Relevant bibliographies by topics / Yugoslavia Economic policy 1945-

Academic literature on the topic 'Yugoslavia Economic policy 1945-'

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Published: 10 December 2022
Last updated: 29 January 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Yugoslavia Economic policy 1945-"

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Niebuhr, Robert. "Enlarging Yugoslavia: Tito's Quest for Expansion, 1945–1948." European History Quarterly 47, no. 2 (April 2017): 284–310. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0265691416688174.

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When Yugoslav strongman Josip Broz Tito secured power at the end of the Second World War, he had envisioned for himself a new Yugoslavia that would serve as the center of power for the Balkan Peninsula. First, he worked to ensure a Yugoslav presence in the Trieste region of Italy and southern Austria as a way to gain territory inhabited by Slovenes and Croats; meanwhile, his other foreign policy escapades sought to make Yugoslavia into a major European power. To that end, Yugoslav agents quickly worked to synchronize the Albanian socio-economic and political systems through their support of Albanian Partisans and only grew emboldened over time. As allies who proved themselves in the fight against fascism, Yugoslav policymakers felt able to act with impunity throughout the early post-Cold War period. The goal of this article is to highlight this early foreign policy by focusing on three case studies – Trieste, Carinthia, and Albania – as part of an effort to reinforce the established argument over Tito's quest for power in the early Cold War period.
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Shakhin, Yuri. "Slovenian Republicanism During the Height of State-Run System." Journal of Economic History and History of Economics 21, no. 1 (March 16, 2020): 29–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.17150/2308-2588.2020.21(1).29-53.

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The study analyzed 1947-1950s economic policy-related tensions between the authorities of Yugoslavia and Slovenia. In general, the Slovenian economic bureaucracy adopted the rules of the game established earlier. In 1947-1948 it confronted the union bureaucracy over the cases with unrealistically high expectations and with possible negative political impact. In addition, the Slovenian economic bureaucracy tried to turn nagative effects into its own advantage. Due to the detioration of Yugoslavia's economic situation, the nature of the tensions has been changing. Slovenian Politburo was getting discontent with union management methods. Slovenian bureaucracy intensified the struggle for scarce resources and against the reduction of republican investment. Public opinion in the republic was increasinlgy critical of its situation within Yugoslavia. Opposition to federal economic policy, previously grouped in the economic apparatus, was beginning to recieve some support from the Slovenian party leadership.
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Shakhin, Yuri. "Slovenian Republicanism During the Height of State-Run System." Journal of Economic History and History of Economics 21, no. 1 (March 16, 2020): 29–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.17150/2308-2588.2020.21(1).29-53.

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The study analyzed 1947-1950s economic policy-related tensions between the authorities of Yugoslavia and Slovenia. In general, the Slovenian economic bureaucracy adopted the rules of the game established earlier. In 1947-1948 it confronted the union bureaucracy over the cases with unrealistically high expectations and with possible negative political impact. In addition, the Slovenian economic bureaucracy tried to turn nagative effects into its own advantage. Due to the detioration of Yugoslavia's economic situation, the nature of the tensions has been changing. Slovenian Politburo was getting discontent with union management methods. Slovenian bureaucracy intensified the struggle for scarce resources and against the reduction of republican investment. Public opinion in the republic was increasinlgy critical of its situation within Yugoslavia. Opposition to federal economic policy, previously grouped in the economic apparatus, was beginning to recieve some support from the Slovenian party leadership.
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Bakic, Dragan. "The port of Salonica in Yugoslav foreign policy 1919-1941." Balcanica, no. 43 (2012): 191–219. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc1243191b.

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This paper explores the importance of the Greek port of Salonica (Thessaloniki) for Yugoslav foreign policy-makers during the interwar period. It suggests that, apart from economic interests, namely securing trade facilities in the port and transport facilities offered by the Ghevgheli-Salonica railway connecting the Yugo?slav territory with Salonica, there were security considerations which accounted for Belgrade?s special interest in this matter. These stemmed from two reasons - Serbia?s painful experience from the Great War on which occasion the cutting off of the route for Salonica had had dire consequences for the Serbian Army and the post-war strategic situation whereby Yugoslavia was nearly ringed by hostile and potentially hostile neighbours which was a constant reminder of the immediate past and made both political and military leadership envisage a potential renewed need to retreat to Salonica in a general conflict. The events prior to and during the Second World War seem to have vindicated such preoccupations of Yugoslav policy-makers. All the Great Powers involved in the conflict in the Balkans realised the significance attached to Salonica in Belgrade and tried to utilise it for their own ends. Throughout these turbulent events Prince Paul and his government did not demonstrate an inclination to exploit the situation in order to achieve territorial aggrandisement but rather reacted with restraint being vitally concerned that neither Italy nor Germany took possession of Salonica and thus encircled Yugoslavia completely leaving her at their mercy.
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Ilić, Saša. "Socialist Banking: The Continuous Evolution of the Banking Sector in Yugoslavia (1944/45–1991/92)." Anali Pravnog fakulteta u Beogradu, Volume 70, Issue 1 (March 30, 2022): 33–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.51204/anali_pfbu_22102a.

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The article explores the influence of the ideological and political frameworks and changes in the physiognomy of social, economic and internal political relations, as well as the foreign policy orientation, on the structure of the banking sector in socialist Yugoslavia, The attempt is to determine the appearance and the important features of the banking sector, the sequence of reforms that marked this field of economic life in the second half of the 20th century, as well as the effectiveness of the observed changes. The overview is provided of the characteristics of the different phases that the Yugoslav banking system, starting with the development of the socialist banking system, planned organization and rigid centralization, through various phases of decentralization, central plan weakening and introduction of market elements, to the shaping (and reshaping) of the self-management banking system and its repercussions on the country’s economic unity.
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ČOVIĆ, PAULINA. "FOREIGN STUDENTS AT THE UNIVERSITY OF BELGRADE AND THEIR INTEREST IN THE HISTORY OF SOUTH SLAVS (1923–1941)." ISTRAŽIVANJA, Јournal of Historical Researches, no. 30 (December 25, 2019): 197–216. http://dx.doi.org/10.19090/i.2019.30.197-216.

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The paper examines the schooling of foreign students, holders of the scholarships awarded by the Ministry of Education of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes/Yugoslavia, at the University of Belgrade between the two World Wars. The first competitions were opened mid 1920s, with those countries which aided the schooling of Yugoslav students at their respective universities being eligible to apply. During the 1930s student exchange continued, in an apparently more extensive and organized manner, only to be extended at the end of the period under review to include countries with which the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, in accordance with the change of foreign policy orientation, established close political and economic relations. Thus, in the beginning, students from France, Great Britain, Czechoslovakia and Poland came to study in Belgrade, whereas, during the years before World War II, students also came from Turkey, Germany and Italy. Scholarship holders most often worked on developing their knowledge of Serbo-Croatian-Slovenian, studied literature and Yugoslav culture in general. Many of them chose to study history, whether as part of their undergraduate or specialist studies. They are the particular focus of this study. The paper is based on unpublished archival sources, periodicals and relevant historiographic literature.
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Stamova, Mariyana. "Albanci na Balkanu tokom Drugog svetskog rata." Historijski pogledi 5, no. 8 (November 15, 2022): 152–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2022.5.8.152.

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After the end of the First World War, some countries in the Balkans remained dissatisfied with the status quo achieved with the Versailles system of peace treaties. The Albanian movement for territorial and ethnic Albania failed to fully realize - Kosovo and Metohija remained in the Royal Yugoslavia, established in 1918, which emerged from the First World War as a victorious state. The large Albanian population is a serious problem for the Kingdom of Yugoslavia. One of the culprits, according to some researchers, is Belgrade's own political circles in the interwar period. Nationally, culturally, economically and politically, the Albanians in this period are in the worst position of any other national minority in the royal Yugoslavia. Here are a few examples to support the above. In the period between the two world wars, the Albanian minority in Yugoslavia did not have a single school in their mother tongue, nor did it have a single cultural, educational or economic association. Dissatisfaction among Albanians from Kosovo and Metohija is growing with the policy of colonizing the Serb population from other parts of the country. This policy of repression against the Albanian population in Kosovo and Metohija provoked his numerous emigration to Albania. Much of the progressive emigration, in the person of Hassan Prishtina, Bedri Peyani, Ibrahim Gjakova and others, is extremely hostile to the Yugoslav state. This was cleverly used by the Albanian and Italian governments to break up Yugoslavia years later. In this regard, it is very important for Italian intelligence to engage Kosovo emigration in order to achieve full Italian control over Albania and weaken Yugoslavia's position in the south. With the impending new military confrontation on the international field, which would undoubtedly affect this region of Europe as well, Albanians see a real opportunity to achieve their national goals. Undoubtedly, the Albanian territory is also included in the geostrategic plans of the major countries for conducting military operations in the Balkans and implementing their further plans. In this regard, Italy's goal of making Albania a bridgehead in the Balkans for control of the Straits and the Middle East is to support the aspirations of Albanian nationalists after their long struggle to create a state that unites all Albanians. The status quo of the Balkans, reached by the Versailles system of peace treaties, was destroyed in the course of the Second World War. From all the Balkan states Albania was the first to experience the new order of Hitler and Mussolini and with their help accomplished its national program, precisely с the unification of the Albanian people and establishment of an Albanian identity in the Balkans. With the capitulation of Yugoslavia on April 7, 1941, a new territorial situation was created for the Axis forces and their satellite allies. The partition of Yugoslavia is one of the conditions for the realization of the „New Order“ in Southeast Europe. Convinced that the time was coming when, with the help of Italy and Germany, Kosovo and Metohija, western Macedonia, the eastern regions of Montenegro, etc. would enter Albania's borders, the Kosovo Committee with leading figures of Albanian nationalism, such as Bedri Pejani, Rexhep Mitrovica, Ibrahim Gjakova and Rexhep Krasniqi, have elevated political concepts for ethnic and territorial Albania familiar from the interwar period. In these years „Greater Albania” was a wartime creature, which did not get international recognition. The end of the war also put to rest the idea of a national unification of the Albanian people. The Albanian state again had its boundaries established after the end of the World War I; a large part of the Albanian population was left outside of these borders.
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Rakonjac, Aleksandar. "IZMEĐU TRANSFERA TEHNOLOGIJA I DOMAĆIH REŠENJA: IZGRADNJA MOTORNE INDUSTRIJE U JUGOSLAVIJI 1945−1952." Istorija 20. veka 40, no. 2/2022 (August 1, 2022): 405–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.29362/ist20veka.2022.2.rak.405-422.

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This article aims to shed light on how the Yugoslav motor industry in the first post-war years sought to overcome the difficulties of mastering the technology of motor vehicle production on a modern industrial basis. During this period, gigantic efforts were made to get the country out of economic backwardness in the shortest possible time. The motor industry had one of the key roles on the path of modernization of the economy, and the state accordingly paid special attention to the construction of factories in this branch of industry. Reliance on pre-war pioneering moves of truck fabrication based on a license purchased in Czechoslovakia was the main capital with which began the process of emancipation of the domestic motor industry. Due to the impossibility to independently solve the issue of construction of all types of motor vehicles, help was sought abroad. Negotiations with the USSR and Hungary were started first, but even before the severance of all relations caused by the conflict between the Yugoslav and Soviet leadership, this attempt to establish cooperation failed. In the following years, after the failure in the East, the state concentrated all its efforts on establishing strong economic ties with the West. Thanks to favorable foreign policy circumstances, the reorientation of state policy had achieved great economic benefits for the further construction of the motor industry. Licenses for the fabrication of the “Ansaldo TCA/60” tractor were purchased, thus resolving the production of all heavy types of vehicles, as well as the production of oil-powered engines. By the early 1950s, cooperation had been established with several renowned companies from Germany, Italy and Switzerland, which provided opportunities for the Yugoslav engine industry to keep pace with the latest technological solutions. However, despite the transfer of technology that played a dominant role in raising the national car and tractor industry, domestic forces played a significant role in the production of the first air-cooled engine, a light wheeled tractor with a gasoline engine and the “Prvenac” truck. The Yugoslav example has shown that reliance on one’s own strength and international cooperation are two inextricably important factors in overcoming all the difficulties that come with the forced industrialization.
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Sušić, Osman. "Bosnia and Herzegovina in Serbian cultural club concepts." Historijski pogledi 3, no. 4 (December 30, 2020): 108–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2020.3.4.108.

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This paper covers the period from 1937 to 1945, the period of the establishment and works of the Serbian Cultural Club. The paper will discuss the political circumstances in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia in wich Serbian Cultural Club was founded, as well as the program goals and its activities in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Special emphasis will be put on the period of the Second World War in the Bosnia and Herzegovina and the former common state and the activities of the Serbian Cultural Club in the Second World War. The work and achievement of the program goals of the Serbian Cultural Club in the Second World War will be presented through the work of the Exile Government in London and the activities of the Chetniks Movement in the Bosnia and Herzegovina and the former common state. The Serbian Cultural Club was formed as a form of political association and activity, which included politicians, public workers, scientists, members of various political organizations, representatives of state and parastate bodies and organizations, under the slogan "Serbs for Reunion". The club acted as a unique and homogeneous organization, regardless of the composition of the membership, with the goal of saving Serbia and Serbs. This most clearly expressed his overall activity, composition and degree of influence on state policy. The most important issues of state or Serbian nationalist policy for the interest of the Government were discussed in the Club, so the club had an extensive network of boards and several media. Professor and Rector of the University of Belgrade, Dr. Slobodan Jovanović, was elected the first president of the Serbian Cultural Club. He was the ideological creator of this organization (and he set out the basic tasks and goals of the Club). The vice presidents were Dr. Nikola Stojanović and Dr. Dragiša Vasić, and Dr. Vasa Čubrilović the secretary. Dr. Stevan Moljevic was the president of the board of the Serbian Cultural Club for the Bosnian Krajina, based in Banja Luka. According to Dinić, the initiative for the formation of the Serbian Cultural Club was given by Bosnian-Herzegovinian Serbs Dr. Nikola Stojanović, Dr. Vladimir Čorović, Dr. Vladimir Grčić and Dr. Slobodan Jovanović. The activities of the Serbian Cultural Club can be divided into two stages. The first from its founding in 1936 until the signing of the Cvetković-Maček agreement, and the second from 1939 to 1941. The program of the Serbian Cultural Club was a sum of Greater Serbia programs of all major political parties that operated in Serbia with the help of state institutions. The goals of the Serbian Cultural Club were mainly: expansionist policy of expanding Serbian rule to neighboring areas, denying the national identity of all other Yugoslav nations and exercising the right to self-determination. The program goals of the Serbian Cultural Club were to propagate Greater Serbian ideology. With its program about Greater Serbia and its activities, the Serbian Cultural Club has become the bearer of the most extreme Serbian nationalist aspirations. After the Cvetković-Maček agreement of August 1939, the Serbian Cultural Club demanded a revision of the agreement, calling for a Serbo-Croatian agreement based on ethnic, historical or economic-geographical principles. The adoption of one of these principles was to apply to the entire area inhabited by Serbs. The subcommittees of the Serbian Cultural Club in Bosnia and Herzegovina had the primary task of working to emphasize its Serbian character, and after the Cvetkovic-Macek agreement to form awareness that the whole of Bosnia and Herzegovina should enter the Serbian territorial unit. With the prominent slogan "Wherever there are Serbs - there is Serbia", the Serbs in Bosnia and Herzegovina were marked as the "vigilant guardian of the Serbian national consciousness". The leadership and most of the members of the Serbian Cultural Club joined the Chetnik movement as Draža Mihailović's national ideologues. The policy of the militant Greater Serbia program and Serbian nationalism of the Serbian Cultural Club was accepted as the program of Draža Mihailović's Chetnik movement. Some of Draža Mihailović's most important associates belonged to the Serbian Cultural Club. The main political goals of the Chetnik movement are formulated in several program documents. The starting point in them was the idea of a "Greater and Homogeneous Serbia", which was based on the idea that Serbs should be the leading nation in the Balkans.
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Popovska, Dragica. "THE PRINCIPLES OF YUGOSLAVCULTURAL POLICY (1945-1952)." PHILOLOGICAL STUDIES 19, no. 2 (2021): 25–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.17072/1857-6060-2021-19-2-25-38.

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After World War II and the formation of the new Yugoslav state, the Communist Party of Yugoslavia began to establisha new political system. In the process oftransformation of Yugoslav society, the resource of culture was crucial. The paper focuses on the basic principles upon which the cultural policy in the new Yugoslavia was built, whose specificity was largely conditioned by the current political and educational situation. Based on theavailable archival material, the paper analyzes the fundamental ideas in the specific field, in the periods before and after the conflict with the Information Bureau (Cominform). The differences between the two periodsshowhow important the social factors are in the formulation of the goals of the cultural policy. Namely, in the first years there is a strong sovietization in the cultural field, where the following of the Soviet modelsin politics is especiallynoticeable. In the 1950s began desovietization,а process that consisted of abandoning the Soviet model of cultural practices, abandonment of the ideological matrix of socialist realism and introduction of self-administrativesocialism, which would contribute to acertain democratization in the fieldof cultural production
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Yugoslavia Economic policy 1945-"

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Stewart, Heather Jackson. "UK sea fisheries policy-making since 1945." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/31414.

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This is a study of approaches to fisheries management in the United Kingdom (UK) between 1945 and 1996. It examines the choices and incentives faced by UK Governments when designing policy instruments to deliver international commitments to sustainable fishing. The failure of international agreements to sustainably manage fisheries resources is often attributed to international institutions, the politicization of negotiations and their distributive outcomes. This thesis makes an original contribution by arguing that the success of international agreements was also dependent upon local negotiations that shaped the design of national delivery mechanisms. The central research question concerns the role and influence of local interests in delivering global economic and environmental agendas and how national governments accommodate local tensions within this process. A sustained content analysis of UK Government archives is used to argue that local political and sectional industry interests had a significant bearing on the development of UK fisheries policy and the design of domestic delivery mechanisms. The exception was UK policy on the international distribution of fisheries resources at the United Nations Law of the Sea Conferences (1958, 1960 and 1973-82). Economic considerations drove early environmental policy with sectional fishing industry interests of secondary importance to the potential economic benefits associated with the more valuable energy resources. In then seeking to implement controls on fishing activity, this thesis argues that UK fisheries management mechanisms were designed to compensate for tension between global commitments mandating a reduction in fishing effort and the local fleets and communities that had to bear the costs of industry contraction. This created a policy-making environment in which social and political motivations continually trumped the application of economic and scientific advice. This advice advocated a contraction in the size of the fleet which had become necessary as technical change and falling stocks resulted in overcapacity. The use of fisheries policy as a political tool to ease local tensions incentivised policy choices that directly contributed to the UK's failure to reduce fishing pressure and deliver international commitments. This thesis demonstrates the importance of local negotiations and interests in the construction of national and international approaches to environmental and natural resources problems.
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Chen, Xi Ying. "Actions and constraints of the European Union as an international actor : the case of Former Yugoslav crisis." Thesis, University of Macau, 2011. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2555595.

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Gaskin, Ian William. "Palestine 1939-1945 : a study of colonial economic policy." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1992. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.335677.

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Johnson, Jeffrey L. "Economic sanctions : effectiveness as a foreign policy tool in the case of the former Yugoslavia." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 1998. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA359130.

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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs) Naval Postgraduate School, December 1998.
"December 1998." Thesis advisor(s)::Robert E. Looney, Mary P. Callahan. Includes bibliographical references (p. 131-141). Also available online.
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Akbaba, Turgay. "FROM NEUTRALITY TO ACTIVE ALLIANCE: TURKISH FOREIGN POLICY, 1945-1952." Master's thesis, Temple University Libraries, 2014. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/282183.

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History
M.A.
Basing its foreign policy on the Wilsonian internationalism, the new Turkish Republic established good relations with countries around the world. It signed neutrality and friendship treaties, and pursued a neutral foreign policy. However, at the end of World War II, it abandoned its longtime neutral foreign policy and aimed to establish closer ties with the American-led West. This thesis examines how and why Turkey shifted its foreign policy from neutrality to active alliance. In the first half of the thesis, I closely deal with what role international developments played in that shift. First, I focus on how Josef Stalin's efforts to obtain bases and joint-control with Turkey over the Turkish Straits created a threat to Turkey's national security. Then, I explore how this threat forced Turkey to leave its neutral foreign policy and seek closer ties with the U.S. In the second half of the thesis, I examine how Turkey's search for economic aid and military commitment accelerated and intensified the shift from neutrality to active alliance. First, I focus on how Turkish officials aggressively sought economic assistance from the U.S. and how U.S. officials became resistant to the Turkish requests for additional aid beginning with the second half of 1947. Considering that Turkey was less vulnerable to the Soviet threat, U.S. officials judged that Turkey did not need aid as much as Western Europe did. In order to overcome the resistance, Turkish officials exaggerated the Soviet threat and used the problem of high defense spending. Then, I explore how Turkish officials sought a military commitment from the U.S. A U.S. military commitment could alleviate the problem of high defense spending and facilitate the flow of economic aid from the U.S. Therefore, Turkish officials carried on a diplomatic offensive to secure a military commitment from the U.S. In doing so, they distanced themselves from neutrality and became an institutional ally of the U.S. in 1952.
Temple University--Theses
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Maeoka, Masao. "Japanese local economic development and industrial restructuring." Thesis, Georgia Institute of Technology, 1993. http://hdl.handle.net/1853/21699.

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Chan, Wing-yan, and 陳穎恩. "Internal discrepancies over the economic deconcentration policy duringthe period of allied occupation of Japan, 1945-1952." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2007. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B37928028.

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Vonyó, Tamás. "Post-war reconstruction and the economic miracle : the dynamics of West German economic growth during the 1950s and 1960s." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.669982.

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Kay, Alex J. "Exploitation, resettlement, mass murder : political and economic planning for German occupation policy in the Soviet Union, 1940-1941 /." New York : Berghahn books, 2006. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb40227679v.

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Texte remanié de: Thesis Ph. D.--Philosophical Faculty I--Berlin--Humboldt-Universität, 2005. Titre de soutenance : Neuordnung and Hungerpolitik : the development and compatibility of political and economic planning within the Nazi hierarchy for the occupation of the Soviet Union, July 1940-July 1941.
Bibliogr. p. 222-234.
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Mirescu, Alexander. "Communism and Communion Religious Policy, Church-Based Opposition and Free Space Development: A Comparative Study of East Germany, Poland and Yugoslavia from 1945 to 1989." NEW SCHOOL UNIVERSITY, 2012. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=3461657.

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Books on the topic "Yugoslavia Economic policy 1945-"

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Phillips, Paul Arthur. The rise and fall of the third way: Yugoslavia, 1945-1991. Halifax, Nova Scotia: Fernwood Pub., 1992.

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Mencinger, Jože. The Yugoslav economy: Systemic changes, 1945-1986. Pittsburgh, Pa. (4G12 Forbes Quad, Pittsburgh 15260): University of Pittsburgh, Center for Russian and East European Studies, 1989.

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Ministarstvo finansija Kraljevine Jugoslavije: 1918-1941. Beograd: Institut za savremenu istoriju, 2012.

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American foreign policy and Yugoslavia, 1939-1941. College Station: Texas A&M University Press, 1999.

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Prout, Christopher. Market socialism in Yugoslavia. New York: Oxford University Press, 1985.

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Market socialism in Yugoslavia. Oxford: Clarendon, 1985.

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Yugoslavia. The laws on economic reform in Yugoslavia. Beograd: Jugoslovenski pregled, 1990.

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1961-, Bokovoy Melissa K., Irvine Jill A, and Lilly Carol S. 1959-, eds. State-society relations in Yugoslavia, 1945-1992. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1997.

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The economic structure and failure of Yugoslavia. Westport, Conn: Praeger, 1993.

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Understanding economic policy. London: Routledge, 1992.

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Book chapters on the topic "Yugoslavia Economic policy 1945-"

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Alford, B. W. E. "Government Policy and Economic Orthodoxy." In British Economic Performance, 1945–1975, 89–97. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1988. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-08163-9_7.

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Nikić, Gorazd. "Structural Adjustment and Exchange Rate Policy in Yugoslavia." In Economic Development and World Debt, 297–307. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1989. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-20044-3_23.

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Rosenberg, Samuel. "Macroeconomic Policy, Economic Instability and Economic Growth." In American Economic Development since 1945: Growth, Decline and Rejuvenation, 43–63. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4039-9026-6_3.

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Allen, William A. "1945–51: Labour’s Macro-Economic Policies." In Monetary Policy and Financial Repression in Britain, 1951–59, 3–18. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137383822_2.

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Aunesluoma, Juhana. "Trade, Economic Cooperation and Foreign Policy, 1945–48." In Britain, Sweden and the Cold War, 23–44. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230596252_2.

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Germuska, Pál. "Economic Growth and the Industrial Development Policy in Hungary, 1950–1975." In Industrial Policy in Europe after 1945, 321–36. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137329905_15.

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Foreman-Peck, James. "European Industrial Policies in the Post-War Boom: ‘Planning the Economic Miracle’." In Industrial Policy in Europe after 1945, 13–47. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137329905_2.

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Warlouzet, Laurent. "Towards a European Industrial Policy? The European Economic Community (EEC) Debates, 1957–1975." In Industrial Policy in Europe after 1945, 213–35. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137329905_10.

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Grüner, Stefan. "Ensuring Economic Growth and Socioeconomic Stabilization: Industrial Policy in West Germany, 1950–1975." In Industrial Policy in Europe after 1945, 86–112. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137329905_5.

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Grabas, Christian. "Planning the Economic Miracle? Industrial Policy in Italy Between Boom and Crisis, 1950–1975." In Industrial Policy in Europe after 1945, 134–61. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137329905_7.

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