nature occupied a special place inside the common state as a model that served as a creation of possible, multiethnic, socialist Yugoslavia.
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Pešić, Mladen. "Big scale or small scale: A typology of architectural exhibitions held in Yugoslavia (SFRY) and their present significance." SAJ - Serbian Architectural Journal 12, no. 3 (2020): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/saj2001001p.
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With the notion that exhibitions, independently of their format or content, can always be considered as both discursive and visual platforms for the study of specific time periods, this research will provide an insight into a possible typology of architecture exhibitions that were organised socialist Yugoslavia between 1945 and 1991. The exhibitions in question were considered as collective activities, and they provide an insight into a wider context of social, economic, political and cultural events in Yugoslavia after World War Two as well as the status that architecture as practice held within them. Having in mind that we speak about various exhibitions with a large number of parameters according to which they were similar or different, this paper will point out the process of forming an exhibition typology in order to enable the classification for their systematic study. A specific study will be used to create the typology that will be applied in the process of researching the architectural exhibitions, their role and importance at the specific range in the specific time period.
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Đurić Kuzmanović, Tatjana, and Ana Pajvančić-Cizelj. "Economic violence against women: Testimonies from the Women’s Court in Sarajevo." European Journal of Women's Studies 27, no. 1 (September 21, 2018): 25–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1350506818802425.
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This article uses a feminist political economy framework to analyse economic violence against women in the context of the violent disintegration of Yugoslavia and the introduction of neoliberal regimes in its successor states from the late 1980s until 2015. The authors’ focus is on the following processes before, during and after the breakup: the wider social, political and economic context of Yugoslavia before the war, already marked by the introduction of orthodox neoliberal standards and practices and combined with nationalism; the period during the war, with escalation of conflict and growing nationalism; and the post-socialist transformation, marked by aggressive neoliberalism. The analysis is based on women’s testimonies given in preparation of (from 2011 until the end of 2014) and during the Women’s Court in Sarajevo in 2015. It points to the conclusion that orthodox neoliberal policy and privatization, intersecting with patriarchy, nationalism and conflict, induced economic violence against women in the region.
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Entina, E. G. "EEC and Yugoslav cooperation in the frames of modern international relations in Europe." MGIMO Review of International Relations 13, no. 1 (March 3, 2020): 39–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2020-1-70-39-55.
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Traditionally the phenomenon of the European integration towards South East Europe is regarded starting from the XXI century. The explanation for such a periodization are resolution of the open conflicts on the territory of the former Yugoslavia and implementation of the complex EU strategy for the region. Starting point of the majority of researches is the year of 2003 when the EU Agenda for the Western Balkans was started in Thessaloniki. The topic of EEC-Yugoslavia relations, SFRY having been first socialist country to institutionalize its trade and economic relations with Brussels, are unfairly ignored in domestic and foreign scientific literature. It is regarded solely as a chronological period of trade agreements. Nevertheless, this issue is of fundamental importance for understanding the current neighborhood of the European Union. The main thesis the author proves is that in the 1960s and 1980s as it is the case nowadays, the main imperative of Brussels' policy towards the Balkans was to prevent Moscow from increasing its influence. This led to the formation of a very specific format of relations with Belgrade and was one of the reasons why the economic crisis in Yugoslavia became extreme and its economy irreformable. In addition, at a later and structurally much more complicated stage of relations between the countries of the former Yugoslavia and the European Union the specificity and main components of relations of the Cold War period did not fundamentally change. As for the policy of so-called containment of the external actors one could see that besides Moscow, we can speak about similar attitude of the EU towards China. It makes it possible to consider the EU policy towards the countries of the former Yugoslavia in the paradigm of neoclassical realism, rather than in the paradigm of traditional liberal European integration approaches which allows us to unite neorealists elements with the specifics of internal processes, including the modernization of institutes, relations between society and state, types of political leadership.
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Pratama, Agung Rifqi. "SISTEM EKONOMI INDONESIA DALAM PERSPEKTIF PANCASILA DAN UUD 1945." Veritas et Justitia 4, no. 2 (December 24, 2018): 304–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.25123/vej.3067.
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The focus of this article, using a juridical normatif and philosophical approach, is in tracking how Article 33 of the Indonesian Constitution is understood and how the Pancasila economic system (based on the five tenets of the State’s ideology) is being implemented by a number of exisitng economic policies. While the Article should be regarded as the embedodiment of Indonesian economic policy, it cannot be denied that the understanding of it evolved and changed following the 4thamendment to the Constitution. It is observed that the 4thamendment to the 1945 Constitution have had a great impact on the direction taken by the Indonesian economic policy makers. In using a juridical normative approach we are forced to take the position that Pancasila economic system as found in the Constitution should be followed by the letter in real economic policy making. On the other hand, just to do that, we cannot but realize the need for the existence of government political will.
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Timofeev, A. Yu. "Metamorphoses of memory of the the Russian-Serbian Brotherhood of War in Modern Serbia." MGIMO Review of International Relations 13, no. 4 (September 4, 2020): 142–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2020-4-73-142-156.
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The article considers the perception of World War II in modern Serbian society. Despite the stability of Serbian-Russian shared historical memory, the attitudes of both countries towards World wars differ. There is a huge contrast in the perception of the First and Second World War in Russian and Serbian societies. For the Serbs the events of World War II are obscured by the memories of the Civil War, which broke out in the country immediately after the occupation in 1941 and continued several years after 1945. Over 70% of Yugoslavs killed during the Second World War were slaughtered by the citizens of former Kingdom of Yugoslavia. The terror unleashed by Tito in the first postwar decade in 1944-1954 was proportionally bloodier than Stalin repressions in the postwar USSR. The number of emigrants from Yugoslavia after the establishment of the Tito's dictatorship was proportionally equal to the number of refugees from Russia after the Civil War (1,5-2% of prewar population). In the post-war years, open manipulations with the obvious facts of World War II took place in Tito's Yugoslavia. In the 1990s the memories repressed during the communist years were set free and publicly debated. After the fall of the one-party system the memory of World War II was devalued. The memory of the Russian-Serbian military fraternity forged during the World War II began to revive in Serbia due to the foreign policy changes in 2008. In October 2008 the President of Russia paid a visit to Serbia which began the process of (re) construction of World War II in Serbian historical memory. According to the public opinion surveys, a positive attitude towards Russia and Russians in Serbia strengthens the memories on general resistance to Nazism with memories of fratricide during the civil conflict events of 1941-1945 still dominating in Serbian society.
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Nevskiy, Sergey. "Economic Policy of Aliens in Post-War West Germany (1945—1947)." Economic Policy (in Russian) 10, no. 6 (December 2015): 40–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.18288/1994-5124-2015-6-03.
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Whittaker, D. H., and James E. Vestal. "Planning for Change: Industrial Policy and Japanese Economic Development, 1945-1990." Economic Journal 106, no. 438 (September 1996): 1423. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2235536.
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Imaniyati, Neni Sri, Efik Yusdiansyah, Muhardi Muhardi, Husni Syam, Mohammad Tahir Cheumar, and Panji Adam. "The Political Direction of Indonesian Economic Law as the Conception of Welfare State in the 1945 Constitution." International Journal of Criminology and Sociology 10 (August 23, 2021): 1310–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.6000/1929-4409.2021.10.151.
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Political law, political economy and political economy law are three concepts that arise from a deep understanding of the 1945 Constitution as statutory norms. A series that tries to align the interests and desires of the 1945 Constitution with the interests of the state and the people's wishes, which often have different views and practices between the two. This article aims to analyze the direction of Indonesian economic law politics policy in the Welfare State conception based on the 1945 Constitution. The method used is a normative juridical approach with descriptive-analytical techniques using qualitative juridical data analysis methods. This article concludes that the direction of Indonesian economic policy shows some adoption of neoliberalism values that have become references in the formulation of monetary policy in Indonesia. As a government law politics, the direction of economic policy must be oriented towards the institutionalization of the status of the Indonesian nation to advance the general welfare. And the "vehicle" for institutionalizing this staatsidee, as formulated in Article 33 of the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia, is the concept of a welfare state.