Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Yugoslav'

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1

Vrbetic, Marta. "The delusion of coercive peacemaking in identity disputes : the case of the former Yugoslavia /." Thesis, Connect to Dissertations & Theses @ Tufts University, 2004.

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Thesis (Ph.D.)--Tufts University, 2004.
Adviser: Hurst Hannum. Submitted to the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy. Includes bibliographical references. Access restricted to members of the Tufts University community. Also available via the World Wide Web;
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2

Nikolic, Irina Aleksandra. "Anglo-Yugoslav relations : 1938-41." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.396071.

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3

Panetta, Federico <1990&gt. "Yugoslav Identity: a lost opportunity?" Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/9535.

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L'elaborato si focalizza sul concetto di identità all'interno dell’area dei Balcani Occidentali (ex Jugoslavia) e come questi si sia riflesso su molteplici questioni che hanno riguardato la regione, partendo dell'analisi della questione interetnica. Mantenendo quindi “l’identità” come filo conduttore l'elaborato si suddivide in due capitoli principali, prettamente compilativi, e un terzo, conclusivo, dove si propone una visione prospettica dell'area partendo da una teoria non ancora molto discussa. Nella fattispecie il primo capitolo, prettamente storico, presenta una rapida ricostruzione storica dello sviluppo delle diverse realtà etniche nei Balcani occidentali, della nascita e crescita della Jugoslava (principalmente dello sviluppo della Repubblica Socialista, introducendo la figura di Josip Tito) dove si inserisce un paragrafo che analizzi i momenti istituzionali più importanti, in particolare cercando di capire la natura dei rapporti tra le differenti Repubbliche e province autonome inglobate dalla Jugoslavia, con un focus sulla costituzione del 1974, intesa anche come punto di svolta della storia del paese; a questo si ricollega l’idea dell’opportunità perduta di un’identità Jugoslava - persa con la morte di Tito -. Il secondo capitolo verte principalmente sui conflitti degli anni novanta, cercando di dare una panoramica sull'importanza geopolitica dell’area e spiegando così le ragioni degli interventi esterni. A tal proposito il lavoro si sofferma con un paio di paragrafi sugli interventi NATO, sia nei primi conflitti (1991 - 1995) che sull’intervento in Kosovo nel 1999, sempre al fine di spiegare l’importanza della questione identitaria, per capire come il conflitto abbia preso una svolta genocidaria; si riprende proprio il concetto e la definizione di genocidio. Il capitolo è concluso esplicando come i conflitti si sono risolti e quali misure sono state prese sia all’interno che all’esterno della regione (dissoluzione della Jugoslavia, nascita degli Stati sovrani, istituzione del Tribunale Speciale, collaborazione degli Stati) e relative critiche.
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Fedorov, Alexei A. "The Yugoslav factor in Soviet Foreign Policy : Tito, Stalin, Khrushchev and Soviet-Yugoslav Relations 1945-1957." Thesis, University of Derby, 2009. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.506686.

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5

Möller, Gerald Axel. "Exploring the dynamics of the Yugoslav crisis /." Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 1995. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA295363.

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6

Moller, Gerald Axel. "Exploring the dynamics of the Yugoslav crisis." Thesis, Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/35038.

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This thesis explores the dynamics of the Yugoslav conflict. Three factors stand out as especially important: ethnic nationalism, economic dislocation, and changes in the international security environment. Ethnic nationalism has been manifest in the competition for territory and political dominance among the Serbs, Croats, Bosnian Muslims, and others. This ethnic nationalism has centuries-old roots, but came to the fore in the 1980s, owing to the death of Tito in 1980 and the economic setbacks of the 1980s, which led to a search for scapegoats and intensified inter-ethnic mistrust and rivalry. The most important change in the security environment was the collapse of the Soviet Union, which helped to precipitate the conflict in the former Yugoslavia. The Soviet threat was no longer present to unit the component nationalities of the Yugoslav federation and to oblige them to cooperate. The Yugoslav conflict may spread unless international security institutions such as NATO and the United Nations can devise solutions. Their failure in this effort to contain and resolve the conflict could set a dangerous example.
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7

Rajak, Svetozar. "Yugoslav-Soviet relations, 1953-1957 : normalization, comradeship, confrontation." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2004. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/2525/.

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The thesis chronologically presents the slow improvement of relations between Yugoslavia and the Soviet Union, starting with Stalin's death on 5 March 1953, through their full normalization in 1955 and 1956, to the renewed ideological confrontation at the end of 1956. The normalization of Yugoslav-Soviet relations brought to an end a conflict between Yugoslavia and the Eastern Bloc, in existence since 1948, which threatened the status quo in Europe. The thesis represents the first effort at comprehensively presenting the reconciliation between Yugoslavia and the Soviet Union, between 1953 and 1957. It will also explain the motives that guided the leaderships of the two countries, in particular the two main protagonists, Josip Broz Tito and Nikita Sergeevich Khrushchev, throughout this process. It will also provide insight into the reasons behind the collapse of this process in the beginning of 1957. The thesis will establish that the significance of the Yugoslav-Soviet reconciliation went far beyond the bilateral relations between the two countries. It had significant ramifications on relations in the Eastern Bloc and in the global Communist movement, and on the dynamics of the Cold War world at its crucial juncture. The reconciliation had brought forward the process of de-Stalinization in the USSR and in Peoples' Democracies; it had also encouraged the process of liberalization throughout Eastern Europe and had helped Khrushchev win the post-Stalin leadership contest. Finally, the reconciliation had enabled Yugoslavia to acquire equidistance from both Blocs and to successfully embark upon creating, together with India and Egypt the new entity in the bi-polar Cold War world - the Non-aligned movement. The unique contribution of this thesis is that it is based on the research of the Yugoslav and Russian archives; it brings into the Cold War scholarship a great number of previously unresearched documents.
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8

Watkins, Amadeo. "Development of the Yugoslav military industry 1918-1991." Thesis, King's College London (University of London), 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.270226.

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9

Simić, I. "Soviet influences on Yugoslav gender policies, 1945-1955." Thesis, University College London (University of London), 2016. http://discovery.ucl.ac.uk/1516066/.

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This thesis explores Soviet influences on Yugoslav gender policies, examining how Yugoslav communists interpreted, adapted and used Soviet ideas to change Yugoslav society. The project sheds new light on the role of Soviet models in producing Yugoslav family and reproductive laws, and in framing the understandings of gender which affected key policies such as the collectivisation of agriculture, labour policies, policies towards Muslim populations, and policies concerning youth sexuality. Through a gender analysis of all these policies, this thesis points to the difficulties of applying Soviet solutions in Yugoslavia. Deeply entrenched patriarchal attitudes undermined Yugoslav communists' ability to challenge gender norms, causing many disputes and struggles within the Communist Party over the meanings and application of Soviet gender models. Yet, Soviet models informed how Yugoslav communists approached gender-related issues for many years, even after the conflict erupted between these two countries. This project contributes to existing scholarship in three key areas. First, it seeks to provide new insights into Yugoslav-Soviet relations, including into the circulation of policies and cultural representations, as well as the broader repercussions of the Yugoslav-Soviet break. Second, it offers a new perspective on the origins, development and implementation of gender policies in Yugoslavia. In examining both abstract models and practices, it further focuses upon the under-researched gap between ideology and practice so as to reveal the power of cultural patterns in shaping daily lives over official policies and ideologies. Finally, it seeks not only to shed light on the neglected history of women, but to contribute to the literature on Yugoslav gender history, especially during the first decade after the Second World War when the roots of many cultural models and practices were formed with long-lasting consequences.
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Becker, Joachim. "In the Yugoslav Mirror: The EU Disintegration Crisis." Published by Informa UK Limited, trading as Taylor & Francis Group, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14747731.2017.1330984.

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The Yugoslav and the present EU integration crisis display several parallels. In both cases, the integration models have proved to be unable to attenuate the uneven development patterns, and the state has been characterised by strong confederal elements. Deep economic crisis strengthened in both cases the centrifugal tendencies. The political discourse became increasingly dominated by the question "who exploits whom?". While central authorities pursued policies of neo-liberal structural adjustment eroding its legitimacy among the popular classes, the republican authorities in Yugoslavia, respectively, the national governments in the EU tried to shift the burden of the crises to the others and strengthened their role during the crisis management. With the deepening of the crisis, constitutional reform became an issue in Yugoslavia. In the Yugoslav case, the various proposals proved to be irreconcilable. In the EU, a debate on its future shape has begun as well. This issue is highly controversial. In the EU, a key problem is the relationship between euro zone and non-euro zone states. Such an institutional divide did not exist in Yugoslavia. It is significant that the leading state of the non-euro zone group, the UK, is the first state to exit the EU. A key question is whether the EU has already passed the critical point where a deep reform is still possible.
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11

BUHIN, Anita. "Yugoslav socialism 'flavoured with sea, flavoured with salt' : Mediterranization of Yugoslav popular culture in the 1950s and 1960s under Italian influence." Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2019. https://hdl.handle.net/1814/61564.

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Defence Date: 26 February 2019
Examining Board: Prof. Pavel Kolář, European University Institute (Supervisor); Prof. Lucy Riall, European University Institute; Prof. Hannes Grandits, Humboldt University of Berlin Assoc.; Prof. Igor Duda, Juraj Dobrila University of Pula
Yugoslav discovery of its own Mediterraneaness was the result of several factors – global politics manifest in Yugoslav engagement in the Non-Aligned Movement, economic benefit from foreign tourism and the development of the Adriatic as the centre of Yugoslav entertainment. The new socialist government had to find a balance between the Yugoslavization of three main cultural spheres – Central European, Balkan, and Mediterranean – and multi(national) culturality symbolized in the ideological postulate of “brotherhood and unity”. In the building of a specific Yugoslav culture, the spread of mass media and consumerism played an important role and enabled shaping Yugoslav popular culture. Two things were crucial: the introduction of self-management and opening to the Western countries. The first caused the liberalization of the cultural sphere and the “democratization” of culture, while openness to the West contributed to the further internationalization and commercialization of culture. In a country that had just started developing its entertainment industry, the Italian example not only filled a gap in the everyday needs of Yugoslav citizens, but it also shaped their taste, and expectations from domestic production. Three case studies – popular music, television entertainment, and fashion and lifestyles – demonstrate the Yugoslav Mediterranean was built upon direct Italian influence, ideological work on the creation of a specific Yugoslav culture, a collective imaginary of the Adriatic as a shared space among all Yugoslav people, and the promotion of Yugoslavia as a tourist destination. Finally, the development of domestic and foreign tourism at the Adriatic had not only an economic purpose, but also played an important soft-power role in disseminating information on everyday life under the Yugoslav socialist experiment. The international dimension of Yugoslav tourism thus created a platform for the promotion of the country and the Yugoslav good life abroad, with happy and satisfied tourists returning home with images of the sunny and light-hearted Mediterranean
Chapter 2 'Popular Music and the Sounds of the Sea' of the PhD thesis draws upon two earlier versions published as articles “Opatijski festival i razvoj zabavne glazbe u Jugoslaviji (1958–1962.)” (2016) in the journal 'Časopis za suvremenu povijest' and “A romanthic southern myth (2005) in the journal 'TheMa – Open Access Research Journal for Theatre, Music, Arts'.
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12

Pupavac, Vanessa. "From statehood to childhood : a study of self-determination and conflict resolution in Yugoslavia and the post-Yugoslav States." Thesis, University of Nottingham, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.342112.

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13

Bellou, Fotini. "American leadership image and the Yugoslav crisis (1991-1997)." Thesis, King's College London (University of London), 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.326144.

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14

Thorburn, Joanne. "Refugee protection in Europe : lessons of the Yugoslav crisis." Thesis, University of Kent, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.318109.

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15

Mocnik, Josip. "United States-Yugoslav Relations, 1961-80: The Twilight of Tito's Era and the Role of Ambassadorial Diplomacy in the Making of America's Yugoslav Policy." Bowling Green State University / OhioLINK, 2008. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=bgsu1206322169.

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16

Stevanovic, Nina. "Architectural heritage of Yugoslav-socialist character: ideology, memory and identity." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Politècnica de Catalunya, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/460910.

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"Architectural heritage of Yugoslav-socialist character: ideology, memory and identity" studies the ability of architecture to represent political and cultural endeavors and developments in the period from 1945 until 1990 in territories which formed the Socialist Federative Republic of Yugoslavia. The thesis is divided into two parts: the first part analyzes how architecture, as a discourse per se and an ideological apparatus, was used for representation of Yugoslav socialist identity. The second part studies how the deconstruction of given identity, and its consequent dismissal in the process of re-construction of national identities has influenced the level of preservation of heritage of representative character found in territories which previously formed the SFRY. The hypothesis upon which the research is built, stating that the architectural significance of heritage of representative nature built in the socialist period and found in Yugoslav successor countries is dependent on (the assessment of) its cultural, social and historical character, has emerged from the perception of the second part of the problem. However, the larger part of the thesis is devoted to the study of how circumstances in SFRY influenced the character of following three categories of buildings and spaces: I) Governmental buildings and buildings of the League of Communist of Yugoslavia II) Institutions of educational-ideological character and memorial centers III) Memorials and memorial sites. With an objective to analyze how political and social occurrences in the SFRY in the period 1945-1990 influenced the processes of construction of above-listed representative buildings and spaces, the study approaches several important moments in development of architectural discourse in socialist Yugoslavia, such as: the appearance of modernist architecture in the Interwar period; the discussion on the socialist realist style; the influence of the political conflict between Tito and Stalin on architectural developments; architectural developments during the "Informbiro Period"; initiation of grandiose projects of representative character in the period 1956-1965; an impulse in erection of buildings and spaces of educational-ideological and cultural-memorial character in between 1966 and 1974; the appearance of the postmodernism; and finally the course of architectural developments after Josip Broz Tito's death in 1981 till the dissolution of Yugoslavia in 1990. The second part of the thesis researches how and why architectural works of representative character built in between 1945 and 1990 are neglected in the present. The objective of a critical and hermeneutical study is to perceive how the process of re-construction of national, cultural identities in the states reconstructed after the dissolution of Yugoslavia has influenced on the negative perception of the given architecture. The architectural works presented in the first chapter now are perceived as architectural heritage and analyzed as a cultural legacy of the uncomfortable nature. The discomfort towards the heritage built in the socialist period is approached through the study of the process of (re)interpretation of cultural memory. The analysis is conducted with the objective to perceive how the transformation in "collective frameworks of memory" has influenced "collective memory" of those societies and consequently the condition of architectural heritage of representative character found in the given territories. The research comes to an end with an insight into the level of preservation and state of condition of the representative heritage of Yugoslav-socialist character and concludes with recommendations for the improvement of protection mechanisms and suggestions on the modalities for its architectural and cultural revitalization.
"El patrimonio arquitectónico del carácter yugoslavo-socialista: la ideología, la memoria y la identidad" estudia la capacidad de la arquitectura para representar los esfuerzos políticos y culturales y los acontecimientos en el período desde 1945 hasta 1990 en los territorios que formaron la República Socialista Federativa de Yugoslavia. La tesis es dividida en dos partes: la primera parte analiza cómo la arquitectura, como un discurso per se y un aparato ideológico, se utilizó para la representación de la identidad socialista yugoslava. En la segunda parte se estudia cómo la deconstrucción de esa identidad y su consiguiente despido en el proceso de la reconstrucción de las identidades nacionales, ha influido en el nivel de la preservación del patrimonio del carácter representativo que se encuentra en los territorios que anteriormente formaban la RSFY. La hipótesis sobre la que se construye la investigación, afirman que el significado del patrimonio arquitectónico de carácter representativo construido en el período socialista que se encuentra en los países sucesores yugoslavos es dependiente (de la evaluación) de su carácter cultural, social e histórico, ha surgido de la percepción de la segunda parte del problema. Sin embargo, la mayor parte de la tesis se dedica al estudio de cómo las circunstancias en la RSFY influyeron en el carácter de las siguientes tres categorías de los edificios y espacios: I) Los edificios gubernamentales y los edificios de la Liga de Comunistas de Yugoslavia II) Las instituciones del carácter educativo-ideológico y los centros conmemorativos III) Los monumentos y los sitios conmemorativos. Con el objetivo de analizar cómo los acontecimientos políticos y sociales en la RSFY en el período 1945-1990 influyeron en los procesos de la construcción de los edificios y espacios del carácter representativo arriba mencionados, el estudio aborda varios momentos importantes en el desarrollo del discurso arquitectónico en la Yugoslavia socialista: la aparición de la arquitectura modernista en el período de entreguerras; la discusión sobre el estilo socialista realista; la influencia del conflicto político entre Tito y Stalin en los desarrollos arquitectónicos; los desarrollos arquitectónicos durante el Período Informbiro; la iniciación de los proyectos grandiosos del carácter representativo en el período 1956-1965; el impulso por la construcción de los edificios y espacios de carácter educativo-ideológico y cultural-memorial entre 1966 y 1974; la aparición del posmodernismo; y finalmente el curso de los desarrollos arquitectónicos después de la muerte de Josip Broz Tito en 1981 hasta la disolución de Yugoslavia en 1990. La segunda parte de la tesis investiga cómo y por qué las obras arquitectónicas del carácter representativo construidas entre 1945 y 1990 se descuidan en el presente. El objetivo de un estudio crítico y hermenéutico es percibir cómo el proceso de la reconstrucción de las identidades nacionales y culturales en los estados reconstruidos después de la disolución de Yugoslavia ha influido en la percepción negativa de la arquitectura dada. Las obras arquitectónicas presentadas en el primer capítulo ahora son percibidas como el patrimonio arquitectónico y analizadas como un legado cultural y social de la naturaleza incómoda. El malestar hacia ese patrimonio se aborda a través del estudio del proceso de la (re)interpretación de la memoria cultural. El análisis se lleva a cabo con el objetivo de percibir cómo la transformación en los "marcos colectivos de la memoria" ha influido en la "memoria colectiva" de esas sociedades y por consiguiente en la condición del patrimonio arquitectónico del carácter representativo que se encuentra en los territorios determinados. La investigación llega a su fin con una información sobre del nivel de la conservación y el estado de la condición del patrimonio dado y concluye con las recomendaciones para su revitalización.
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Baric, Stephanie. "Yugoslav war cinema : shooting a nation which no longer exists." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2001. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk3/ftp04/MQ64011.pdf.

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18

Rucker-Chang, Sunnie T. "Cultural Formation in post-Yugoslav Serbia: Divides, Debates, and Dialogues." The Ohio State University, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1281923371.

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19

Augter, Steffi. "Negotiating Croatia's recognition : German foreign policy as two level game." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.289769.

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20

PIACENTINI, ARIANNA MARIA BAMBINA. "ETHNONATIONALITY AND INTER-GENERATIONAL DIS-CONTINUITIES. POLITICAL REGIMES, IDEOLOGIES AND MASSES IN BOSNIA HERZEGOVINA AND FORMER YUGOSLAV REPUBLICS OF MACEDONIA, FROM THEIR YUGOSLAV PAST UNTIL NOWADAYS." Doctoral thesis, Università degli Studi di Milano, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/2434/559561.

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This dissertation is centred upon the concept of ‘ethnonationality’ and aims at investigating how its meanings and functions have possibly changed across generations, political regimes and time periods. The analysis is conducted in the ethnically plural contexts of Bosnia Herzegovina and FYRO Macedonia, and the research covers a time period that goes from the Yugoslav era until nowadays. Members of two differently socialized generations, one of ‘Yugoslav parents’ and one of ‘post-Yugoslav children’, and living together in the same family, have been chosen as unit of analysis of this work in order to better grasp possible inter-generational dis-continuities and dis-similarities entailing meanings and usages of ethnonationality. Starting from the idea that without a temporal perspective any research on the topic would be incomplete, this work doesn’t consider the fall of Yugoslavia as a ‘year zero’ but, rather, as the outcome of pre-existing mechanisms and conditions that paved the way for the current reality. The time perspective, coupled with an empirical analysis involving two generations, does help to better understand how and why the current post-Yugoslav societies of BiH and Macedonia have come to be the way they are. This work adopts a relational approach, hence it starts from the belief that without a macro exploration any micro explanation would be superficial; and, conversely, without a micro analysis any macro change won’t be properly understood. Performing a multi-dimensional and temporal exploration, thus, allows to understand how macro and micro - hence individuals and structures - interact together, and how their conjoined roles make the system functioning possibly shaping meanings and usages of ethnonationality itself. The aims of this work are, thus, to understand in what extent past and present ‘macro-environments’ and connected personal experiences have penetrated and shaped the micro-world influencing ideas and behaviours of two generations; and how these two generations’ ideas and behaviours influence, meet or clash with each other. In a broader perspective, the analysis performed in this research may tell us something new and interesting about the role played by multinational states and their institutions, political elites, dominant ideologies, families and masses themselves in avoiding/causing conflicts, building democracy or maintaining ethnocracies.
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Livanios, Dimitrios. "Bulgar-Yugoslav controversy over Macedonia and the British connection, 1939-1949." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.308855.

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Jansen, Stefaan. "Anti-nationalism : post-Yugoslav resistance and narratives of self and society." Thesis, University of Hull, 2000. http://hydra.hull.ac.uk/resources/hull:5397.

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Baros, Miroslav. "International law and resolution of the Yugoslav conflicts : application or creation?" Thesis, University of Nottingham, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.275964.

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Kay, M. A. "The British attitude to the Yugoslav government-in-exile, 1941-1945." Thesis, University of Southampton, 1986. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.372714.

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Spaskovska, Ljubica. "The last Yugoslav generation : youth cultures and politics in late socialism." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10871/14978.

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The thesis examines the role of the ‘last Yugoslav generation’ in rethinking Yugoslav socialism and the very nature of Yugoslavism. It focuses on the way in which the elite representatives of this generation - the publicly prominent and active youth actors in Yugoslav late socialism from the spheres of media, art, culture and politics sought to rearticulate and redefine Yugoslav socialism and the youth’s link to the state. This thesis argues that the Yugoslav youth elite of the 1980s essentially strove to decouple Yugoslavism and dogmatic socialism as the country faced a multi-level crisis where old and established practices and doctrines began to lose credibility. They progressively took over the youth infrastructure (the youth media, the cultural venues and the League(s) of Socialist Youth) and sought to hollow out their dogmatically understood socialist content, by framing their artistic, media or political activism as targeting specific malfunctions of socialist self-management. Hailed as ‘a new political generation’, they sought to re-invent institutional youth activism, to reform and democratise the youth organisation and hence open up new spaces for cultural and political expression, some of which revolved around anti-militarism, environmental activism, and issues around sexuality. A progressive wing of this generation essentially argued that Yugoslavia could be reformed and further democratised. Two dominant strands become obvious: a line of argumentation which targeted the ruling elite, exposed its responsibility for the poor implementation of socialist self-management and the necessity to thoroughly revise the socialist model without abandoning its basic principles; and a later trend in which experimentation with liberal concepts and values became dominant. The first type of critique - reform socialism - was almost completely abandoned during the very last years of the decade, as more and more dominant players in the youth sphere started to turn away from socialism and came to appropriate the discourse of human rights, pluralism, free market and European integration. In this rejection of the socialism of the older generation and search for new values – some liberal, some leftist – they were also trying to re-imagine what being a young Yugoslav was about. The thesis maintains that this generation embodied a particular sense of citizenship and framed its generational identity and activism within the confines of what I call ‘layered Yugoslavism’, where one’s ethno-national and Yugoslav sense of belonging were perceived as complementary, rather than mutually exclusive. Whilst many analyses have focused on the powerful tensions that would lead to Yugoslavia’s dismemberment, this work reminds us of the existence of countervailing forces: that until the moment of collapse, a series of alternatives continued to exist, embodied most powerfully in the political and cultural work of a young Yugoslav generation.
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Levi, Dejan. "Negotiating tropes of madness : trauma and identity in post-Yugoslav cinemas." Thesis, University of Manchester, 2014. https://www.research.manchester.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/negotiating-tropes-of-madness-trauma-and-identity-in-postyugoslav-cinemas(70e003f1-291b-4fb4-b14a-b1ec628750c5).html.

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This thesis examines how madness has been used in post-Yugoslav cinemas to facilitate thinking about experiences of the break-up of the SFRY throughout the 1990s and 2000s, its consequences and implications for the future. The study conceptualises post-Yugoslav film cultures as public spheres in which artistic and industrial practices are often combined to create meaning around the core themes of trauma and identity in post-Yugoslav cultures. Working with seven feature-length titles from a range of post-Yugoslav successor states (Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Serbia, Macedonia and Kosovo) I illustrate how images of madness have been essential in the cultural processing of events of the 1990s. Whilst featuring individuals suffering mental instabilities and disturbances, and sometimes asylums or mental health institutions, I contend such films are not ultimately concerned – on a thematic level – with mental health, but instead focus on the use of such characters in a metaphoric capacity for engaging core themes of Yugoslav break-up, conflicts, and difficulties of subsequent transition. Using the semantic/syntactic approach to genre, I identify two common ways in which madness is used on a textual level to engage these core themes. The first of these, the ‘inside-out asylum trope of madness’, is concerned with the use of the asylum in films which assess critically the dominant political ideologies of the successor states in question at a time when political pluralism was not yet established by the transition process. Films discussed include Burlesque Tragedy (Marković, 1995), Marshall Tito’s Spirit (Brešan, 1999), and Kukumi (Qosja, 2005). The second trope is the ‘multiple realities trope of madness’ in which the presentation of diegetic reality on screen is adapted to reflect various conceptualisations of trauma and loss arising from Yugoslav break-up and transition. Here the films include Loving Glances (Karanović, 2003), Fuse (Žalica, 2003), Mirage (Ristovski, 2004) and Land of Truth, Love and Freedom (Petrović, 2000). Across the films selected, it is madness which ultimately provides a diverse pool of metaphors and images for an assessment of Yugoslavia’s traumatic demise and the ensuing process of picking through the debris of its ideology, cultural practices, values and ways of living for precisely what might be salvageable and what should be discarded.
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KRALJ, Karlo. "Pathways to politics: new left movement parties in Post-Yugoslav space." Doctoral thesis, Scuola Normale Superiore, 2022. https://hdl.handle.net/11384/125842.

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This thesis investigates processes behind the formation of new left movement parties in post-Yugoslav space by tracing and comparing the emergence of two movement parties: Initiative for Democratic Socialism (Slovenia) and Do Not Let Belgrade D(r)own (Serbia). Its main aim is to describe mechanisms through which activist groups with long-term experience of nonelectoral activism engage in movement party formation, which is conceptualized as a core change in social movement strategy. The central argument of the thesis is that movement party formation can be explained by two key mechanisms: strategic learning, which takes place over a longer period of time, and cognitive liberation, which is provoked by the experience of eventful protest. In addition to establishing similarities across the two cases, comparative design serves to investigate to what extent and how each of the two contexts structured different movements’ strategic articulations. It identifies two strategic articulations of the electoral new left in the post-Yugoslav space: national-level democratic-socialist pathway and local-level green-municipalist pathway. Empirically, the thesis combines theory-building process tracing and cross-case analysis, outlining the movement parties’ long-term origins through detailed case studies. In addition to in-depth interviews with activists from various sub-sectors of left-wing activism in Slovenia and Serbia, the case studies draw on the analysis of activists’ strategic framing within protest events, media appearances and organizational documents. The thesis aims to contribute to the body of research on stability and change in social movement strategy as well as to update the literature on left-wing movement parties with cases that remained relatively underinvestigated. At the same time, the thesis takes a novel approach to postsocialist left-wing activism, going beyond the usual analytical division between electoral and nonelectoral forms of activism. Against the backdrop of the assumptions on the static, transactional and NGO-ized nature of postsocialist activism, it shows activists’ capacity for strategic change.
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Vujanovic, Branka [Verfasser]. "Aesthetics of transgression and its strategies in post-Yugoslav art / Branka Vujanovic." Gießen : Universitätsbibliothek, 2017. http://d-nb.info/1138195227/34.

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Vujanovi´c, Branka [Verfasser]. "Aesthetics of transgression and its strategies in post-Yugoslav art / Branka Vujanovic." Gießen : Universitätsbibliothek, 2017. http://d-nb.info/1138195227/34.

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30

Bilic, B. "We were gasping for air : (post-)Yugoslav anti-war contention and its legacy." Thesis, University College London (University of London), 2012. http://discovery.ucl.ac.uk/1356654/.

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(Post)-Yugoslav anti-war contention has remained an under-theorised phenomenon more than a decade after the end of the wars of Yugoslav succession. The rich conceptual apparatus of collective contention theories has not, up to now, been employed to account for the emergence and development of these civic undertakings. Positioned at the interface between historical sociology, social movement studies and anthropology, this thesis follows the anti-war protest cycle which unfolded in Serbia and Croatia throughout the 1990s. While generally not expounding on the “ontogenesis” of individual civic enterprises, I draw upon in-depth interviews, documentary analysis and participant observations to illuminate broader politico-social trajectories of activist group constitution, protest expansion and demise. This thesis shows that various anti-war initiatives appropriated and developed dormant social networks created through student, feminist and environmentalist engagement in socialist Yugoslavia. Anti-war activisms, in turn, served as platforms for generating the social and material capital which enabled the establishment of the present-day politico-civic organisations devoted to human rights protection across the ex-Yugoslav space.
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Schneider, Julia Rose. "Perpetrators, Bystanders, and Victims: An Examination of Women's Roles in the Yugoslav Wars." Ohio University Honors Tutorial College / OhioLINK, 2021. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ouhonors1619190860477378.

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32

Heaney, Dušanka Radosavljević. "Metatheatre as a political tool in Yugoslav drama in the 1980s and 1990s." Thesis, University of Hull, 2003. http://hydra.hull.ac.uk/resources/hull:16502.

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The wars in the Balkans in the 1990s inspired great interest in the historical, socioeconomic and political aspects of the disintegration of the former Yugoslavia. These accounts often referred to the actual events as the ‘Yugoslav tragedy’. Yugoslav theatre, meanwhile, received comparatively negligible attention. An overview of Yugoslav drama in translation points to an interesting trend. The plays which made it to Western Europe, particularly in the 1980s, were plays with a definite metatheatrical dimension. At the same time in Yugoslavia, metatheatre spontaneously became the most effective means of socio-political re-examination. The metatheatrical trend re-occurred with a very different function in the 1990s when the everyday Yugoslav reality was highly theatricalised in the media controlled by the Milosevic regime. In both 1980s and 1990s Yugoslavia, metatheatre essentially sought to examine the collective audience preconceptions. Yugoslavia’s most renowned contemporary playwright, Dušan Kovadevic, is the author of four metaplays studied in this thesis. Other internationally acclaimed Yugoslav metaplays of the period 1980-1999 studied here include Slobodan Snajder’s The Croatian Faust. Ljubomir Simovid’s The Travelling Theatre Sopalovic. Nenad Prokid’s The Metastable Grail. Biljana Srbljanovic’s Family Tales as well as Goran Markovic’s A Tour and Nebojša Romcevic’s Caroline Neuber. Contextually, the thesis also features analyses of older Yugoslav metaplays such as Ivo Brešan’s The Stage Play of Hamlet in the Village of Lower Jerkwater and Dušan Jovanovic’s Act a Brain Tumour or Air Pollution. The thesis is by no means a definitive overview of Yugoslav theatre and its contexts but primarily an exploration of the metatheatrical device, its political significance and its features in Yugoslavia of the 1980s and the rump-state of Yugoslavia in the 1990s.
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Abe, Yuki. "Reconstructing NATO after the Cold War : from domestic social norms to international security management." Thesis, University of Sheffield, 2009. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.505479.

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This thesis examines the reconstruction of the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO) since the end of the Cold War. Conventional knowledge in International Relations argues that alliances should dissolve with the disappearance of the military threat which they were created to address. But NATO still exists and has engaged in new activities that depart from its original purpose - specifically, engaging in crisis management beyond its territorial boundary. How is it possible to explain this shift in NATO's purpose and its transformation from an anti-Communist alliance into one that is concerned with humanitarian crises? The thesis analyses this question by posing a view, based on constructivism, that 'international' organisations are developed as state leaders try to meet 'domestic' normative concerns.
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Mandalenakis, Helene. "Recognizing identity : the creation of new states in former Yugoslavia." Thesis, McGill University, 2006. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=102808.

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This dissertation examines the emergence of norms and the process through which these influence state behaviour. State identity conceptualized in ethnic or civic terms, shapes state preferences concerning the recognition of new states. Hence, the ethnic or civic identity of Germany, France, Greece and Italy influenced their policy on recognition of the former Yugoslav republics of Slovenia, Croatia, FYROM (Macedonia) and Bosnia-Herzegovina. Nevertheless, the examination of these policies indicates that these preferences were tempered by security concerns and perceptions of threat. Hence, although this thesis supports the constructivist claim on the power of principles such as identity, it also incorporates the realist claims on the significance of geopolitics in foreign policy. Consequently, it does not claim the supremacy of one theory over another instead it attempts to provide a better framework for understanding the sources of foreign policy.
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Jungić, Ozren. "Ideology and war in Bosnia and Herzegovina, 1992-95 : evidence from the tribunal." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:8bdd4a0a-12c4-4c32-a716-e9b7da51320d.

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This thesis relies on evidence from the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia to argue that systematic ethnic violence occurred during the 1992-95 war in Bosnia and Herzegovina because of the implementation of extreme ideological visions promoted by top political leaders. The first section demonstrates how Serb and Croat nationalist politicians in Serbia, Croatia, and Bosnia determined to create expanded monoethnic states as Yugoslavia collapsed in 1991-92. The second section illustrates how institutions dominated by Serbian President Slobodan Milos̆evic and the Croatian government led by Franjo Tudman sponsored the military campaigns conducted by Bosnian Serb and Croat forces, which attempted to realise the visions imagined in 1991-92. The final section reveals how in 1994-95, leaders from Croatia and Serbia shifted their short term strategies towards Bosnia for pragmatic reasons, and while the Croatian leadership succeeded in forcing Bosnian Croat nationalists to abate their separatist campaign, Milos̆evic's efforts to pacify the Bosnian Serb leadership failed and Radovan Karadz̆ic's regime continued to pursue its state-building programme until its defeat in summer 1995. Although both Milos̆evic and Tudman yielded their pre-war ambitions in the face of battlefield outcomes and international pressure, this thesis argues that both leaders regarded the peace agreements they signed as temporary compromises on their long-term ambitions. The words of top political decision-makers reveal the ideas and reasoning that inspired programmes to homogenise multi-ethnic Bosnia and divide it between Serbia and Croatia.
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Kozul, Zeljka. "Innovation and industrial organization : a comparative study of the Italian and Yugoslav furniture industry." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1994. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.261496.

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Reitz, Julianne M. "Tito's Balkan Federation attempts : the immediate factor in the Soviet-Yugoslav split of 1948." Virtual Press, 2003. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/1265457.

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This study has presented an overview of the significant impact the Balkan Federation attempts had upon the 1948 Soviet-Yugoslav split. Furthermore, this thesis argues that Yugoslav Communist leader Josip Broz-Tito's intentions to create a federation of Balkan countries and East European bloc states challenged Joseph Stalin's monolithic dominance. United under Tito, this federation could have provided resistance to Stalin's plans to subjugate Communist Europe under his command. Furthermore, for Tito, the Balkan Federation represented the opportunity to maintain control over Yugoslavian affairs while enhancing his influence in the region. Such a demonstration of independence by Tito could cause other Soviet dominated areas to question Stalin's authority. It is this scenario of a Balkan Federation inside Stalin's Communist realm that became the immediate factor in the Moscow-Belgrade break.
Department of History
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Jenkins, Danica. "Cinema as 'Trojan Horse': Coming to terms with the Past in Post-Yugoslav Film." Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2022. https://hdl.handle.net/2123/28781.

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In the Western Balkan nations of the former Yugoslavia, formal processes of lustration and transitional justice have been instituted very unevenly - if at all. Differences in terms of objectives, legal frameworks, and most problematically, political will, have led to widely differing outcomes. It is generally accepted that perpetrators of war crimes and other atrocities must be brought to justice in order for nations and communities to re-establish civic society and a level of social trust. However in riven societies such as these, a prior form of social reckoning is needed to prepare for formal lustration and to foster the level of self-understanding required to break the cycle of violence and overcome the past. Since the early nineties, films from the former Yugoslavia have taken on this function, aesthetically negotiating and thereby mediating truth and understanding in these still conflict-ridden environments. Cinema is both a product of the long tradition of European aesthetic self-reflection, and has the potential to reach a broad audience as a form of popular culture. I argue that this unique combination renders cinema an important tool of social intervention in the post-Yugoslav environment. By preparing the ground for the collective understanding of the participation and responsibility required by communities to overcome history, cinema comes close to functioning as a form of civil society trying to move forward by dealing with the past.
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au, lasko2nd@yahoo com, and Tomaz Lasic. "Experiences of schooling of students with former Yugoslav ethnic background in a Western Australian secondary school." Murdoch University, 2007. http://wwwlib.murdoch.edu.au/adt/browse/view/adt-MU20080812.150558.

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Ethnicity is an important social construct mobilised in the discourses of multicultural education. At present, little research exists on the way ethnicity impacts on the schooling experiences of students with former Yugoslav background (SFYB) in Australia. This qualitative study looks at the daily realities of twelve SFYB at a Western Australian government secondary school. Particular attention is paid to the management of their ethnic identities to achieve their educational, social and other goals. Data gathered from the twelve in-depth, guided interviews with SFYB is analysed through the lens of critical multiculturalism, posited as one of several notions of multiculturalism and one with a specific social justice agenda. Theories of hybridity developed by Homi Bhabha and Stuart Hall are translated into the critical multiculturalist framework and provide a further development of the analysis of the data in which hybridity is seen as both experiences and enactments. The study findings suggest that these SFYB embody the principles of critical multiculturalism as skilful managers of contingencies of ethnic identities, aspirations and challenges they encounter at the school. The study also proposes that the notion of critical, power conscious hybridity could be useful as a conceptual tool in the future work of critical multiculturalists.
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Pirani, Pietro. "Economic sanctions as tool of influence, the role of economic sanctions in the Yugoslav crisis." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1999. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp03/MQ39865.pdf.

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41

Velickovic, Vedrana. "The idea of (un)belonging in post-1989 black British and former Yugoslav women's writing." Thesis, Kingston University, 2010. http://eprints.kingston.ac.uk/20761/.

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The idea of belonging remains highly politicised and represents a recurring thematic concern in literary works. This thesis examines its articuiations in post-1989 black British and post-Yugoslav women's writing. It focuses on Bernardine Evaristo's verse¬novel Lara (1997) and her novel-with-verse Soul Tourists (2005), Zadie Smith's White Teeth (2000), Dubravka Ugresic's novel The Ministry of Pain (2004) and her essays (1994, 1998,2003,2007), and Vesna Goldsworthy's memoir Chernobyl Strawberries (2005). Engaging with recent theories ofloss and melancholia (Cheng 2002; Boym 2002; Eng 2003; Gilroy 2004; Ahmed 2008), the thesis explores precarious nature of belonging and moments of tension and non-resolution that characterise belonging in all the examined narratives. I have coined the term '(un)belonging' in order to define the oscillations between belonging and unbelonging. As a dialectic process, (un)belonging indicates the protagonists' negotiation between the ways in which they are positioned by the hegemonic structures of belonging and their provisional locations of belonging. On whose terms this negotiation depends is precisely what is repeatedly questioned in these narratives and it is this tension which the concept of (un)belonging importantly keeps in place. My contention is that the significance of (un)belonging lies in what is less a melancholic 'inability' in these narratives to resolve cultural/personal conflicts and more a melancholic obligation to resist neat resolution of conflicts and the translation of (un)belonging into a personal/'ethnic' /cultural issue. The thesis offers new ways of reading post-1989 black British narratives and the very first discussion of Ugreäié's and Goldsworthy's narratives. The chapter structure of this thesis reflects four main areas of concern through which the four writers thematically intersect. 'Belonging and the Body' examines how (un)be1onging results from querying or hailing of belonging through 'visible' and 'audible' markers of difference and the posing of the question 'Where are you from?' . 'Belonging and Home' explores the constructions of attachments to both real and imaginary places in these narratives. 'Belonging and Movement' discusses how and to what extent (un)belonging acquires a performative and imaginative potential in order to counter the workings of hegemonic belonging and to release various burdens. 'Belonging and Memory' examines how memory functions as a foundation of belonging and considers how the past in these narratives can serve as a resource to reconsider the present. Though these narratives are primarily concerned with disrupting hegemonic forms of belonging, this thesis suggests that they also gesture towards new ways of belonging. By comparing black British and post- Yugoslav narratives, the thesis introduces post-Yugoslav/Eastern European (un)belonging into contemporary British criticism, and it also shows that black British literature with its long tradition of narratives of (un)belonging can be useful for theorising the contemporary Eastern European experience in the 'West'. The thesis makes critical interventions in literary scholarship in terms of offering new ways to theorise the bodies that continue to be marked as Eastern European, raced and migrant, and brings in some of the writers' own reflections on belonging.
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Sicurella, Federico. "Intellectuals as spokespersons for the nation in the post-Yugoslav context : a critical discourse study." Thesis, Lancaster University, 2015. http://eprints.lancs.ac.uk/77562/.

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In contemporary post-Yugoslav societies, the ongoing processes of nation-building interact and intersect with the manifold challenges of post-socialist transition, post-conflict reconciliation, democratisation and European integration. Amid growing uncertainty and insecurity, public intellectuals may play a key role in ‘making sense’ of these complexities, in particular by shaping shared representations of the nation and by defining national identities in public discourse. Engaging in symbolic practices of nation-building, however, also enables intellectuals to legitimise their own authority and social status, as reflected in the concept of national intellectual practice elaborated by Suny and Kennedy (1999). This thesis explores the multifaceted power dynamics underlying post-Yugoslav intellectuals’ engagement in nation-building from the perspective of the Discourse-Historical Approach to critical discourse studies (Reisigl & Wodak, 2009; Wodak, 2011). Using an innovative methodological framework based on the original notion of intellectual spokespersonship for the nation (drawing on Pels, 2000), I examine a sample of published opinion pieces addressing three key recent events, i.e. Kosovo’s declaration of independence from Serbia in 2008, Croatia’s accession into the EU in 2013, and the anti-government protests in Bosnia and Herzegovina in 2014. Detailed analysis of the patterns of intellectual spokespersonship for the nation that are distinctive to each case leads to the following conclusions. The Kosovo issue seems to have led Serbian intellectuals to refurbish their attitude as ‘saviours of the nation’, similarly to what had happened during the crisis of Yugoslavia. Croatian intellectuals, on the other hand, appear to be engaged in an effort to (re)define the role and place of the Croatian nation within the volatile context of European integration. Lastly, the ambivalent stance of Bosnia and Herzegovina’s intellectuals concerning the potential of the protest movement to undermine the status quo suggests that their involvement is chiefly aimed at strengthening their influence over the country’s public opinion.
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Tsukatos, George A. "The former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia implementing the Ohrid Framework Agreement and reforming the state." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Naval Postgraduate School, 2008. http://edocs.nps.edu/npspubs/scholarly/theses/2008/Sept/08Sep%5FTsukatos.pdf.

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Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Post Conflict Stabilization and Reconstruction))--Naval Postgraduate School, September 2008.
Thesis Advisor(s): Bruneau, Thomas ; Ear, Sophal. "September 2008." Description based on title screen as viewed on November 5, 2008. Includes bibliographical references (p. 101-106). Also available in print.
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44

Antonić, Maja. "Yugoslav Revolutionary Legacy: Female Soldiers and Activists in Nation-Building and Cultural Memory, 1941-1989." TopSCHOLAR®, 2019. https://digitalcommons.wku.edu/theses/3107.

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While women are often excluded and/or portrayed as victims in the historical scholarship on war, this research builds on recent scholarship that shows women as active agents in warfare. I focus on Yugoslavia’s WWII Partizankas, female soldiers and activists, who held visible positions in the war effort, public consciousness and, later memory. Using gender as a category of analysis, my thesis explores Partizankas’ legacy and their contributions in the National Liberation Movement (NLM) in WWII (1941- 1945) and post-war nation building. I argue that the organizational framework of the Anti-Fascist Women’s Front (AWF) under the guidance of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia (CPY) emphasized women’s ethnic/religious identities along with distinct social standings and geographic locations to motivate them to fight for the common cause and subsequently forge a shared South Slavic identity. This emphasis on ethnic/regional/class differences paradoxically led to the creation of a common Yugoslav national identity. Women’s involvement, therefore, becomes central to the nationbuilding in the post-war period while establishing the legacy for future feminists. I characterize NLM as a Marxist guerrilla movement with the intent to contextualize the organizational tactics and ideological efforts of CPY and showcase the commonalities and differences the Yugoslav resistance movement had vis-à-vis other revolutionary movements that actively recruited women. Furthermore, the thesis focuses on the representations of Partizankas in popular culture and official rhetoric from WWII to the demise of Yugoslavia in 1991 in order explore the fluidity of gender roles and their perceptions. This research is meaningful because NLM, as an organized Marxist guerrilla movement, stands out in its size, success and legacy. The Yugoslav experience broadens the understanding of why women go to war, how gender norms shift during and after the conflict, and how female soldiers are remembered.
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Lekkas, Charalampos. "Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia : the emergence of the 'New Macedonian Question' in the remains of Second Yugoslavia. Survivability of the New PostCold War state in the Balkans." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2001. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA401454.

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46

Unkovski-Korica, Vladimir. "Workers' self-management in the 'Yugoslav road to socialism' : market, mobilisation and political conflict 1948-1962." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2011. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.551355.

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This is the first documented history of the birth and evolution of the workers' councils system in Yugoslavia and the political conflicts that accompanied it. Straddling fourteen years, from the split with Moscow in 1948 to the re-opening of the national question for the first time after the Second World War in 1962, this thesis demonstrates that the progressive opening to the world market after the nto-Stalin conflict intensified domestic struggles and centrifugal pulls on the federation. Using the archival materials of the ruling Communist Party, government and mass organisations, it explains the stages by which the market came to dominate the party-state's mobilising strategies for society and the shop-floor. In Chapter 1, the introduction of workers' councils is shown to have been a measure to reverse the extraordinary and democratising mobilisation that followed the break with the USSR, by splitting more advanced sections of the working class from those more tied to the countryside. Chapter 2 suggests that the umbilical cord set up from the West to 'keep Tito afloat' allowed the Yugoslav Communists to continue to invest in heavy industry over agriculture in order to escape underdevelopment. This created food shortages and massive resistance to managerial imperatives on the shop-floor. As the country fell deeper in debt, the government intensified market reform under the guise of expanding selfmanagement in order to create an export sector. Chapter 3 sets the stage for open factional conflict in the leadership by noting the gulf between promise and reality in the workplace and on the terrain of complex and uneven domestic development. The main contribution of the thesis is to go beyond history as elite conflict and present it also as a process of class struggle with many mediating instances between the workplace and the state beholden to the world market.
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Radeljic, Branislav. "European community involvement in the Yugoslav crisis and the role of non-state actors (1968-1992)." Thesis, Goldsmiths College (University of London), 2010. http://research.gold.ac.uk/6538/.

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This thesis examines the role of the European Community in the collapse of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. From their first dealings up until 1968 – when official relations were established – and beyond, the Community and Yugoslavia never achieved a stable relationship that would have come into its own with the outbreak of the Yugoslav crisis in the early 1990s. In this respect, economic, political and social dimensions characterizing cooperation between the EC and the SFRY are analyzed to illustrate the developments between the two parties. The outbreak of the Yugoslav crisis was a completely new phenomenon for Brussels. Although admittedly unprepared, EC officials stated that ‘the hour for Europe has come’. This eleventh-hour intervention, however, opened the door to certain non-state actors who became involved and, more importantly, affected the decision-making at EC level leading to the policy of recognition of Slovenia and Croatia as independent states, and thus the demise of the Yugoslav federation. The thesis focuses on the activism of diaspora communities, the media and the Catholic Church. As far as the diaspora communities are concerned, their activism was most significant in Austria, a country that enjoyed an outstanding reputation within the European Community at the time. The Carinthian Slovenes used their position within Austrian politics to promote the independence of Slovenia and Croatia. As to the Western media, their reporting of the Yugoslav crisis, with its sympathy for the independence of the two republics, was accepted as a reliable source of information, a view confirmed by statements from Brussels. Finally, the Catholic Church also expressed sympathy for Slovenia and Croatia: the fact that the two SFRY republics were Catholic was reason enough for the Vatican to campaign for their independence at EC level.
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Doty, Daniel Jonas. "European Union Foreign Policy Construction During the Yugoslav Wars Using the Multiple Autonomous Actors Decision Unit." Miami University / OhioLINK, 2011. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=miami1312758521.

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49

Hodges, Andrew. "The everyday geopolitics of science in post-Yugoslav space : from war and 'transition' to economic crisis." Thesis, University of Manchester, 2013. https://www.research.manchester.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/the-everyday-geopolitics-of-science-in-postyugoslav-space-from-war-and-transition-to-economic-crisis(498797c2-d703-44da-b979-0eaf33107cf0).html.

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My research concerns how the changing geopolitical positioning of the post-Yugoslav states has impacted on the lives and prospects of students and researchers in the natural sciences. The main focus is on scientists’ experiences and self-reporting, both of the situation at present and during the nineties, when scientific operations and scientists’ lives were disrupted by war and in the case of Belgrade, Serbia, UN sanctions against science. My fieldwork is centred on participant ethnography based at an institute in Belgrade, Serbia (the Belgrade Astronomical Observatory). However, throughout the thesis I trace and make connections between numerous other institutes and networks, as well as drawing on interview material and ethnography completed with students in Belgrade and Zagreb, Croatia. I analyse in particular on the impact of the recent wars, attempted ‘democratic transition’ and the current European economic crisis. My main argument is that whilst neoliberalisation and social changes over the past forty years have created opportunities for scientists globally, these opportunities were not evenly distributed. For scientists committed to living and working in the former Yugoslav region, these changes were often, but not always experienced as a hindrance; particularly as seen through the lens of reperipheralisation, which strongly relates to the context of war and recent scientific isolation. In the introduction and first chapter of the thesis, I detail the background in light of which ethnographic insights in the later chapters make sense. I then examine how scientists’ practices and experiences reflect, relate to, shape and have been shaped by not only post-Yugoslav discursive hegemonies (chapter two), but also disciplinary changes (chapter three), local academic hierarchies and conventions (chapter four), the socialist legacy and attempted neoliberal ‘transition’ (chapters two, three, four and five), academic traditions (chapter six) and national cosmology (chapters two and six). The thesis also attempts to make an original contribution to anthropological studies of science, in particular engaging with Latour and Woolgar’s (1986) work on credibility (chapter three), literature on science and its publics (chapter five) and the historiography of science (chapter six). The thesis also draws heavily on anthropological theory from other traditions in the discipline, including Marxist anthropology and theories of hegemony (chapter two), Bourdieu’s (1984) work on education (chapters two and four), Verdery’s (1995) analysis of cultural politics under socialism (chapters three and five) and exchange theory, including Graeber’s (2011) work on debts and indebtedness (chapter six). One key theoretical claim advanced through the ethnographic material is that an anthropological study working with scientists in what Blagojević (2010) terms the ‘semiperiphery’, and where a series of violent wars had recently took place, warrants a human focus, namely on the scientists and how they collectively dealt with and coped with disruption to their work and the reorganisation of their social worlds.
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Lašič, Tomaž. "Experiences of schooling of students with former Yugoslav ethnic background in a Western Australian secondary school /." Access via Murdoch University Digital Theses Project, 2007. http://wwwlib.murdoch.edu.au/adt/browse/view/adt-MU20080812.150558.

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