Relevant bibliographies by topics / Youth – Political activity – Italy

Academic literature on the topic 'Youth – Political activity – Italy'

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Published: 10 March 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Youth – Political activity – Italy"

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Vukadinović, Igor. "Activity of Albanian emigration in the West towards the issue of Kosovo and Metohija (1945-1969)." Zbornik radova Filozofskog fakulteta u Pristini 51, no. 2 (2021): 237–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/zrffp51-26886.

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After the Second World War, a large number of members of the fascist regime of the Kingdom of Albania found refuge in Italy, Turkey and the countries of Western Europe, where they continued to politically act. The leading political options in exile - Balli Kombetar, Zogists and pro-Italian National Independent Bloc, decided to cooperate with each other, so they have formed the Albanian National Committee in 1946. The turning point for the Albanian extreme emigration in the West is Operation Valuable, by which the United States and Great Britain sought to overthrow the Communist regime of Enver Hoxha in Albania. Although the operation failed, strong ties were forged between US and British intelligence and Albanian nacionalist emigration, which were further intensified in the 1960s. Xhafer Deva, who was dedicated to act on the annexation of Kosovo and Metohija to Albania, immigrated to the United States in 1956 and established cooperation with the CIA. Albanian emigration in the West applied different methods in politics towards Kosovo and Metohija. Some organizations, such as Xhafer Deva's Third Prizren League, have focused on lobbying Western intelligence. The Bali Kombetar Independent, headquatered in Rome, paid particular attention to working with Albanian high school and student youth in Kosovo and Metohija. The Alliance of Kosovo, formed in 1949, was engaged in subtle methods of involving Albanian nationalists in Yugoslav state structures, the League of Communists of Yugoslavia, the Yugoslav People's Army, and educational and health institutions in Kosovo and Metohija. Albanian emigration was also involved in violent demonstrations in Kosovo and Metohija in 1968, and cooperated on this issue with the Communist regime of Enver Hoxha in Albania.
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BASENKO, R. "THE CIVILIZATION SIGNIFICANCE OF HUMANISTIC IDEAS OF COMPREHENSIVE EDUCATION IN THE DEVELOPMENT OF UKRAINIAN NATIONAL IDENTITY IN EARLY MODERN TIMES." ТHE SOURCES OF PEDAGOGICAL SKILLS, no. 30 (December 28, 2022): 36–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.33989/2075-146x.2022.30.270640.

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The article examines the influence of Western European ideas of integral personality education on the development of the Ukrainian educational space in the early modern times. Attention is drawn to the importance of the humanistic ideas of the secular Renaissance, the Protestant Reformation, and the Catholic Reformation for the formation of the Ukrainian socio-cultural space, in particular in terms of ethnic changes and mental transformations of Ukrainian society. The ways of penetration of early modern innovations into the educational tradition of Ukrainians are analyzed, in particular political and geographical (the proximity of Ukrainian lands to the countries of Western Europe, the location of Ukrainian cities at the intersection of key trade routes); the ideological and semantic kinship of the Orthodox Christian pedagogical tradition and Christian humanism, on the basis of which the Western European idea of enlightened piety “pietas litterata” was formed); educational and youth (active migration of Ukrainian youth from the elite environment to study in Western European countries, in particular to Italy, France, Germany, Holland, Belgium, the Czech Republic and other countries where young people received a humanistic education); ideological and literary (active dissemination of the works of European humanists in the early modern Ukrainian space); educational and institutional (the active spread of Catholic (Jesuit) and Protestant humanist schools in Ukrainian lands, which ensured the high quality of the educational process and ensured the involvement of the Russian population in the new, and most importantly, high-quality education of the European model, enriched the national educational tradition with Renaissance-humanistic tools, contributed to interaction and mutual enrichment of Western European and Russian cultures). It was established that the leaders of the ideas of the humanist school at that time proposed new, synthetic approaches to the search for effective ways of developing holistic education of the individual. In educational institutions founded on Ukrainian lands, the humanistic ideal of “pietas litterata” was proclaimed as the goal of education, which contained the triad of the Erasmus pedagogical paradigm: knowledge of Latin (education), active piety (individual initiative in social life) and virtue (upbringing). Protestant teachers and Jesuit teachers proposed an appeal to examples of ancient education, didactic emphasis was placed on “bonae artes” (“good arts”), pedagogical concepts “vita contemplation” (“life in contemplation”) and “vita active” (“life in activity”) were recognized as equal, and the educational model successfully combined two components – “sacrum” (“spiritual”) and “profanum” (“secular”). It has been proven that the key trajectory of the influence of Western European humanistic ideas was educational and pedagogical activity, the establishment of schools and collegiums of the humanistic model. It is emphasized that the active integration of humanist ideas in the Ukrainian educational and cultural space allowed not only to join the advanced European experience of the humanist school, but also had a significant positive impact on the development of Ukrainian national identity.
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Tabarintseva-Romanova, K. M. "The Italian model of humanitarian diplomacy." Diplomaticheskaja sluzhba (Diplomatic Service), no. 12 (December 7, 2022): 458–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.33920/vne-01-2206-05.

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Тhe term humanitarian diplomacy is undergoing a number of changes in the political discourse of international relations. Already, various states and international organizations are investing in it with diff erent content. In this article, we will look at how Italy, the ancestor of the modern diplomatic system, puts into practice humanitarian diplomacy in the broad sense of the term. If initially the concept of "humanitarian diplomacy" meant only "providing humanitarian assistance to vulnerable segments of the population during a confl ict and victims of natural or man-made disasters", today it is already a whole umbrella concept that includes a wide palette of humanitarian cooperation on an ongoing basis in such areas such as: culture, science, education, youth, tourism. Particular attention is paid to the institutionalization of humanitarian diplomacy in the process of "transformation" of the foreign policy system of the Italian Republic. In addition, the author studies the cultural and scientific component of the international activities of the state on the example of cooperation with such "vulnerable" regions as: Africa and the Mediterranean. As the analysis of plans and reports of the relevant Italian structures, namely: the Ministry of Foreign Aff airs and International Cooperation, the Italian Cooperation Agency, showed, the main areas for cooperation in the humanitarian sphere are: education, fundamental research on environmental issues, agriculture, clean water and gender policy. In fact, activities in the fi eld of humanitarian diplomacy cover most areas of a universal, comprehensive nature. It is concluded that the Italian model of humanitarian diplomacy follows the global "trends" of reforming the ministries of foreign aff airs, and also "creates" its own practices of diplomatic discourse — legal and "hybrid" diplomacy, which, unfortunately, are not currently widely used and in its essence, in the first case, it is part of a multilateral (conventional), and in the second, it is rather a characteristic than an independent form of foreign policy activity, in the extreme case, a part of public diplomacy.
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Wanrooij, Bruno. "Youth, generation conflict, and political struggle in twentieth‐century Italy." European Legacy 4, no. 1 (February 1999): 72–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10848779908579946.

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Bettin, Cristina. "IDENTITY AND IDENTIFICATION: JEWISH YOUTH IN ITALY 1870–1938." Journal of Modern Jewish Studies 4, no. 3 (November 2005): 323–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14725880500298310.

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Kruzhkova, Olga Vladimirovna, Irina Vladimirovna Vorobyeva, and M. S. Krivoshchekova. "POLITICAL ACTIVITY OF MODERN RUSSIAN YOUTH AND MARGINAL POLITICAL PRACTICES." Pedagogical Education in Russia, no. 9 (2019): 22–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.26170/po19-09-03.

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Morciano, Daniele, Anna Fausta Scardigno, Amelia Manuti, and Serafina Pastore. "An evaluation study of youth participation in youth work: a case study in Southern Italy." Educational Research for Policy and Practice 13, no. 1 (June 23, 2013): 81–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10671-013-9150-8.

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Sonzogno, Giulia Valeria, Giulia Urso, and Alessandra Faggian. "Migration propensity of peripheral youth: insights from Italy." Regional Studies, Regional Science 9, no. 1 (November 17, 2022): 709–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/21681376.2022.2139195.

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Kim, Yun Na. "Roles and Tasks for Revitalizing Youth Political Participation activity in Youth center." Journal of Human Rights & Law-related Education 15, no. 2 (August 30, 2022): 1–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.35881/hler.2022.15.2.1.

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Uba, Katrin, and Ludvig Stendahl. "Youth- and Crime-Related Political Claims in Comparative Perspective." American Behavioral Scientist 64, no. 5 (November 14, 2019): 652–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002764219885422.

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This article analyzes youth collective activism in relation to crime and violence in the context of long-term dominance of “moral panics” discourse, where young people are often framed as a “threat” and “problem.” While many prior studies focus on media presentation of youth in single countries, we investigate how youth actors themselves make political claims related to crime and violence, and take a comparative perspective on this question. Based on a unique data on youth-related political claims from the newspapers of nine European countries—France, Greece, Germany, Italy, Poland, Spain, Switzerland, Sweden, and the United Kingdom, we demonstrate that youth are rarely present in the public discussions about crime and violence, especially in the countries where youth actors face restricted discursive opportunities in the print media. The dominant “adult view” in claims about crime and violence often connect youth to diverse social problems and attribute blame to youth more often than to adults; the claims made by youth do not make such a difference in blame attribution.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Youth – Political activity – Italy"

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Seto, Ming-wai, and 司徒明慧. "Youth work organizations and the nurturing of future youth leaders forpolitical participation." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2010. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B46776138.

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Yeung, Law Koon-chui Agnes, and 楊羅觀翠. "Intergroup relationships and the political orientation of Chinese youth." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1996. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31235451.

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Jauch, Linda. "Women, power and political discourse in fifteenth-century northern Italy." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2012. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/252268.

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Krawatzek, Félix. "Youth and crisis : discourse networks and political mobilisation." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:80a45271-f04d-4c1d-abff-6ee6c6478941.

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This thesis explores the meaning of "youth" and the political mobilisation of young people in key moments of crisis in Europe. Between 2005 and 2011, youth became critical for the consolidation of the authoritarian regime structures in Russia. I show that this process included the restructuring of the discourse about youth, the physical mobilisation of young people, and the isolation of oppositional youth. How valid are these findings for regime crises more generally? I answer this question through an analysis of the breakdown of the authoritarian Soviet Union during perestroika, the breakdown of unconsolidated democracy during the last years of the Weimar Republic, and the crisis of the democratic regime in France around 1968. The cross-regional and cross-temporal comparison of these episodes demonstrates that regimes lacking popular democratic support compensate for their insufficient legitimacy by trying to mobilise youth symbolically and politically. By developing a new method of textual analysis which combines qualitative content analysis and network analysis, the thesis offers a novel social science perspective on the meaning of youth in the four cases. My study shows how discursive structures about youth condition the possibility of political mobilisation of young people. The thesis makes three contributions to comparative politics. First, on an empirical level, my study offers new insights into social movements at moments of regime crisis in different political settings. Second, on a conceptual level, I refine our understanding of the symbolic significance of the terms "youth" and "generation" in moments when society is reorienting itself. I also examine the significance of "crisis" and argue that the term expresses openness and the possibility to remake the past and future. Third, on a methodological level, my thesis builds on the growing interest in textual analysis by developing a novel multi-level approach in three linguistic contexts, which offers insights into the structure of public discourse and the actors involved.
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Chan, Ching-yee Aris, and 陳靜宜. "From docile students to ferocious red guards: a study of the mentality and behavior of politicized youths inGuangzhou, 1963-1968." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1997. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31213881.

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Leung, Pui-yiu Irene, and 梁佩瑤. "The impact of participation in community organizations on the political attitudes and behaviours of youths." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1991. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31976608.

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Wang, Jieying. "An identity formation through collective action in a new social movement in Hong Kong : a case study of the post-80s anti-express rail link youth." HKBU Institutional Repository, 2011. http://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_ra/1262.

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Ngonyama, Lulama Smuts. "Born free: an exploration of national identity construction in post-apartheid South Africa: the case of the youth born from 1990." Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/d1020349.

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National identity in South Africa is, and has been, a complex concept, with diverse and contested attempts at its embodiment. This research extends the discourse of identity politics in the post 1994 democratic South Africa to beyond the discourse of racial politics, and notions of oppressor and oppressed to the complexities of resistance and the eventual establishment of a democratic South Africa. The research draws on the views and experiences of young South Africans, born after 1990, regarding what constitutes a South African identity. The research participants represent the socio-cultural and economic spectrum of the city of Cape Town, in the Western Province of South Africa. Schools were chosen across this spectrum to allow for heterogeneity of research sample to reflect the different population groups that comprise the South African population. The areas the schools were chosen from included those that existed during the apartheid era and those that have since been developed. Schools included were those historically delineated according to apartheid-constructed racial groups, and one that was established after 1994 as a non-state school. The exploration of the data reveals a population of young people who have moved beyond the imposed identities created by the apartheid system to an actively inclusive conception of what it means to be a South African in a post-apartheid context. Additionally, the research shows that this inclusive national identity also allows for the acknowledgement and expression of the diversity of cultures and languages existent in South African society. There is also an understanding that socio-economic issues such as poverty, poor education and continued imbalances from the Apartheid era need to be addressed to ensure a stable and unified South Africa. Therefore, the research found that this research contends that young people born after 1990 are committed to a respectful and representative national identity that affords all South Africans an equal place in society.
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Dollins, Ramona R. "Parental influence on political development among late adolescents." Thesis, This resource online, 1992. http://scholar.lib.vt.edu/theses/available/etd-10192006-115601/.

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Mwaura, Grace Muthoni. "Educated youth in Kenya : negotiating waithood by greening livelihoods." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:b58b7015-360c-4abd-af04-1ab008aae48f.

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The burgeoning scholarship on African youth indicates that young people are experiencing difficulties in attaining social adulthood and spend extended time in waithood - a period of economic and job insecurities that is becoming a permanent marker of their youth, affecting their life trajectories and future aspirations (Honwana, 2012; Locke & te Lintelo, 2012). Youth waithood involves navigating precarious conditions arising under neoliberalism and its economic liberalization reforms, and developing new subjectivities resulting from the acquisition of extra skills set, maintaining social networks, and engaging in new political formations (Jeffrey, 2008). Informed by concepts of neoliberal subjectivities, opportunity spaces, and Bourdieu's forms of capital, I conducted qualitative research with university students in six public universities, and with educated young farmers in Western, Eastern, and Central regions of Kenya. I investigated how Kenyan youth navigate waithood by occupying new opportunity spaces opened up by student environmentalism and agricultural entrepreneurialism - two areas that have been reconfigured by global discourses of environmental change, green jobs, and agricultural transformation. My findings show that the occupational aspirations of educated youth were changing to include navigation strategies of portfolio occupations, tarmacking, and side-hustling. Within the new opportunity spaces, these youth realized neoliberal subjectivities that enabled them to garner capitals through self-making, entrepreneurialism, and reworking of elite distinctions. Student environmentalists' navigation strategies included acquiring environmental knowledge and work experiences; joining networks of environmental professionals; and participating in environmental anti-politics. Educated young farmers embraced ideologies of portfolio occupations and green livelihoods. They also relied on the reconfigurations of gendered identities and the rural-urban divide, competitive individualism, and associational life to rework their occupational aspirations and maintain elite distinctions in society. In sum, negotiating youth waithood is a complex, intertwined, and uncertain process involving flexibilities and chance opportunities to access, maintain, and utilize capitals. The emergent subjectivities remain insecure, unstable and do not necessarily guarantee exiting waithood.
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Books on the topic "Youth – Political activity – Italy"

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Believe, obey, fight: Political socialization of youth in fascist Italy, 1922-1943. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1985.

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Civic youth work: Co-creating democratic youth spaces. Chicago, Ill: Lyceum Books, 2013.

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Pushpa, Adhikārī, and Sangam Institute (Kathmandu Nepal), eds. Youth in policy making. Kathmandu: Sangam Institute, 2010.

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Upreti, Harish Chandra. Youth politics in India. Jaipur, India: Printwell Publishers, 1987.

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Civic education and youth political participation. Rotterdam: Sense Publishers, 2009.

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Youth and political participation: A reference handbook. Santa Barbara, Calif: ABC-CLIO, 2011.

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Youth and politics. Moscow: Progress Publishers, 1987.

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Albert, Hughes. Political socialization of Soviet youth. Lewiston, N.Y., USA: Edwin Mellen Press, 1992.

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James, Youniss, and Levine Peter 1967-, eds. Engaging young people in civic life. Nashville, Tenn: Vanderbilt University Press, 2009.

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Youth and democracy. New Delhi: Akansha Publishing House, 2018.

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Book chapters on the topic "Youth – Political activity – Italy"

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Stuppia, Paola. "Contemporary Youth Environmental Activism: Lessons from France and Italy." In Environmental Politics and Theory, 567–95. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-14346-5_23.

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Pitti, Ilaria. "Youth Participation, Movement Politics, and Skills: A Study of Youth Activism in Italy." In The Palgrave Handbook of Citizenship and Education, 877–89. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-67828-3_61.

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Pitti, Ilaria. "Youth Participation, Movement Politics, and Skills: A Study of Youth Activism in Italy." In The Palgrave Handbook of Citizenship and Education, 1–13. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-67905-1_61-1.

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Germani, Gino. "Political Socialization of Youth in Fascist Regimes: Italy and Spain." In Authoritarianism, Fascism, and National Populism, 245–80. New York: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429334559-12.

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Zatti, Andrea. "The case of Italy." In CIRIEC Studies Series, 43–60. Liège: CIRIEC, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.25518/ciriec.css2italy.

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The third Chapter depicts the interconnections between the two themes (bribery and anti-corruption policies, on the one hand, and the role of public controlled entities, on the other) in the Italian case. Italy turns out to be an interesting case study because, on the one hand, it is among the worst performing countries in the G7 and the EU members in terms of corruption and, on the other, it has experienced a strongly proliferation of Public Owned Enterprises (POEs) during the last two or three decades, involving nearly all activity sectors of the economy. This process is deemed to have weakened the chain of control on shared units, delegating relevant financial and political decisions to a milieu of ambiguity and uncertain accountability (the ‘escape’ argument). A progressive change of direction occurred more recently, when corporatized public enterprises have been submitted to specific and increasing limits, including transparency and anti-corruption policies. The anticorruption package, adopted in Italy starting with 2012, has promoted important steps in this direction, yet the effects of these new measures have not been resolutive, and many challenges are still open.
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Conti, Fulvio. "Giuristi ed economisti nella massoneria italiana fra le due guerre." In Studi e saggi, 141–62. Florence: Firenze University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.36253/978-88-5518-202-7.08.

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The article focuses its attention on a list of jurists and economists, all university professors, who were active in Italy in the period between the two world wars and were affiliated with Freemasonry. The survey is based on a sample of 27 individuals belonging to the Grand Orient of Italy (16 jurists and 11 economists or statisticians) and using a prosopographic approach reconstructs their scientific and professional activity. The article highlights that many of them had important positions in universities or held political and institutional roles of national importance. The author carries out some reflections on the reasons that led such a large number of teachers to join the Freemasonry and on the influence that through them it could exercise on the political and cultural life of Italy.
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Antolini, Fabrizio, and Antonio Giusti. "Tourism of Italians in Italy through crisis and development: the last 15 years, region by region." In Proceedings e report, 239–44. Florence: Firenze University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.36253/978-88-5518-461-8.45.

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Tourism is a very important economic activity for many nations and Italy is among those that particularly benefit from it. In fact, even during the period of pandemic, despite the crisis, tourism in Italy proved to be a particularly resilient sector: among all European countries, Italy is the one that recorded the highest number of total tourist nights-spent. However, tourism statistics are not yet exhaustive in describing a highly variable phenomenon at the territorial level. Even the tourism satellite accounts, so useful for sectoral planning at regional level, are compiled for the whole country. Instead, the territories do not always know themselves, while the enhancement of landscape resources is one of the major issues that has not always been adequately analyzed; also in the recently approved Italian PNRR/Next Generation EU. In this article, we aim to examine the trend of the tourism phenomenon in the various Italian regions over the past 15 years; a period marked by crises of different origins (economic, political, health) which slowed down the economic development of the third millennium. In particular, given the problems mentioned above, we decided to start the research by considering the arrivals in hotels and non-hotel establishments by Italian tourists. The hospitality business is in fact an important part of the tourism industry. We expect domestic tourism to have greater stability, being less affected by international problems. We then examined the tourism of Italians in Italy, in the various regions, from 2006 to 2020. This analysis allowed us to observe the tourism phenomenon in Italy from a different perspective, observing, region by region, the relationship between tourism within the region and tourism coming from others regions. The choice of arrivals, instead of night spent, reduces the influence of the specific type of tourism in each region. The first results appear interesting.
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Fragny, Benjamin, and Cathy Zadra-Veil. "Collective innovation and living labs of real estate." In New perspectives in the co-production of public policies, public services and common goods, 43–58. Liège: CIRIEC, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.25518/ciriec.css3chap2.

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The third Chapter depicts the interconnections between the two themes (bribery and anti-corruption policies, on the one hand, and the role of public controlled entities, on the other) in the Italian case. Italy turns out to be an interesting case study because, on the one hand, it is among the worst performing countries in the G7 and the EU members in terms of corruption and, on the other, it has experienced a strongly proliferation of Public Owned Enterprises (POEs) during the last two or three decades, involving nearly all activity sectors of the economy. This process is deemed to have weakened the chain of control on shared units, delegating relevant financial and political decisions to a milieu of ambiguity and uncertain accountability (the ‘escape’ argument). A progressive change of direction occurred more recently, when corporatized public enterprises have been submitted to specific and increasing limits, including transparency and anti-corruption policies. The anticorruption package, adopted in Italy starting with 2012, has promoted important steps in this direction, yet the effects of these new measures have not been resolutive, and many challenges are still open.
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Puppo, Federico, Silvia Corradi, and Lorenzo Zoppellari. "Rhetoric and Argumentation in the Pandemic Legislation: The Italian Case." In The Pandemic of Argumentation, 165–86. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-91017-4_9.

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AbstractThis chapter examines the argumentative and rhetorical structure of the regulatory techniques used to deal with the SARS-CoV-2 pandemic in Italy. The first part of the chapter aims to clarify the connection between law and rhetoric, in order to provide a framework in which the legislative activity has operated. After analyzing critical aspects of the chosen regulatory tools, we will focus on the three most innovative elements of the pandemic legislation: the frequent use of images, the sporadic presence of sanctions, and the relevant role of experts. In the second part, an analysis of the fundamental traits of visual argumentation will be presented to highlight the fact that the use of images, during the pandemic period, has become a political-normative technique, which is never a neutral tool, but is always subject to interpretation and endowed with a notable rhetorical value. Given the sporadic presence of sanctions, the second section will analyze the argumentative strengthening applied by the legislator in order to promote the obedience of the recipients of the measures. Finally, we will examine the involvement of experts in the justificatory activity of the legislator, and the need for them to acquire legislative legitimacy through a rhetorical-argumentative relationship with citizens.
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Ivanii, O. M. "POLITICAL-LEGAL ACTIVITY OF YOUTH IN POSTMODERN SOCIETY." In LAW IN THE POSTMODERN EPOCH: GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS AND MANIFESTATION PARTICULARITIES IN SEPARATE LAW BRANCHES, 278–305. Izdevnieciba “Baltija Publishing”, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.30525/978-9934-26-284-5-12.

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Conference papers on the topic "Youth – Political activity – Italy"

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Grimova, Vera Ilevna. "Forms of Political Activity of Modern Russian Youth." In All-Russian Scientific Conference with International Participation, chair Anzhelika Vladimirovna Bukhantsova. Publishing house Sreda, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.31483/r-98844.

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Popova, O., and E. Negrov. "Political activity of the Russian youth: a mobilization potential of the sources of political information." In Proceedings of the International Conference on Sustainable Development of Cross-Border Regions: Economic, Social and Security Challenges (ICSDCBR 2019). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/icsdcbr-19.2019.74.

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Ponomarev, Aleksandr. "TRENDS OF POLITICAL ACTIVITY OF RUSSIAN UNIVERSITY YOUTH. CASE STUDY OF SVERDLOVSK OBLAST." In 5th SGEM International Multidisciplinary Scientific Conferences on SOCIAL SCIENCES and ARTS SGEM2018. STEF92 Technology, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5593/sgemsocial2018h/11/s01.014.

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Avdeev, Evgenii, Vadim Denisenko, Konstantin Smyshnov, and Victoria Petryakova. "The role of the sense of nationhood and political participation in shaping anti-terrorist attitudes among the youth of the North Caucasus." In East – West: Practical Approaches to Countering Terrorism and Preventing Violent Extremism. Dela Press Publishing House, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.56199/dpcshss.fyxh3347.

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The article reveals the state, dynamics and focus of political activity and civic participation of young people as one of the foundations for the formation of anti-terrorist attitudes. Young people have a high potential for socio-political activity and a demand for change. The ethnopolitical specificity of the North Caucasus increases the risks of its protest and conflict mobilisation. The authors analyse the 2019, 2020 and 2021 survey data from among students of leading universities of the North Caucasus. According to the research results, significant differences in the degree of readiness for various forms of political activity and civic participation depending on ethnic and confessional affiliation were discovered. Among the young people with the most pronounced attitudes towards political activity and civic participation are young people who can be characterised by low religious commitment and traditionalism, as well as pronounced individualistic attitudes. Most of the respondents are willing to vote in elections and participate in the activities of volunteer organisations. Over the past three years, the influence of the leading media and educational system on shaping the political views of young people has significantly decreased, while the influence of the blogosphere and social networks remains steadily high. The growth of individualistic attitudes is a long-term trend that has effect on the socio-political processes in the region.
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Didkovskaya, Yana, Dmitriy Onegov, and Dmitriy Trynov. "THE RELATION BETWEEN THE POLITICAL SELF-IDENTIFICATION AND SOCIAL WELLBEING OF POLITICALLY-ACTIVE YOUTH IN RUSSIA." In NORDSCI International Conference Proceedings. Saima Consult Ltd, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.32008/nordsci2019/b2/v2/36.

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this paper, we present the analysis of the relation between the political self-identification and social wellbeing of politically active youth in Russia. The method we used to study political self-identification included the identification of respondents' political views in the specter of ideologies representing the most established ideological and political trends in the public consciousness. We measured social well-being using a scale from 1 to 5 points to assess subjective satisfaction with the situation in the country in various fields. Although we measured the level of young people security: how do they assess their future - as confident or not? The political activity of Russian youth exists in two forms: "support" and "opposition"- whether they support the authorities or oppose them. Based on this principle, we surveyed two groups of respondents. The first group includes participants of youth organizations actively cooperating with authorities, as well as participants of regional Youth Parliaments, Youth Governments, Youth Public Chambers (active supporters, N=300). The second group includes those young people, which represent the modern youth protest, first of all, volunteers of the Progress Party and the Libertarian Party (active oppositionists, N=300). The study revealed that among active supporters, there are a lot of those who are not following any political ideology (40%) or cannot identify their political and ideological views (17%). Respondents with such position are quite a few among active oppositionists. The significant proportion of active oppositionists share liberal or libertarian views (51%). In both groups, radical views are not popular - almost no one identifies himself with the Communist or Nationalist ideology. We found that several wellbeing indicators have significantly different values in both groups. In particular, young supporters of the authorities are more secure: almost 80% of respondents feel security in one way or another, and only 16% are not secure, while among oppositionists, only 15% fell secure, and more than 80% of oppositionist respondents not feel security. The results of the survey showed that low levels of satisfaction, in general, characterize the social wellbeing of politically active youth. Politically active youth is most critical in the economic sphere of society. If we compare the social wellbeing of the two groups of politically active youth (supporting and opposing authorities), the indicators of satisfaction with the situation in the political, economic, social and cultural spheres of society among active oppositionists are significantly lower than those of supporters. We concluded that there is a relation between the social wellbeing of young people and their self-identification in politics: young people who identify themselves with liberal political views (close to the ideology of liberalism) express pessimistic social sentiment and sharply critical assessment of social wellbeing. Young people with uncertain or "blurred" political orientation, show more optimistic mood and satisfaction with the current situation.
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Bochkareva, P. A., and A. V. Pilyushenko. "Application of the theory of media ecology and ecosystem approach in the development of digital services for the city." In 2022 33th All-Russian Youth Exhibition of Innovations. Publishing House of Kalashnikov ISTU, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.22213/ie022110.

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The article is devoted to the problem of developing digital services for the city. The advantages of applying the theory of media ecology in the development of digital services for the participation of a citizen in the management of the urban environment are considered, where the digital space is a logical continuation of the paradigm of thinking and behavior, the cognitive attitudes of users. The role of digital services for the city as a resource for the development of civic engagement and tools of e-democracy is substantiated. An ecosystem approach is proposed in the development of a digital services platform for the city, the feasibility of which is mediated by the widespread digitalization of many areas of human activity and the development of appropriate behavioral and cognitive habits. The role of decision-making services and cooperation services through the development of interactive cooperation technology and feedback, their importance in shaping the e-democracy environment as an alternative arena for the development of civic activity and political participation is considered.
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Galkina, Elena P., and Marina I. Kadnichanskaya. "THE SOCIAL STATUS OF A MODERN UNIVERSITY TEACHER (ON THE EXAMPLE OF TEACHERS OF HUMANITIES)." In All-Russian Conference with International Participation "Education, Social Mobility, and Human Development: to the 90th Anniversary of Prof. L.G. Borisova". Novosibirsk State University, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.25205/978-5-4437-1383-0-200-209.

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The article examines the peculiarities of the social status of teachers of humanities working in Russian universities. The processes taking place today in modern society have changed the social status of university teachers, depending on the type of university in which they work, their age and position. This especially affected teachers of social and humanitarian disciplines. There is an asymmetry in their status position, in which a high level of education conflicts with a low level of financial status of this category of people, which leads to a decrease in the public prestige of the profession. The data of the All-Russian sociological study “Humanities teachers of Russian universities: socio-political values, forms of social activity, effects of influence on youth”, conducted in September – October 2021 under the guidance of Doctor of Sociology, Professor of Ulyanovsk State Technical University O.V. Shinyaeva, are presented.
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Alonso-Monasterio, Pau, and Laura Uixera Cotano. "Community School Museums as a tool for education." In HERITAGE2022 International Conference on Vernacular Heritage: Culture, People and Sustainability. Valencia: Universitat Politècnica de València, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/heritage2022.2022.15054.

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Community Schools Museums (COSMUS) is an initiative that has been developing an approach to school education from a perspective of multi-dimensional diversity, creativity and community involvement under the Erasmus+ programme in six different countries (Portugal, Greece, Italy, Romania, Poland and Turkey) and in different kinds of schools (arts, music, primary school, high school, VET).This initiative, relies on different educational and multicultural principles, such as the European Youth Charter on Inclusion and Diversity in Education or the European Education Area, and uses a combination of three dimensions that compose the new concept of Community School Museum.The first dimension refers to the local community in which each of the schools is located. This not only enhances concepts such as local traditions, society, or sense of belonging, but also connects with them and involves them in the school activity and curricula content.The second dimension is the school, where education curricula and physical space interact to support those types of knowledge that are essential to sustaining human development, using critical thinking, using creativity or cooperation to promote multicultural meanings.The third dimension is the museum, understood as a flexible tool acting as a communication channel (bi-directional), with elements that act as significance bearers. It uses the approach of learning by doing in order to learn to be, one of the four pillars of learning. It also employs the recommendations of the International Committee for Education and Cultural Action and applies the seven areas of the UNESCO Creative Cities Network.Results of the Community School Museum projects show a sound diversity of approaches, which points to the success of the methodology, given that diverse educational, social and cultural contexts give rise to diverse museum contents and designs. One of these results focuses on vernacular heritage.
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Demir, Emre. "THE EMERGENCE OF A NEO-COMMUNITARIAN MOVEMENT IN THE TURKISH DIASPORA IN EUROPE: THE STRATEGIES OF SETTLEMENT AND COMPETITION OF GÜLEN MOVEMENT IN FRANCE AND GERMANY." In Muslim World in Transition: Contributions of the Gülen Movement. Leeds Metropolitan University Press, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.55207/bkir8810.

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This paper examines the organisational and discursive strategies of the Gülen movement in France and Germany and its differentiation in Turkish Islam in Europe, with the primary focus on the movement’s educational activities. The paper describes the characteristics of organisational activity among Turkish Muslims in Europe. Then it analyses two mainstream religious-communitarian movements and the contrasting settlement strategies of the “neo- communitarian” Gülen movement. Despite the large Turkish population in western Europe, the movement has been active there for only about ten years – relatively late compared to other Islamic organisations. Mainly, the associational organisation of Turkish Islam in Europe is based on two axes: the construction/ sponsoring of mosques and Qur’anic schools. By contrast, the Gülen movement’s members in Europe, insisting on ‘the great importance of secular education’, do not found or sponsor mosques and Qur’anic schools. Their principal focus is to address the problems of the immi- grant youth population in Europe, with reintegration of Turkish students into the educational system of the host societies as a first goal. On the one hand, as a neo-communitarian religious grouping, they strive for a larger share of the ‘market’ (i.e. more members from among the Turkish diaspora) by offering a fresh religious discourse and new organisational strategies, much as they have done in Turkey. On the other hand, they seek to gain legitimacy in the public sphere in Germany and France by building an educational network in these countries, just as they have done in Central Asia and the Balkans region. Accordingly, a reinvigorated and reorganised community is taking shape in western Europe. This paper examines the organizational and discursive strategies1 of the Gülen movement in France and Germany and it is differentiation in Turkish Islam in Europe. We seek to analyse particularly the educational activities of this movement which appeared in the Islamic scene in Diaspora of Europe for the last 10 years. We focus on the case of Gülen movement because it represents a prime example amongst Islamic movements which seek to reconcile-or ac- commodate- with the secular system in Turkey. In spite of the exclusionary policy of Turkish secular state towards the religious movements, this faith-based social movement achieved to accommodate to the new socio-political conditions of Turkey. Today, for many searchers, Gülen movement brings Islam back to the public sphere by cross-fertilizing Islamic idioms with global discourses on human rights, democracy, and the market economy.2 Indeed, the activities of Gülen movement in the secular context of France and Germany represent an interesting sociological object. Firstly, we will describe the characteristics of organizational ability of Anatolian Islam in Europe. Then we will analyse the mainstream religious-com- munitarian movements (The National Perspective movement and Suleymanci community) and the settlement strategies of the “neo-communitarian”3 Gülen movement in the Turkish Muslim Diaspora. Based on semi-directive interviews with the directors of the learning centres in Germany and France and a 6 month participative observation of Gülen-inspired- activities in Strasbourg; we will try to answer the following questions: How the movement appropriates the “religious” manner and defines it in a secular context regarding to the host/ global society? How the message of Gülen is perceived among his followers and how does it have effect on acts of the Turkish Muslim community? How the movement realises the transmission of communitarian and `religious’ values and-especially-how they compete with other Islamic associations? In order to answer these questions, we will make an analysis which is based on two axes: Firstly, how the movement position within the Turkish-Islamic associational organisation? Secondly, we will try to describe the contact zones between the followers of Gülen and the global society.
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Reports on the topic "Youth – Political activity – Italy"

1

Prysyazhna-Gapchenko, Julia. VOLODYMYR LENYK AS A JOURNALIST AND EDITOR IN THE ENVIRONMENT OF UKRAINIAN EMIGRATION. Ivan Franko National University of Lviv, March 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/vjo.2021.50.11094.

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In this article considered Journalistic and editorial activity of Volodymyr Lenika (14.06.1922–02.11.2005) – one of the leading figures of Ukrainian emigration in Germany. First outlined basic landmarks of his life and creation. Journalistic and editorial activity of Volodymyr Lenik was during to forty years out of Ukraine. In the conditions of emigration politically zaangazhovani Ukrainians counted on temporality of the stay abroad and prepared to transference of the created charts and instituciy on native lands. It was or by not main part of conception of liberation revolution of elaborate OUN under the direction of Stepan Banderi, and successfully incarnated in post-war years. Volodymyr Lenik, executing responsible commissions Organization, proved on a few directions of activity, which were organically combined with his journalistic and editorial work. As an editor he was promotorom of creation and realization of models of magazines «Avangard», «Krylati», «Znannia», «Freie Presse Korespondenz», newspapers «Shliakh peremogy». As a journalist Volodymyr Lenik left ponderable work, considerable part of which entered in two-volume edition «Ukrainians on strange land, or reporting, from long journeys». Subject of him newspaper-magazine publications directed on illumination of school, youth, student, cultural, scientific problems, organization and activity of emigrant structures, political fight of emigration, to dethronement of the antiukrainskikh Moscow diversions and provocations. Such variety of problematic of works of V. Lenika was directed in the river-bed of retaining of revolutionary temperament in the environment of diaspore, to bringing in of it to activity in public and political life. Problematic of him is systematized publicism and journalistic appearances, which was inferior realization of a few important tasks, namely to the fight for Ukrainian independence in new terms, cherishing and maintainance of national identity, counteraction hostile soviet propaganda. On an example headed Volodymyr Lenikom a magazine «Knowledge» some aspects are exposed him editorial trade.
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