Academic literature on the topic 'Youth – great britain – social conditions'

The article characterizes four main organizational and pedagogical conditions, manifested in a complex combination, which ensure the formation of the civic identity of British students: 1) actualization of the student-centered approach to the educational process; 2) public engagement of student youth in socially significant activities; 3) introduction of socio-pedagogical cooperation between universities and local communities through the mediation of public organizations at the local and national levels; 4) interdisciplinary integration of English as a state language. It is outlined that a student-centered approach to the organization of the educational process in the universities of Great Britain contributes to the involvement of students in active educational and cognitive, and socially significant activities based on the cooperation of all participants in the educational process and reflection of the acquired knowledge and experience, in general, effectively influencing the formation of the civic identity of students. It is emphasized that today in the universities of Great Britain, civic engagement is integrated into three spheres – educational process, research activity and extracurricular socially significant activity. It is noted that educational activities of the universities with the involvement of the community add value to the experience of students during their higher education, providing them with a wide range of opportunities for learning in general and forming their civic identity in general. It was found that the English language plays an important role in the state differentiation of the British, as it covers with its influence not only the spiritual being of this multinational community, but also provides a sense of mutual complementarity and difference from other states. The construction and maintenance of interpersonal relations, which form the social landscape of the state, takes place in the language, which is why the English language, taking into account the subject of our research, carries out the main coordination of social actions. After all, it is common knowledge that language is the main medium for defining, preserving and transmitting socio-cultural experience, as well as a tool for objectifying the subjective meanings of the development of society. In this way, the formation of the civic identity of student youth in Great Britain is considered in close interaction with the interdisciplinary integration of the English language, since the language itself is one of the most important conditions for the existence of any social community.

Abstract The article deals with scientific and applied topicality of studying the problem of children and youth social activity. Spheres of social activity display in European tradition, in particular, the European Charter, Great Britain, have been revealed. Comparative analysis of understanding the essence of such a phenomenon in Western theories and scientific pedagogical thought in Russia has been given. The changes occurred in the context of the analysis of the notion during last decades and connected with the development of volunteering, motivation and forms of youth services have been emphasized. The most important tasks in developing social activity of Russian youth have been stated. Different scientific approaches to studying the notion of “social activity” enriching its characteristics have been analyzed. Based on the analysis of results on the organized events the drawbacks, neglects and causes of poor quality of working on the development of youth social activity have been shown. The experience in choosing activities and technologies demonstrated by teachers and pupils from different regions of Russia has been presented. Theoretical analysis of foreign and domestic experience in education has enabled to offer suggestions for the expansion of pupils and students’ social activity in the frame of different models presenting a wide scope for mastering and developing social competency of children and youth. These models have become the foundation for creating a general algorithm for the expansion of children and youth social activity. Pedagogical conditions and perspective directions for solving the problem of social activity development have been outlined in the article.

Статья посвящена британской детской миграции в XIX – первой половине ХХ в. Исследованы причины и условия переезда, а также значение, которое придавалось расселению молодежи на периферии британского мира. Показано, что на миграционную политику влияли филантропические, социально-экономические факторы, империалистические, национальные и расовые соображения – акценты менялись с течением времени. До середины XIX в. переселение было вызвано желанием помочь бедным детям или стремлением депортировать лишних и опасных жителей из метрополии, со второй половины XIX в. в мигрантах стали видеть инструмент имперской политики. Миграция согласовывалась с доктриной социал-империализма. Она позволяла решить социальные проблемы метрополии, снимала в обществе напряженность, связанную с массовой безработицей, открывала новые возможности для экономического роста всей империи. Молодежь восполняла дефицит трудовых ресурсов доминионов, возделывала неосвоенные земли, распространяла европейские ценности и технологии, консолидировала разрозненных жителей в единую Великую Британию с глобальной британской идентичностью. В переселении несовершеннолетних из грязных и тесных мегаполисов на сельские просторы видели возможность сохранить здоровое поколение и силу англо-саксонской нации. В странах южного полушария мигранты из Альбиона рассматривались как защитники «белой» расы и европейской цивилизации, а потому с конца XIX в. были ужесточены требования к переселению, допускались только представители «правильного» типа мигранта по расовым, социальным, физиологическим, психическим критериям. Многие мигранты добились успехов на новой родине, но некоторые столкнулись с жестокостью, эксплуатацией, социальным остракизмом. Сделан вывод, что идея Великой Британии как глобального сообщества после Второй мировой войны оказалась несостоятельной, имперские цели все больше противоречили национальным задачам, что привело к прекращению переселения детей. Выросшие мигранты, лишившиеся своей родины и связей с родственниками, не сумевшие адаптироваться на новом месте, превратились в смущающее напоминание о «темной странице» имперского прошлого. The article is devoted to British child migration in the 19th – first half of the 20th century. The reasons, conditions for moving, the importance attached to the resettlement of young people on the periphery of the British world are investigated. It is shown that philanthropic, socio-economic factors as well as imperialist, national, and racial reasons influenced migration policy. The emphasis changed over time. Until the middle of the 19th century the resettlement was caused by a desire to help poor children or to deport unnecessary and dangerous residents from the metropolis; in the second half of the 19th century migrants began to be seen as an instrument of imperial policy. Migration was consistent with the doctrine of social imperialism. It made it possible to solve the social problems of the metropolis, relieved tension in society that were associated with mass unemployment, and opened up new opportunities for the economic growth of the entire Empire. The youth made up for the shortage of labor resources in the dominions, cultivated undeveloped lands, spread European values and technologies, consolidated disparate residents into single Great Britain with its global British identity. The resettlement of minors from dirty and cramped cities to rural areas was believed to offer an opportunity to preserve a healthy generation and the strength of the Anglo-Saxon nation. In the countries of the southern hemisphere, migrants from Albion were seen as defenders of the white race and European civilization. That is why in the late 19th century, the requirements for resettlement were tightened, allowing only the “proper” type of migrant according to racial, social, physiological, and mental criteria. Many migrants achieved success in their new homeland, but some of them faced cruelty, exploitation, and social ostracism. It is concluded that the idea of Great Britain as a global community turned out to be untenable after the Second World War. Imperial goals increasingly contradicted national objectives, which led to the cessation of child migration. Deprived of their homeland and ties with their relatives, unable to adapt to new places, child migrants who turned into adults become an embarrassing reminder of the “dark page” of the imperial past.

The main topic of conversation between Albania and Great Britain at the moment is illegal immigration. The impact that social media has had on the growth in the number of young Albanians traveling to the British island makes these changes even more intriguing. Apps like Tik Tok, Instagram, or Facebook—these previously underutilized mechanisms have transformed into enormous connecting and influencing tools between criminal organizations that readily recruit young people, allowing the growth of illegal commerce. Information is interactive and available in real time due to today's media. Geographically, connections to the targeted people are present everywhere. By showcasing the efforts of "organized groups" via movies, pictures, or letters, these programs build strong relationships based on trust. We are alluding to the TikTok films of Albanian refugees on boats at the Dover port's border with England, which the British press referred to as a "new form of communication". Social media in this situation helps to establish favorable conditions that encourage illegal immigration. Why this subject? Immigration-related concerns are of great importance right now in our nation and abroad. The "communicative" component now provides these innovations a new dimension. The research method is qualitative. Erl Murati, the editor-in-chief of "Gazeta Shqiptare," Bled Koka, the editor-in-chief of "Syri TV/Syri.net," and Zylyftar Bregu, a media researcher, are among the three media specialists who are interviewed. Additionally, 20 interviews with students and youth will be conducted in order to learn more about how to inform them. Quantitative and qualitative statistics will be provided for this article through the TikTok, Instagram, and Facebook accounts that were created specifically for the goal of monitoring the "blogosphere." Received: 19 February 2024 / Accepted: 21 March 2024 / Published: 23 March 2024

The objectives of this research are: 1) an analysis of possible pedagogical strategies in relation to two age categories of Russian students (primary schoolchildren; older teenagers and youth) related to the new digital generation; 2) testing an experimental methodology for assessing the degree of influence of digitalization on the activities of older adolescents and youth on a relatively wide range of educational institutions (regular school, two different lyceums, institute) and for a relatively long period (two academic years).Materials and research methods are based on a number of foreign works in the field of pedagogy, psychology, neurophysiology, conducted in the USA, Great Britain, Singapore and a number of other countries, starting from the 2000s, as well as studies from the mid-2010s on the digital generation of Russia. The authors used the methodology for assessing the degree of influence of digitalization on students’ activities, previously published in the journal “Open Education” (No. 1/2019).Results of a study conducted during 2018 and 2019 in several schools of various types and a higher educational institution of one of the largest Russian regions allowed us to make an assumption about the noticeable significance of one of the two key indicators of the author’s methodology – “Significant Impact of Digitalization in the Activities of Students”. According to the author, it may indicate a lower or higher motivation of students in relation to educational and cognitive activities, including those resulting from the positive or negative impact of digitalization.Conclusion. The article describes two pedagogical strategies in relation to different age categories of students, aimed at increasing the motivation for using digital devices for educational and cognitive purposes. The first strategy is aimed at primary schoolchildren and was clearly demonstrated in the early 2000s at the Singapore Institute of Education. The second strategy, aimed at older adolescents and young people, requires the presence of certain social conditions and the consideration of a number of individual factors (average daily time of using digital devices; share of time using digital devices for educational and cognitive purposes; high-quality control of students’ parents or high self-control of students). Testing of the indicated experimental technique allowed the author to identify the boundary numerical values of these factors. At the same time, it is noted that the achievement of a slight negative impact of digital devices on the educational and cognitive activities of students does not require the complete fulfillment of absolutely all three of these factors.

Variations in political participation are linked to demographic factors, socioeconomic disparities, and cultural-ethnic diversity. Existing research has primarily explored reduced political involvement among individuals with disabilities, particularly in electoral politics. However, little research has attended the involvement of deaf people specifically. This is of interest because deaf youth are at an intersection of disability, language and cultural identity with their language affiliations and rejection or acceptance of disability evolving through childhood. This study draws from original data collected via an online survey, comprising 163 deaf young respondents aged 16-19 in Great Britain. We compare their levels of political participation with those of general population peers to explore how sociodemographic factors, alongside variations in self-identification as deaf, and meaningful interactions with other deaf people contribute to explain their political engagement. The results challenge conventional wisdom by demonstrating that deaf youth participate more actively in politics than their hearing peers in various forms of political involvement, including collective, contact, and institutional activism. We also recognize differences among deaf youth and propose that social aspects of identity formation, particularly embracing a deaf identity and having deaf friends, can boost certain forms of political engagement. In summary, this study underscores the importance of acknowledging the diversity of deaf youth in terms of affiliation with various forms of deaf identity, rendering their experience different from both disabled and hearing youth. By identifying the factors driving heightened political participation, policymakers and advocates can develop strategies to enhance political engagement among all young people, regardless of their hearing status.

The state youth policy requires deep study and justification by representatives of social sciences, including sociology and socio-economic geography, which allows us to synthesize various methods of studying society and its well-being. Social geography, having a spatial approach, allows us to determine the territorial features of the course of social phenomena, to identify cause-and-effect relationships between them, to study the general and specific features of the development of territorial communities and population strata. Using the example of Great Britain, China and Russia, the current social problems of young people in countries with different types of socio-economic development are revealed through a comparative analysis of socio-demographic processes. In the context of concepts of well-being, the article considers various aspects of social dependency as a new and little-studied phenomenon. It is revealed that the UK, which implements the liberal principle of public welfare policy, has extensive experience in social work with young people, and the pioneering research of NEET-youth is of international significance. In China social dependency has acquired specific forms, which is largely determined by the principle of egalitarianism, the consequences of demographic policy and traditional mentality. The analysis of modern problems of Russian youth has shown that the rejection of the paternalistic model of social protection of the population had a negative impact on the situation of young people. The article analyzes the results of statistical, sociological research, expert evaluation, included interviews, etc., which revealed the social problems of Russian, British and Chinese youth, including the phenomenon of dependency. It was revealed that the study of dependency in the framework of youth policy and social work will help to activate the younger generation, accelerate its inclusion in society, and improve technologies for solving social problems.

The extent to which levels and trends in local unemployment and income influenced the Conservative vote in 633 separate British constituency elections in 1983 is estimated in several regression models. Long-term influences on voting are controlled by the endogenous variables of social class and territoriality. It is argued that this research design is superior to previous ones that have treated general elections as national elections in exploring the economic theory of voting. Sensitivity analysis (the use of several models to illuminate the research problem posed) suggests that, unlike America congressional elections, current rates and trends in local unemployment and income exerted a substantial and systematic influence on constituency voting.

The article is devoted to the analysis of the tools of education of social competencies of Stedun youth in Great Britain. Parliamentary debates are considered among the main tools. The author describes the technology of holding a parliamentary debate competition.

The article considers the social conditions for the development of secondary education in Great Britain (XIX – first half of the XX century). It was founded that an important factor in the formation of the British education system was the influence of the ruling class of aristocrats (landlords) and the petty nobility. It was founded that education of the majority of the population depended on the area, financial status of the family and religion. It was emphasized that religion played a significant role in the field of mass education. It has been shown that in the early nineteenth century, English society was engulfed in a movement of evangelical revival, as a result of which the Anglican Church could not control all its faithful, unlike the Catholic Church in Europe. It is determined that industrialization, urbanization and democratization have created conditions for social, political and economic transformations that required educated personnel. As a result, a number of laws were passed initiating reforms in primary and secondary education.

The thesis suggests much feminist theorising on girls' and young women's relationship to popular culture is limited by a 'moral-political' approach which searches for moral and political problems and solutions in the consumption of popular images of femininity. The thesis offers a critique of such 'moral-political' interpretations of the relationship between youthful femininity and popular culture. Following thinkers such as Friedrich Nietzsche and Jean Baudrillard, the thesis opposes the political preoccupation with 'reality' and 'truth'. The study follows Nietzsche's and Baudrillard's notion of the 'Eternal-Feminine' which accepts the necessity of illusion, deception and appearances. Through a close textual analysis of magazines, films, television and music video, this study offers an aesthetic appreciation of popular culture representations of femininity. The thesis comprises six essays, the first of which explains my Nietzschean inspired aesthetic approach in more detail. The second essay looks at images and discourses of supermodels and model femininity in women's magazines. The third looks at image-based forms of 'girl power' from Madonna to the Spice Girls. The fourth essay examines the 'Cool Chics' of the pay TV channel TVJ,from Wonder Woman to Xena: Warrior Princess. The fifth essay, 'Gangster Girls: From Goodfellas to Pulp Fiction' considers the 1990s model of the femme fatale, the bad girl who thrives on moral chaos. The final essay 'Celebrity Skin: From Courtney Love to Kylie Minogue' suggests some of the most powerful feminine role models of our time have built their careers not on notions of authenticity and truth but rather on the successful management of illusion and fantasy. The essay argues that our social world has outgrown the traditional moral-political approach which aims to lead girls and young women from 'deceptive''immoral' appearances to moral, 'authentic' 'reality'. The pleasures of popular culture, Isuggest, cannot always be linked to deep meanings but may be drawn from superficial appearances and beautiful surfaces.

Masculinity is a set of meanings, and also an aspect of male identity. Understanding masculinity in history, therefore, requires attention to culture and psychology. The concept of a "crisis of masculinity" cannot address these dimensions sufficiently and is of little use to the historian.
This analysis of evidence from late medieval England begins with the social world. Legal records show men defending, and therefore defining, masculine identity through interaction among male peers and with women. Defamation suits suggest a fifteenth-century identification of masculinity with "trueness": an uncomplicated, open honesty. A "true man," in late medieval England, was not just an honest man, but a real man.
Social masculinity constituted honest fairness, permitting stable social relations between men. Transparent honesty, good management of the household ("husbandry"), and self-command preserved males' social substance, their metaphoric embodiment represented tangibly by money and property. Lawsuits and personal letters show how masculine social identity took shape through competition and cooperation with other men. "Power," "dominance" and self-fulfilment were less important than sustaining this network of relations.
Men's relations with women are best understood within this homosocial dynamic. Men's adultery trespassed on other males' substance, while women's adultery indicated poor management of one's own. Sexual slander against men could injure their social identity, but was unlikely to demolish it, as it would for a woman. The celibate minority of men shared these concerns.
Medical texts, late medieval men's clothing, satirical poems, and courtesy texts prescribing self-control show that the male body provided important meanings (phallic and otherwise), through failure, inadequacy or excess as often as not. Sexual activity, and other uses of the body, might be managed differently as self-restraining or self-indulgent discourses of masculinity demanded.
A psychoanalytic reading of medieval romances reveals fantasized solutions to the problem of males' desire for feminine and masculine objects. Romance literature displays a narcissistic subjectivity created in defensive fantasies of disconnection. Such features derive from a culture demanding incessant social self-presentation of its men, which permitted very little in daily life to be kept from the scrutiny of others.

This thesis empirically examines whether the neoclassical economic model provides an adequate framework to analyse a couple's labour supply behaviour in Britain using recent data from the British Household Panel Survey. The thesis comprises three empirical chapters. The first chapter uses the instrumental variable (IV) estimation procedure to model the hours of work of married couples. This approach allows us to test whether some of the assumptions of the neoclassical model (e.g., income pooling and Slutsky properties) are satisfied by the data. In addition, further variables that have been identified as distribution factors in the literature are introduced to the empirical model to assess whether they play a role in explaining a couple's hours of work. The first chapter only considers couples in which both spouses work. In the second chapter, the sample is amended to include all couples (i.e., those that work and those that do not) and the analysis conducted models a couple's labour market participation decisions rather than their hours of work. After testing for income pooling and the impact of distribution factors, a further variable, the wife's mother-in-law work status when the male spouse was aged 14, is introduced into the model. This is done to determine the effect of 'cultural' variables on labour market decisions. In the last chapter, this issue is explored further by explicitly modelling attitudes to a woman's role in the labour market. This approach uses a bivariate ordered probit model given the ordinal nature of responses to the attitudinal questions and again restricts the analysis to couples only. Finally, gender-role attitudes are introduced to the labour supply framework used in the second chapter in order to evaluate whether beliefs regarding women's role impact on a couple's labour market decisions.

This thesis addresses the lack of literature on rural youth employment prospects. Using data from the British Household Panel Survey and fieldwork conducted in the West Midlands, I ask to what extent is rural location a labour market disadvantage for young people? Social capital, identified as a pertinent concept in the few previous studies, is operationalised in terms of two constituent elements: norms, affecting youth earnings, and networks, determining one’s ability to find work – more so in rural areas than in urban, due to the relative absence of big business, and nepotistic recruitment practices. Transport is also a more significant barrier to employment for rural youth. I find that rural youth earn less than urban counterparts despite rural wages being higher overall. This pay penalty is a distinctly rural youth disadvantage, and can last well into adulthood for those who do not relocate to urban areas. In conclusion, I argue that investment in rural jobs and public transport or vehicle lease schemes would improve rural youth employment prospects. If such investment is not forthcoming, relocation schemes might extend opportunities to those willing to migrate for work.

The thesis challenges popular generalisations about the trades, occupations and locations to which pauper apprentices were consigned, shining the spotlight away from the familiar narrative of factory children, onto the fate of their destitute peers in port towns. A comparative investigation of Liverpool, Bristol and Southampton, it adopts a deliberately broad definition of the term pauper apprenticeship in its multi-sourced approach, using 1710 Poor Law and charity apprenticeship records and previously unexamined New Poor Law and charity correspondence to provide new insight into the chronology, mechanisms and experience of pauper apprenticeship. Not all port children were shipped out. Significantly more children than has hitherto been acknowledged were placed in traditional occupations, the dominant form of apprenticeship for port children. The survival and entrenchment of this type of work is striking, as are the locations in which children were placed; nearly half of those bound to traditional trades remained within the vicinity of the port. The thesis also sheds new light on a largely overlooked aspect of pauper apprenticeship, the binding of boys into the Merchant service. Furthermore, the availability of sea apprenticeships as well as traditional placements caused some children to be shipped in to the ports for apprenticeships. Of those who were still shipped out to the factories, the evidence shows that far from dying out, as previously thought, the practice of batch apprenticeship persisted under the New Poor Law. The most significant finding of the thesis is the survival and endurance of pauper apprenticeship as an institution involving both Poor Law and charity children. Poor children were still being apprenticed late into the third quarter of the nineteenth century. Pauper apprenticeship is shown to have been a robust, resilient and resurgent institution. The evidence from port towns offers significant revision to the existing historiography of pauper apprenticeship.

The current study examines the influence of religious affiliation and practice on family patterns and labour market activity for women in Western Europe, focusing on Britain and France. While both countries have experienced a sharp decline in institutionalized forms of religion over the past decades, differences in family and fertility behaviour on the basis of religiosity seem to persist. Although previous studies documented a positive correlation between religion and both intended and actual family size, there is still uncertainty about the different routes through which religion affects fertility, how structural factors are involved in this relationship and whether and how this relationship has changed along with the process of religious decline. This study aims to fill this gap by exploring the interrelationships between religion, educational attainment, female labour force participation, union formation and fertility levels. The data come from the British Household Panel Survey (BHPS), which contains 18 waves from 1991 to 2008, and the French survey of the Generations and Gender Programme (GGP), which was initially conducted in 2005. By following trends in fertility differences by religious affiliation and practice across birth cohorts of women, it is found that religious differences in fertility are not only persistent across birth cohorts, there is also a growing divide between non-affiliated and religiously practicing women who maintain higher fertility levels. Religious differences in family formation patterns and completed fertility are also explored, taking into account the interaction between education and religiosity. It appears that the effect of education on fertility differs by level of religiosity, as higher education is less likely to lead to childlessness or to a smaller family size among more religious women. The findings on the relationships between family and work trajectories by level of religiosity also point to a reduced conflict between paid employment and childbearing among actively religious women, although these patterns vary by religious denomination and by country.

AbstractThis chapter analyses compared social stratification in three Latin American countries (Argentina, Chile and Uruguay) and four European countries (Finland, France, Spain, Great Britain). We focus on both external and internal borders of social classes, as well as on the challenges posed by their analysis for sociology. We compare social classes using EGP6 in relation to a variety of social indicators, to examine how social classes vary among countries. We include debates on production models and welfare state policies to understand the specific configurations and compare the conditions of some of the INCASI countries regarding social stratification. Lastly, we apply a latent class analysis to validate the number of social classes and to recognise class boundaries.

AbstractGender equality is an increasingly topical issue, but it has deep historical roots. The principle of gender equality found its legitimacy, even if limited to salary, in the 1957 Treaty of Rome, establishing the European Economic Community (EEC). This treaty, in Article 119, sanctioned the principle of equal pay between male and female workers. The EEC continued to protect women’s rights in the 1970s through equal opportunity policies. These policies referred, first, to the principle of equal treatment between men and women regarding education, access to work, professional promotion, and working conditions (Directive 75/117/EEC); second, to the principle of equal pay for male and female workers (Directive 76/207/EEC); and finally, enshrined the principle of equal treatment between men and women in matters of social security (Directive 79/7/EEC). Since the 1980s, several positive action programmes have been developed to support the role of women in European society. Between 1982 and 2000, four multiyear action programmes were implemented for equal opportunities. The first action programme (1982–1985) called on the Member States, through recommendations and resolutions by the Commission, to disseminate greater knowledge of the types of careers available to women, encourage the presence of women in decision-making areas, and take measures to reconcile family and working life. The second action programme (1986–1990) proposed interventions related to the employment of women in activities related to new technologies and interventions in favour of the equal distribution of professional, family, and social responsibilities (Sarcina, 2010). The third action programme (1991–1995) provided an improvement in the condition of women in society by raising public awareness of gender equality, the image of women in mass media, and the participation of women in the decision-making process at all levels in all areas of society. The fourth action programme (1996–2000) strengthened the existing regulatory framework and focused on the principle of gender mainstreaming, a strategy that involves bringing the gender dimension into all community policies, which requires all actors in the political process to adopt a gender perspective. The strategy of gender mainstreaming has several benefits: it places women and men at the heart of policies, involves both sexes in the policymaking process, leads to better governance, makes gender equality issues visible in mainstream society, and, finally, considers the diversity among women and men. Among the relevant interventions of the 1990s, it is necessary to recall the Treaty of Maastricht (1992) which guaranteed the protection of women in the Agreement on Social Policy signed by all Member States (except for Great Britain), and the Treaty of Amsterdam (1997), which formally recognised gender mainstreaming. The Treaty of Amsterdam includes gender equality among the objectives of the European Union (Article 2) and equal opportunity policies among the activities of the European Commission (Article 3). Article 13 introduces the principle of non-discrimination based on gender, race, ethnicity, religion, or handicaps. Finally, Article 141 amends Article 119 of the EEC on equal treatment between men and women in the workplace. The Charter of Fundamental Rights of the Nice Union of 2000 reaffirms the prohibition of ‘any discrimination based on any ground such as sex’ (Art. 21.1). The Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union also recognises, in Article 23, the principle of equality between women and men in all areas, including employment, work, and pay. Another important intervention of the 2000s is the Lisbon strategy, also known as the Lisbon Agenda or Lisbon Process. It is a reform programme approved in Lisbon by the heads of state and governments of the member countries of the EU. The goal of the Lisbon strategy was to make the EU the most competitive and dynamic knowledge-based economy by 2010. To achieve this goal, the strategy defines fields in which action is needed, including equal opportunities for female work. Another treaty that must be mentioned is that of Lisbon in 2009, thanks to which previous treaties, specifically the Treaty of Maastricht and the Treaty of Rome, were amended and brought together in a single document: the Treaty on European Union (TEU) and the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union (TFEU). Thanks to the Lisbon Treaty, the Charter of Fundamental Rights has assumed a legally binding character (Article 6, paragraph 1 of the TEU) both for European institutions and for Member States when implementing EU law. The Treaty of Lisbon affirms the principle of equality between men and women several times in the text and places it among the values and objectives of the union (Articles 2 and 3 of the TEU). Furthermore, the Treaty, in Art. 8 of the TFEU, states that the Union’s actions are aimed at eliminating inequalities, as well as promoting equality between men and women, while Article 10 of the TFEU provides that the Union aims to ‘combat discrimination based on sex, racial or ethnic origin, religion or belief, disability, age, or sexual orientation’. Concerning the principle of gender equality in the workplace, the Treaty, in Article 153 of the TFEU, asserts that the Union pursues the objective of equality between men and women regarding labour market opportunities and treatment at work. On the other hand, Article 157 of the TFEU confirms the principle of equal pay for male and female workers ‘for equal work or work of equal value’. On these issues, through ordinary procedures, the European Parliament and the Council may adopt appropriate measures aimed at defending the principle of equal opportunities and equal treatment for men and women. The Lisbon Treaty also includes provisions relating to the fight against trafficking in human beings, particularly women and children (Article 79 of the TFEU), the problem of domestic violence against women (Article 8 of the TFEU), and the right to paid maternity leave (Article 33). Among the important documents concerning gender equality is the Roadmap (2006–2010). In 2006, the European Commission proposed the Roadmap for equality between women and men, in addition to the priorities on the agenda, the objectives, and tools necessary to achieve full gender equality. The Roadmap defines six priority areas, each of which is associated with a set of objectives and actions that makes it easier to achieve them. The priorities include equal economic independence for women and men, reconciliation of private and professional life, equal representation in the decision-making process, eradication of all forms of gender-based violence, elimination of stereotypes related to gender, and promotion of gender equality in external and development policies. The Commission took charge of the commitments included in the Roadmap, which were indirectly implemented by the Member States through the principle of subsidiarity and the competencies provided for in the Treaties (Gottardi, 2013). The 2006–2010 strategy of the European Commission is based on a dual approach: on the one hand, the integration of the gender dimension in all community policies and actions (gender mainstreaming), and on the other, the implementation of specific measures in favour of women aimed at eliminating inequalities. In 2006, the European Council approved the European Pact for Gender Equality which originated from the Roadmap. The European Pact for Gender Equality identified three macro areas of intervention: measures to close gender gaps and combat gender stereotypes in the labour market, measures to promote a better work–life balance for both women and men, and measures to strengthen governance through the integration of the gender perspective into all policies. In 2006, Directive 2006/54/EC of the European Parliament and Council regulated equal opportunities and equal treatment between male and female workers. Specifically, the Directive aims to implement the principle of equal treatment related to access to employment, professional training, and promotion; working conditions, including pay; and occupational social security approaches. On 21 September 2010, the European Commission adopted a new strategy to ensure equality between women and men (2010–2015). This new strategy is based on the experience of Roadmap (2006–2010) and resumes the priority areas identified by the Women’s Charter: equal economic independence, equal pay, equality in decision-making, the eradication of all forms of violence against women, and the promotion of gender equality and women’s empowerment beyond the union. The 2010–2015 Strategic Plan aims to improve the position of women in the labour market, but also in society, both within the EU and beyond its borders. The new strategy affirms the principle that gender equality is essential to supporting the economic growth and sustainable development of each country. In 2010, the validity of the Lisbon Strategy ended, the objectives of which were only partially achieved due to the economic crisis. To overcome this crisis, the Commission proposed a new strategy called Europe 2020, in March 2010. The main aim of this strategy is to ensure that the EU’s economic recovery is accompanied by a series of reforms that will increase growth and job creation by 2020. Specifically, Europe’s 2020 strategy must support smart, sustainable, and inclusive growth. To this end, the EU has established five goals to be achieved by 2020 and has articulated the different types of growth (smart, sustainable, and inclusive) in seven flagship initiatives. Among the latter, the initiative ‘an agenda for new skills and jobs’, in the context of inclusive growth, is the one most closely linked to gender policies and equal opportunities; in fact, it substantially aims to increase employment rates for women, young, and elderly people. The strategic plan for 2010–2015 was followed by a strategic commitment in favour of gender equality 2016–2019, which again emphasises the five priority areas defined by the previous plan. Strategic commitment, which contributes to the European Pact for Gender Equality (2011–2020), identifies the key actions necessary to achieve objectives for each priority area. In March 2020, the Commission presented a new strategic plan for equality between women and men for 2020–2025. This strategy defines a series of political objectives and key actions aimed at achieving a ‘union of equality’ by 2025. The main objectives are to put an end to gender-based violence and combat sexist stereotypes, ensure equal opportunities in the labour market and equal participation in all sectors of the economy and political life, solve the problem of the pay and pension gap, and achieve gender equality in decision-making and politics. From the summary of the regulatory framework presented, for the European Economic Community first, then for the European Community, and finally for the European Union, gender equality has always been a fundamental value. Interest in the issues of the condition of women and equal opportunities has grown over time and during the process of European integration, moving from a perspective aimed at improving the working conditions of women to a new dimension to improve the life of the woman as a person, trying to protect her not only professionally but also socially, and in general in all those areas in which gender inequality may occur. The approach is extensive and based on legislation, the integration of the gender dimension into all policies, and specific measures in favour of women. From the non-exhaustive list of the various legislative interventions, it is possible to note a continuous repetition of the same thematic priorities which highlights, on the one hand, the poor results achieved by the implementation of the policies, but, on the other hand, the Commission’s willingness to pursue the path initially taken. Among the achievements in the field of gender equality obtained by the EU, there is certainly an increase in the number of women in the labour market and the acquisition of better education and training. Despite progress, gender inequalities have persisted. Even though women surpass men in terms of educational attainment, gender gaps still exist in employment, entrepreneurship, and public life (OECD, 2017). For example, in the labour market, women continue to be overrepresented in the lowest-paid sectors and underrepresented in top positions (according to the data released in the main companies of the European Union, women represent only 8% of CEOs).

The insertion and maintenance of young Brazilians in the world of work is a great challenge and the lack of access to quality education contributes to adversities for professional qualification and labor occupation, especially in protected, decent and formal working conditions. The Covid-19 pandemic has intensified the impacts on the lives of young people with the withdrawal from face-to-face school activities, social isolation and limited access to technologies and the internet, which has made it difficult to enter the world of work and led to school dropout, unemployment and inclusion in precarious working relationships. The reflections carried out are based on the understanding of the historical process, crossed by contradictions, in which young people are inserted in the capitalist mode of production. The central objective of this study, supported by bibliographic and documentary research, is to contribute to the debate about the impacts experienced by Brazilian youth in relation to schooling and work in the post-pandemic context and the role of education policy as a democratic and transformative space.

The anarchist movement utilizes non-statist and anti-statist strategies for radical social transformation, thus indicating the limits of political opportunity theory and its emphasis upon the state. Using historical narratives from present-day anarchist movement literature, I note various events and phenomena in the last two centuries and their relevance to the mobilization and demobilization of anarchist movements throughout the world (Bolivia, Czech Republic, Great Britain, Greece, Japan, and Venezuela). Labor movement allies, failing state socialism, and punk subculture have provided conditions conducive to anarchism, while state repression and Bolshevik triumph in the Soviet Union constrained success. This variation suggests that future work should attend more closely to the role of national context, and the interrelationship of political and non-political factors. Additionally, the key question of what constitutes movement “success” for revolutionary movements that “move forward”, yet do not achieve revolutionary transformation (indeed, who conceive of a final, complete transformation to be theoretically impossible), seems to be a problem faced uniquely by anarchist movements. Instead, thinking of opportunity as being global, non-politically-based, and unattached to “ultimate objectives” like revolution, help to make these ideas more useful for understanding anarchist mobilization.

Abstract Statutory nuisance is a concept that originated in the huge changes and adverse environmental conditions brought about during the Industrial Revolution in Great Britain. It was fundamental to the social legislation that was first enacted in the 1840s and 1850s, and which continued into the twentieth century in the Public Health Act of 1936. Some of this early sanitary legislation continues in the Environmental Protection Act 1990 (‘EPA 1990’), either virtually unaltered from its original formulation or in an amended form; some early formulations are to be found in other legislation, such as the Building Act 1984.

Changes in Russian society, happened in the last three decades, determine the contradictory process of socialization of the younger generation. The blurry of perceptions about the type of personality demanded by society and the state, in many ways, determines the chaotic process of forming the values of young people, which proceed under the influence of random and sometimes divergent factors. Changing objective living conditions in modern Russian society leads to a significant complication of social self-determination processes, the formation of the problematic identity of various youth groups. The authors of the article focused on identifying local-territorial and sociocultural features of the memory of the Great Patriotic War of the students of the large regional centers of the Volga Federal District. The dynamics of this process are analyzed on the basis of data obtained during the research of historical memory of students of Nizhny Novgorod region and cities of the Volga Federal District in 2005–2015. The Volga branch of FCTAS RAS and LUNN, as well as the all-Russian sociological study of the Russian society of sociologists in 2020. The authors of the article substantiate the conclusion that the structure of the historical memory of young students is very selective, often without sufficient justification fixes attention on some events and ignores others, contributing to the mythologization of historical consciousness, disorienting it and creating a favorable ground for the emergence and strengthening of social destruction. The authors’ conclusion is convincing that without special eff orts of society, the state, educational institutions aimed at forming the historical consciousness of young students, it is impossible to maintain the attitude to the Great Patriotic War, as a landmark event in world and national history.

Inspired by Oxford University’s Christian social reform clubs in the early 20 th century, Basil Henriques a young Jewish gentleman from a distinguished, upper middle-class family in London determined to establish a Jewish boys’ club in London’s East End. Influenced first by his mother’s devotion to Judaism and then by the progressive views of Jewish scholar, Claude Montefiore and his Oxford history professor, Kenneth Leys, Henriques established the Oxford and St.George’s Jewish Boys’ Club in 1914. An anti-Zionist, Henriques believed strongly in establishing a club that would socialize Jewish youth to become both proud Jews and proud citizens of Great Britain. The club soon served both boys and girls and, by 1919, it had acquired larger premises and become a settlement. Changing demographics in London’s Whitechapel and the rise of the welfare state eventually led to the settlements’ relocation in 1973 and then to its eventual demise.

This chapter discusses a compressed version of Britain’s colonial slavery beginnings in the Americas, and why British society eventually became a melting-pot of people from the Caribbean. This exploration through an intersectional lens, and applying a constructivist epistemological position, with a narrative, interpretive approach, showcases condensed journeys in the periods of the British triangular slave trade in African people to the Americas, and the melting-pot of diasporic people developed from the influx of varied nations into the Americas. The journeys then follow the exodus of families from the Caribbean to North America and Europe for economic reasons, especially those who returned to Britain during the Windrush era. Intersectionality is applied in this period of study as a way of understanding and analysing the complex and diverse intersecting factors that shaped and influenced the macro environmental conditions of social, political and gender constructs that impacted the whole colonial society. The discussions highlight the significance of intersectional criminal injustices along the lines of gender, class, race and colour enforced on black and mixed-heritage people during slavery and extended to the Windrush period through to the diasporic societies of present-day Great Britain.

Abstract Soft tissue musculoskeletal disorders are common in the community. For example, the point and annual prevalences of low back pain are roughly 20 and 40 per cent, respectively,(1) and the annual prevalences of pain in the shoulder, elbow, and wrist are 40, 12, and 23 per cent, respectively.(2) Even symptoms of such specific conditions as carpal tunnel syndrome are highly prevalent.(3) Since we spend a large part of our waking life at work, it is not surprising that many people attribute these symptoms to their work. The estimated prevalence of self-reported work-related illness, of which back and upper limb pain are by far the most common categories, in Great Britain in 1995 was 2 million people.(4) In the United States, work-related musculoskeletal disorders account for one-third of all occupational injuries reported by employers annually.(5) Low back pain is associated with large personal, social, and economic costs in all industrialized countries.

Abstract Medical sociology is an old conception but relatively young as a field of endeavor.’ From early in the nineteenth century, one can trace research activities that are remarkably close, at least in style, to their modern counterparts in medical sociology. Until about seventy-five years ago, however, such studies were episodic, linked to major events like the struggle for political and social rights of the European middle class in the 1840s, the similar struggle of the English working class later in the nineteenth century, and the radical technological and social changes caused by the Civil War in the United States. These events typically heightened public feelings of social responsibility and, in the process, stimulated early variants of social science. Edwin Chadwick’s Report on the Sanitary Conditions of the Laboring Population of Great Britain in 1842 is a good example. Just as typically, however, at least with inquiry about health, the motive force of such movements was not sustained. It was not until almost 1930 that an unbroken development began in the sociology of medicine, and only after World War II were individuals identified as “medical sociologists.”

Background: The issue of preventing and countering human trafficking is relevant all over the world, including in Ukraine. Solving and preventing this problem has become more acute due to the full-scale invasion of the Russian Federation into Ukraine. With the beginning of this invasion, there was a great risk of falling into a situation of human trafficking. Many citizens, especially women with children and young people, left for Europe, some were forced to move within the borders of Ukraine, in the occupied territories people are forcibly deported to the territory of the Russian Federation and the Republic of Belarus. The risks of falling into the sphere of human trafficking are quite large, people who were already a risk group fall into difficult life circumstances and become even more vulnerable to this problem. And young people in search of a better life in Europe neglect their safety and have risky behavior, which causes the need to spread social and preventive work with this group to prevent them from falling into situations of human trafficking. Purpose: to analyze the methods of social work with young people in order to increase the awareness of young people about the issue of human trafficking. Methods: the method of analyzing scientific documents, the method of comparing opinions, and the method of theoretical analysis of foreign works were used. Results: Preventive activities among young people in order to prevent them from falling into situations of human trafficking are quite important. It is necessary to develop this area and actively apply social work in this area. Methods of social work at the primary level of prevention among young people are diverse and can be successful. Conclusion: Informing young people for the purpose of preventing human trafficking has many forms that can be successful in this work. Primary social prevention among young people can be diverse, it is necessary to develop this area. Also, the use of social work in this area is appropriate. Social work specialists can conduct interactive trainings and seminars aimed at raising the level of awareness of young people about the problem of human trafficking and ways to protect against it. Such activities may include various elements such as group discussions, role-playing, video materials and others. Keywords: human trafficking, youth as a risk group of human trafficking, primary prevention, informing, raising awareness.

В статье рассматриваются особенности развития Либеральной партии Великобритании в XIX в. В своем развитии она преодолела несколько этапов, каждый из которых обнаруживал тесную связь с общеисторическими изменениями в Великобритании. В работе утверждается, что способность правящей элиты страны вовремя перейти к политике либеральных преобразований позволила ей преодолеть серьезный социально-политический кризис и спасти Великобританию от революции. Особое внимание уделено исследованию влияния парламентской реформы 1832 г. на формирование структуры партии. Заслугой либералов было то, что они сумели адаптировать плавным, эволюционно-реформистским путем, не затрагивая самих основ общественного порядка, государственно-правовые институты Великобритании к новым историческим условиям, возникшим в результате промышленного переворота. Используя гибкие компромиссные методы управления и проведения социальной политики в отношениях как с землевладельческой аристократией, так и со средними и низшими слоями британского общества, либералы смогли поддерживать достаточно высокую стабильность общества, сглаживать социальные конфликты, столь частые в других странах Западной Европы XIX в. Автор подчеркивает, что к концу XIX в. британским либералам удалось создать массовую политическую партию современного типа. The article examines the features of the development of the Liberal Party of Great Britain in the XIXth century. In its development, the Liberal Party was going through several stages, each of which revealed a close connection with general historical changes in Great Britain. The paper argues that the ability of the country's ruling elite to switch to a policy of liberal transformations in time allowed it to overcome a serious socio-political crisis and save Great Britain from revolution. Particular attention is paid to the study of the influence of the parliamentary reform of 1832 on the formation of the party structure. The merit of the liberals was that they were able to adapt in a smooth, evolutionary-reformist way, without affecting the very foundations of public order, the state-legal institutions of Great Britain to the new historical conditions that arose as a result of the industrial revolution. Using flexible compromise methods of management and social policy in relations both with the landowning aristocracy and with the middle and lower strata of the British society, the liberals managed to maintain a fairly high stability of society, smooth out social conflicts that are so frequent in other countries of Western Europe of the XIXth century. The author emphasizes that by the end of the XIXth century, the British liberals managed to create a mass political party of the modern type.

The act of “eating” is part of the ritual and ceremonial acts that have a great capacity for social transformation with a well-marked symbolic eff ectiveness. Th e history of nutrition cannot be seen as detached from the history of humanity, as they are identifi ed in the stages of their evolution. Factors that play an important role in this regard, infl uencing and sizing specifi c meanings and connotations, are the natural environment, climatic conditions, the socio-economic structure of communities, spiritual beliefs. Migration has been an acute phenomenon of the Romanian society in the last 30 years. If in the second half of the last century, during the communist period, the phenomenon of migration focused on moving the population from rural to urban areas, the liberalization of borders, entering EU structures, NATO, etc., facilitated and even encouraged, in a way or another, the migration of Romanians. Th e Romanian communities have grown signifi cantly, reaching a signifi cant place in the population of migrating countries, and even a representative minority in certain European states (Italy, Spain, Great Britain, etc.). Statistically speaking, Greece does not have a concrete record of the Romanian community, the last census dating from 2007 and the one from the end of 2021 not being centralized yet. In Greece, based on the information provided by the Romanian associations, there are a number of approximately 80,000 — 100,000 Romanians from several areas of Romania, mainly from Moldova, Bucovina and Maramureș, most of them living in Athens and a smaller part on the islands. Th is paper presents a case study, conducted within the Romanian community in Greece, having as main element traditional food. Starting from the idea that this community is part of the mobility diaspora, not being clearly defi ned for a period of time, we will notice, however, that the traditional food is an extremely important element in preserving the national identity. Th e Romanian communities, be they historical or mobility, follow an authentic Romanian social pattern, with few foreign influences, determined by several factors.

The article reveals the theoretical and methodical aspects of students’ civic education by means of literature. Emphasis is placed on the fact that in the conditions of unstable development of society, escalation of conflicts both between states and between fellow citizens, the issue of students’ civic education is actualized. The authors understand this concept as a form of social education, the formation of a citizen of a specific state, capable of successfully acting for the sake of preserving democracy and peace. Currently, informal education, in addition to the content of “social and civic competencies” that is understandable for Ukrainian educators, uses the term “competencies for the culture of democracy”, which, according to the authors, is a structured concept implemented in the European dimension of civic education. The authors emphasize that fiction affects human feelings and consciousness, it is a powerful means of moral, aesthetic and civic education. Through artistic images, writers provide an opportunity to form their attitude to the events described, to draw certain conclusions, to reflect on universal values, on the actions of one or another character, to see models of civic active/passive behavior. The article analyzes the European experience of civic education, in particular Great Britain and Germany. The authors take into account the literature of these countries and identify aspects that can serve as a basis for students’ civic education, compare them with the Ukrainian realities of civic education. The authors present the main vectors of civic education in Germany, which are determined by the content of literary works and encourage pluralism of opinions, tolerance for the views and judgments of others, motivate students to actively participate in civic life, awareness of the value of freedom, respect for human dignity, the right to self-expression, responsibility for an individual’s moral choice. The works are also the basis for establishing in teenagers such democratic values as the right to life, to fair treatment, dignity, freedom from discrimination, the right to equality, understanding the need to protect one’s rights and the rights of other people.The analysis of content concepts of literature for pupils in Great Britain shows that the priorities of civic education are national patriotism and the education of a law-abiding citizen. The textual material of the works and civic education lessons help pupils to better understand different forms of governance and their impact on citizens; to understand the responsibility and functions of management and the duties of citizens; to acquire socio-cultural experience that gives the opportunity to feel morally, socially, politically, legally competent and protected in society and to take direct part in the activities of civil society institutions. In Finland, the basic democratic values of the national core curriculum are open democracy, equality, responsibility for one’s own choice. An important focus of education in Finnish high school is gaining experience in shaping the future based on joint decisions and interaction.Taking into account the global trends of digitization, the authors considered digital technologies to be educational innovations in students’ civic education (electronic textbooks (not just digitized, but interactive, with virtual 3D materials that teachers can compose at their discretion), textbook scans for download, various materials: interactive laboratories, virtual museums, forums for teachers to communicate, etc.).

English is one of the most spoken languages in the world. A global language communication is inherent in him. This language is also distinguished by a significant diversity of dialects and speech. It appeared in the early Middle Ages as the spoken language of the Anglo-Saxons. The formation of the British Empire and its expansion led to the widespread English language in Asia, Africa, North America and Australia. As a result, the Metropolitan language became the main communication language in the English colonies, and after independence it became State (USA, Canada, Australia, New Zealand) and official (India, Nigeria, Singapore). Being one of the 6 Official Languages of the UN, it is studied as a foreign language in educational institutions of many countries in the modern time [1, 2, s. 12-14]. Despite the dozens of varieties of English, the American (American English) version, which appeared on the territory of the United States, is one of the most widespread. More than 80 per cent of the population in this country knows the American version of the British language as its native language. Although the American version of the British language is not defined as the official language in the US Federal Constitution, it acts with features and standards reinforced in the lexical sphere, the media and the education system. The growing political and economic power of the United States after World War II also had a significant impact on the expansion of the American version of the British language [3]. Currently, this language version has become one of the main topics of scientific research in the field of linguistics, philology and other similar spheres. It should also be emphasized that the American version of the British language paved the way for the creation of thousands of words and expressions, took its place in the general language of English and the world lexicon. “Okay”, “teenager”, “hitchhike”, “landslide” and other words can be shown in this row. The impact of differences in the life and life of colonists in the United States and Great Britain on this language was not significant either. The role of Nature, Climate, Environment and lifestyle should also be appreciated here. There is no officially confirmed language accent in the United States. However, most speakers of national media and, first of all, the CNN channel use the dialect “general American accent”. Here, the main accent of “mid Pppemestern” has been guided. It should also be noted that this accent is inherent in a very small part of the U.S. population, especially in Nebraska, Iowa, and Illinois. But now all Americans easily understand and speak about it. As for the current state of the American version of the British language, we can say that there are some hypotheses in this area. A number of researchers perceive it as an independent language, others-as an English variant. The founder of American spelling, American and British lexicographer, linguist Noah Pondebster treats him as an independent language. He also tried to justify this in his work “the American Dictionary of English” written in 1828 [4]. This position was expressed by a Scottish-born English philologist, one of the authors of the “American English Dictionary”Sir Alexander Craigie, American linguist Raven ioor McDavid Jr. and others also confirm [5]. The second is the American linguist Leonard Bloomfield, one of the creators of the descriptive direction of structural linguistics, and other American linguists Edward Sapir and Charles Francis Hockett. There is also another group of “third parties” that accept American English as a regional dialect [5, 6]. A number of researchers [2] have shown that the accent or dialect in the US on the person contains significantly less data in itself than in the UK. In Great Britain, a dialect speaker is viewed as a person with a low social environment or a low education. It is difficult to perceive this reality in the US environment. That is, a person's speech in the American version of the British language makes it difficult to express his social background. On the other hand, the American version of the British language is distinguished by its faster pace [7, 8]. One of the main characteristic features of the American language array is associated with the emphasis on a number of letters and, in particular, the pronunciation of the letter “R”. Thus, in British English words like “port”, “more”, “dinner” the letter “R” is not pronounced at all. Another trend is related to the clear pronunciation of individual syllables in American English. Unlike them, the Britons “absorb”such syllables in a number of similar words [8]. Despite all these differences, an analysis of facts and theoretical knowledge shows that the emergence and formation of the American version of the British language was not an accidental and chaotic process. The reality is that the life of the colonialists had a huge impact on American English. These processes were further deepened by the growing migration trends at the later historical stage. Thus, the language of the English-speaking migrants in America has been developed due to historical conditions, adapted to the existing living environment and new life realities. On the other hand, the formation of this independent language was also reflected in the purposeful policy of the newly formed US state. Thus, the original British words were modified and acquired a fundamentally new meaning. Another point here was that the British acharism, which had long been out of use, gained a new breath and actively entered the speech circulation in the United States. Thus, the analysis shows that the American version of the British language has specific features. It was formed and developed as a result of colonization and expansion. This development is still ongoing and is one of the languages of millions of US states and people, as well as audiences of millions of people. Keywords: American English, English, linguistics, accent.

The report provides a definition, principles, criterion and model of authentication psychotherapy. The field of application of authentication psychotherapy is considered. From the perspective of ontopsychology the primary and only goal of authentication psychotherapy is the restoration, or awareness, of the natural project of person in its primordiality, not yet distorted by subsequent culturalization, the discovery of the individual potential of the mind. Thus, the directive criterion of authentication psychotherapy is the individual natural project of person – "Ontic In-itself (ISO) – radicality of psychic activity, the project of nature that creates human being" [A. Meneghetti]. The basic model of authentication psychotherapy consists in the integral integration of the conscious part of the personality with the natural project, which is the basis of a person, the result of which is the development of creative potential. In today's world, with its high pluralism in all spheres and the dynamics of social processes, great attention is paid to the emerging leadership potential of youth. The socialization of youth in conditions of social transformation is contradictory – the main psychological problems that reduce leadership potential are reinforced by consumerism, biologism, and critical idealism. Whereas positive socialization is a bidirectional process and phenomenon: mastering prosocial behavior and subjective psychological wellbeing of the individual, which results in holistic implementation. The sequence of psychotherapeutic authenticating work with a leader's personality proceeds from the logic of proportionality of four spheres: 1) individual-personal, which includes physical health and psychological well-being; 2) family, affective, which includes the subject's close emotional connections; 3) professional, which includes work contacts; 4) social, which includes other contacts with society, and the level of realization of the seven qualities of a leader [A. Meneghetti]. And it is also subject to the phases of authenticating psychotherapy: the situation of first contact, retroactive anamnesis, fideistic diagnosis, identification of Iso impulses and the reasoning, repeated verbalization of them. A review of the results of research on the application of authentication psychotherapy showed that effective leaders take an active position, capable of taking responsibility for the social context, which can be designated as a tendency to actualization, the discovery of the self, and in ontopsychology is designated as actualization in being, achieving authenticity, compliance with the internal project – Ontic In-itself. В докладе дается определение, принципы, критерийи модель психотерапии аутентификации. Рассматривается область применения психотерапии аутентификации. С позиции онтопсихологии первичная и единственная цель психотерапии аутентификации – восстановление, или осознание, природного проекта человеком в его первозданности, еще не искаженной последующим окультуриванием, раскрытие индивидуального потенциала ума. Таким образом, директивным критерием психотерапии аутентификации служит индивидуальный природный проект человека – «онто Ин-се –радикальность психической деятельности, проект природы, создающий человеческое существо» [А. Менегетти]. Базовая модель психотерапии аутентификации состоит в целостной интеграции сознательной части личности с природным проектом, являющимся основой человека, результатом которой служит развитие творческого потенциала. В современном мире, с его высоким плюрализмом во всех сферах и динамикой социальных процессов, большое внимание обращается на формирующийся лидерский потенциал молодежи, Социализация молодежи в условиях общественной трансформации носит противоречивый характер – основные психологические проблемы, редуцирующие лидерский потенциал, усиливаются потребительством, биологизмом и критическим идеализмом. В то время как позитивная социализация – это двунаправленный процесс и явление: освоение просоциального поведения и субъективное психологическое благополучие человека, результатом которого служит целостная реализация. Последовательность психотерапевтической аутентифицирующей работы с личностью лидера исходит из логики соразмерности четырех сфер: 1) индивидуально-личностной, которая включает физическое здоровье и психологическое благополучие; 2) семейной, аффективной, которая включает в себя близкие эмоциональные связи субъекта; 3) профессиональной, которая включает рабочие контакты; 4) социальной, которая включает остальные контакты с обществом, и уровня реализованности семи качеств лидера [А. Менегетти]. А также подчиняется стадиям аутентифицирующей психотерапии: ситуация первого контакта, ретроактивный анамнез, фидеистический диагноз, выявление импульсов онто-Ин-се и рассудочная, повторяемая их вербализация. Обзор результатов исследованийприменения психотерапии аутентификации показал, что эффективные руководители занимают активную позицию, способны брать ответственность за социальный контекст, которую можно обозначить как тенденцию к актуализации, раскрытию самости, а в онтопсихологии обозначается как актуализация в бытии, достижение аутентичности, соответствие внутреннему проекту – онто Ин-се

This paper examines the organisational and discursive strategies of the Gülen movement in France and Germany and its differentiation in Turkish Islam in Europe, with the primary focus on the movement’s educational activities. The paper describes the characteristics of organisational activity among Turkish Muslims in Europe. Then it analyses two mainstream religious-communitarian movements and the contrasting settlement strategies of the “neo- communitarian” Gülen movement. Despite the large Turkish population in western Europe, the movement has been active there for only about ten years – relatively late compared to other Islamic organisations. Mainly, the associational organisation of Turkish Islam in Europe is based on two axes: the construction/ sponsoring of mosques and Qur’anic schools. By contrast, the Gülen movement’s members in Europe, insisting on ‘the great importance of secular education’, do not found or sponsor mosques and Qur’anic schools. Their principal focus is to address the problems of the immi- grant youth population in Europe, with reintegration of Turkish students into the educational system of the host societies as a first goal. On the one hand, as a neo-communitarian religious grouping, they strive for a larger share of the ‘market’ (i.e. more members from among the Turkish diaspora) by offering a fresh religious discourse and new organisational strategies, much as they have done in Turkey. On the other hand, they seek to gain legitimacy in the public sphere in Germany and France by building an educational network in these countries, just as they have done in Central Asia and the Balkans region. Accordingly, a reinvigorated and reorganised community is taking shape in western Europe. This paper examines the organizational and discursive strategies1 of the Gülen movement in France and Germany and it is differentiation in Turkish Islam in Europe. We seek to analyse particularly the educational activities of this movement which appeared in the Islamic scene in Diaspora of Europe for the last 10 years. We focus on the case of Gülen movement because it represents a prime example amongst Islamic movements which seek to reconcile-or ac- commodate- with the secular system in Turkey. In spite of the exclusionary policy of Turkish secular state towards the religious movements, this faith-based social movement achieved to accommodate to the new socio-political conditions of Turkey. Today, for many searchers, Gülen movement brings Islam back to the public sphere by cross-fertilizing Islamic idioms with global discourses on human rights, democracy, and the market economy.2 Indeed, the activities of Gülen movement in the secular context of France and Germany represent an interesting sociological object. Firstly, we will describe the characteristics of organizational ability of Anatolian Islam in Europe. Then we will analyse the mainstream religious-com- munitarian movements (The National Perspective movement and Suleymanci community) and the settlement strategies of the “neo-communitarian”3 Gülen movement in the Turkish Muslim Diaspora. Based on semi-directive interviews with the directors of the learning centres in Germany and France and a 6 month participative observation of Gülen-inspired- activities in Strasbourg; we will try to answer the following questions: How the movement appropriates the “religious” manner and defines it in a secular context regarding to the host/ global society? How the message of Gülen is perceived among his followers and how does it have effect on acts of the Turkish Muslim community? How the movement realises the transmission of communitarian and `religious’ values and-especially-how they compete with other Islamic associations? In order to answer these questions, we will make an analysis which is based on two axes: Firstly, how the movement position within the Turkish-Islamic associational organisation? Secondly, we will try to describe the contact zones between the followers of Gülen and the global society.