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Journal articles on the topic 'Young People and Politics'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 9 February 2022

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1

BASAPATTAN S. A, BASAPATTAN S. A. "Young People Participated in Indian Politics." International Journal of Scientific Research 3, no. 5 (June 1, 2012): 524. http://dx.doi.org/10.15373/22778179/may2014/170.

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2

White, Clarissa. "Selling politics to young people." Young Consumers 4, no. 2 (March 2003): 41–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/17473610310813799.

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3

Tonge, Jon. "REVITALISING POLITICS: ENGAGING YOUNG PEOPLE." Representation 45, no. 3 (September 2009): 237–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00344890903129418.

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4

Chevalier, Tom. "Young people, between policies and politics." French Politics 17, no. 1 (October 4, 2018): 92–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/s41253-018-0076-7.

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5

Elster, Julius. "Sarah Pickard: Politics, Protest and Young People." Journal of Applied Youth Studies 3, no. 2 (April 2020): 181–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s43151-020-00015-3.

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6

Manning, Nathan. "Tensions in Young People's Conceptualisation and Practice of Politics." Sociological Research Online 15, no. 4 (November 2010): 55–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.5153/sro.2256.

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Young people have been characterised as apathetic and disengaged from mainstream politics. This discourse draws upon a narrow, regulatory and hegemonic model of politics that centres on parliamentary politics. This paper reports findings from a qualitative study of young people drawn from across the political spectrum that also found most participants to adhere to this dominant model of politics. However, this conceptualisation of politics did not match their forms of socio-political engagement, instead it generated a series of tensions and worked to discount their actions as not ‘genuine’ or ‘real’ politics. It is argued that this narrow, regulatory model of politics does not reflect contemporary social conditions and actually militates against young people understanding themselves as political actors and beings.

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Pruitt, Lesley. "Youth, politics, and participation in a changing world." Journal of Sociology 53, no. 2 (April 14, 2017): 507–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1440783317705733.

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What options do young people have for enacting social and political change? Can traditional politics redeem itself in the eyes of youth? Can political leaders hear young people? Do they listen? What alternative avenues for politics might young people pursue or propose? What are their respective prospects and challenges? These are some key questions that arise when reading Young Citizens and Political Participation in a Digital Society, by Philippa Collin, Running from Office, by Jennifer Lawless and Richard Fox, and Youth and Generation by Dan Woodman and Johanna Wyn. In this review essay, these books are critically analysed alongside existing relevant literature to explore the ways young people today engage with politics and political participation, including how this reflects commonalities but also differences with previous social generations. Such work lends itself to an argument for reflecting on the state of democracy and young people’s actual and perceived roles as citizens.

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Dragoman, Dragoș, and Sabina-Adina Luca. "Young People and Political Activism in Moldova." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 53, no. 2 (June 1, 2020): 76–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/cpcs.2020.53.2.76.

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The election of a Socialist and pro-Russian candidate in December 2016 as president of Moldova marks a new turn in Moldovan politics. This is in contrast with the pro-Western attitudes of the previous government. Political instability and changing international orientations, as emphasized by this article, are partly due to political alternative victories of parties supported by different social groups. Focusing on young people's activism, the article underlines the differentiation between the political success made possible by street protests in April 2009 and the political failure in December 2016. The findings may add a new explanation to Moldova's permanent instability.

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Laughland-Booÿ, Jacqueline, and Zareh Ghazarian. "Young People and Politics in Australia: an Introduction." Journal of Applied Youth Studies 3, no. 3 (July 2020): 189–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s43151-020-00025-1.

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Jarić, Isidora. "Generation W: From the Young People’s Perspective." Issues in Ethnology and Anthropology 3, no. 3 (December 1, 2008): 203–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.21301/eap.v3i3.11.

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This paper discusses the position of young people in Serbia after October 5th 2000, as can be inferred from the evidence collected in the study ‘Politics and everyday life: Serbia 1999-2002’. The author identifies amongst young people four basic modes of selfpositioning within the current social context, as described by the following labels: ‘B92 generation’, ‘provincials’, ‘fundamentalists’ and ‘guests’. These views encompass politics, their own social and political engagement, views of the future, and their own selves.

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Eden, Karen. "The making of citizens: Young people, news and politics." Children & Society 15, no. 3 (2001): 202–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/chi.637.

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12

Evans, Vanessa, and Jason Sternberg. "Young people, politics and television current affairs in Australia." Journal of Australian Studies 23, no. 63 (January 1999): 103–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14443059909387539.

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13

Buckingham, David. "Young People, Politics and News Media: Beyond political socialisation." Oxford Review of Education 25, no. 1-2 (March 1999): 171–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/030549899104198.

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14

Bundy, Tess. "“Revolutions Happen through Young People!”." Journal of Urban History 43, no. 2 (January 30, 2017): 273–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0096144216688277.

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From the late 1960s through the early 1970s, thousands of black high school students in Boston protested their educational marginalization by staging school boycotts, forming student organizations, and leading demonstrations. They demanded dramatic changes in the content and delivery of education in the Boston Public Schools (BPS). They called for a “culturally relevant education” that valued black culture, to be mentored by black educators, and for collaboration between school and community. Through these arguments for the value of black culture, students rejected characterizations of their racial heritage as inadequate—in a time when theories of cultural inferiority were widespread. Black youth were key players in a decades-long movement led by black Bostonians for educational justice in the BPS. This story challenges a dominant narrative of desegregation and civil rights in Boston, which focuses on busing, white resistance, and court-ordered desegregation. This narrative portrays black Bostonians as apathetic to racial politics and blindly following court-ordered desegregation plans. The story of the black student movement highlights the vital political work performed by black youth in civil rights protest. The erasure of black youth activism from the historical record strengthens stereotypes of black urban teens as apathetic, dangerous, and culturally depraved, which served as a justification for the criminalization of black youth. Their demands for black studies courses, black educators, and the revision of student dress and disciplinary codes forced educators and city leaders to grapple with changing understandings of quality education within the nation’s diverse urban public school systems.

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Benedicto, Jorge, and María Ramos. "Young People’s Critical Politicization in Spain in the Great Recession: A Generational Reconfiguration?" Societies 8, no. 3 (September 18, 2018): 89. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/soc8030089.

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During the last decade, Spain has experienced, like other surrounding countries, a deep economic crisis accompanied by an unprecedented political and institutional crisis. This has led to a growing mistrust in institutions and a dissatisfaction with democracy, but also an increase in interest in politics, which implies an interesting change regarding other situations. Young people of the so-called ‘crisis generation’, who have socialized in a new and changing context, also participate in this process of change, and have moreover played a leading role in the public space. In order to analyze young people’s politicization process, in this article we use data from the European Social Survey (rounds 1–7, from 2000 to 2014) and the Young People in Spain Survey (2016). We developed a typology of attitudes towards politics and identified, using discrete choice models, the demographic and socioeconomic profile of young people particularly dissatisfied with politics. Our results show that, although young people socialized in the context of the crisis are very critical of politics, instead of moving further away from democratic politics or rejecting it openly, in most cases they politicize their discontent. Even those most critical of the way in which democracy works in the country have a very participatory political behavior, both in forms of nonelectoral and electoral participation.

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Kettunen, Marika. "“We need to make our voices heard”: Claiming space for young people’s everyday environmental politics in northern Finland." Nordia Geographical Publications 49, no. 5 (January 12, 2021): 32–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.30671/nordia.98115.

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Recent years have seen a critical shift in young people’s political participation, as young people around the world have mobilized to demand greater climate actions. Drawing on ethnographic fieldwork that consist of participant observation and 47 qualitative interviews with 15–16-year-olds residing in rural and urban areas in northern Finland, the paper contributes rural, regional and mundane perspectives on the topic of young people’s environmental politics. The paper sheds light on the myriad of ways in which young people practice environmental politics and construct their environmental citizenship and also discusses young people’s political action in relation to the friction and resistance their participation stirs up in the local communities. Although promoting active citizenship is a stated goal of the Finnish education system, young people’s active participation in mundane and local environmental politics is not always embraced in local communities. The paper argues for better recognition of and support for young people’s everyday environmental politics and for youth participation as a way to spark wider social, cultural, and political change.

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James, Allison, and Penny Curtis. "Constructing the Sick Child: The Cultural Politics of Children's Hospitals." Sociological Review 60, no. 4 (November 2012): 754–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-954x.2012.02132.x.

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Drawing on an ESRC funded study of children's experiences of hospital space this article explores the cultural politics of contemporary English childhood. Using the words and commentaries provided by both children and young people, the article argues that although, as patients, children and young people share the same hospital spaces, their experiences of them are quite different. Through mundane material and symbolic practices, a number of experiential continuities are created for the youngest children between life in hospital and life at home, continuities that work to downplay their identities as children who are sick. For young people, however, these practices are more problematic since the discourses of childhood that are recreated have little resonance with young people's own experiences and sense of self and identity. Thus this article provides evidence of the need for a more nuanced understanding of not only young people's needs in relation to hospital services, but also of the significance of understanding the ways in which particular constructions of ‘the child’ and ‘childhood’ are threaded through public discourses and come to be realized in institutional settings.

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Brooks, Rachel. "Young People and Political Participation: An Analysis of European Union Policies." Sociological Research Online 14, no. 1 (January 2009): 63–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.5153/sro.1862.

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There is now widespread recognition that, far from being politically apathetic, young people across Europe are engaged in a wide range of ‘political’ activities. While turnout at national and European elections among the 18-25 age group may be low, researchers have highlighted diverse and creative new forms of political participation. In relation to young women, in particular, Harris (2005) has presented a compelling analysis of the new ‘borderspaces’ opened up between public and private domains by young women through the use of new technologies. She contends that in the face of greater surveillance and regulation brought about by the shift to neo-liberal forms of governmentality, carving out a protected space for oneself is a political act, in itself. Moreover, the creative ways in which young women across the world use such spaces – to question dominant narratives about the nature of contemporary girlhood, to resist discourses which construct young women as merely passive consumers, and to trouble conventional notions of ‘youth participation’ – are highly political. Some EU representatives have indicated an awareness of these new forms of engagement and professed a desire to develop links between them and more traditional forms of party politics and policy making (Hoskins, 2005). Nevertheless, the degree to which these sentiments have been translated into policy remains unclear. This article draws on recent documents on young people, citizenship and political participation to assess the extent to which these new spaces of young women's politics are, firstly, recognised and, secondly, valued within EU policy.

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Storsul, Tanja. "Deliberation or Self-presentation?: Young People, Politics and Social Media." Nordicom Review 35, no. 2 (December 18, 2014): 17–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/nor-2014-0012.

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Abstract This article presents a study of how politically engaged young people use social media for political purposes. There has been a growing optimism that social media can stimulate political participation and deliberation, especially among young people. Based on focus group interviews with Norwegian teenagers, the article argues that social media have become an important platform for young people to participate in political activities. Whether the purpose is internal meetings or external mobilization, social media provide platforms for planning, reporting and communicating political activities. At the same time, politically engaged young people are hesitant about using social media for political deliberation. They are concerned about how they present themselves, and they are reluctant to stand out as highly political. One important explanation for this is that social media integrate different forms of communication and collapse social contexts. This causes teenagers to delimit controversies and try to keep political discussions to groups with more segregated audiences.

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Bene, Marton. "Influenced by Peers: Facebook as an Information Source for Young People." Social Media + Society 3, no. 2 (April 2017): 205630511771627. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2056305117716273.

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The study examines the role and impact of Facebook as a central political information source within today’s high-choice information environment among university students. It assumes that the growing role of Facebook as a political information source means the return of the two-step flow of information model: political views and experiences of the less interested majority are largely shaped by the communication of the fewer politically interested peers. Based on a survey among university students in Hungary, the study confirms that Facebook is the primary political information source for university students. The results indicate that only a politically interested minority of university students post or share political content on Facebook. However, posting is shaped by dissatisfaction with the way democracy functions, and accordingly, obtaining regular information about politics through Facebook leads to more negative perceptions about the way democracy works. Based on these findings, it may be assumed that the negative evaluation of democracy by students who are informed about politics through Facebook results from the fact that on this platform information and opinions are mostly provided by their discontented peers. An important contribution of this study is that social influences resulting from using Facebook are not investigated in themselves, but are embedded into the modern information environment where several information sources are used simultaneously.

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Anderson, Cameron D., and Laura B. Stephenson. "Mobilizing the Young: The Role of Social Networks." Canadian Journal of Political Science 51, no. 4 (April 23, 2018): 861–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423918000161.

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AbstractDisaffection of youth from politics is a well-documented phenomenon in many countries. In this article, we consider whether the social networks of young people have the same influence on political engagement as they have been found to have for older adults. We use a single dataset to test the effects of discussion and disagreement on the political engagement of young people (30 and under) and older adults. We find that social network discussion has a stronger effect on the engagement of young people but that disagreement has no clear differential effect.

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Huxter, Cintia Cintia Silva. "Migrant Youth and Politics: A workshop." Migration Letters 17, no. 5 (September 28, 2020): 747–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/ml.v17i5.922.

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On 9-10th September 2019 academics from universities around the UK met at Loughborough University to discuss working with children and young people, particularly those with a migrant/diasporic background. The workshop stemmed from the authors’ research project on youth identity and politics in diaspora (www.youth-diaspora-politics.org) which has shown that young people in diaspora are, on the whole, politicised. All participants work/have worked with children and young people on themes of identity and politics and presented their work at the workshop. One of our main conclusions is that, despite the challenges, a stronger research focus is needed on young migrants and those in diaspora; their opinions, identities and experiences are important in their own right. After a short overview of each presentation, in the last section we consider some methodological and ethical challenges we all shared and discussed, as well as some issues that need to be considered in the future.

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Busse, Britta, Alexandra Hashem-Wangler, and Jochen Tholen. "Two Worlds of Participation: Young People and Politics in Germany." Sociological Review 63, no. 2_suppl (December 2015): 118–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-954x.12265.

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24

Keys, Wendy. "Review: The Making of Citizens: Young People, News and Politics." Media International Australia 99, no. 1 (May 2001): 141–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x0109900120.

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25

Wring, Dominic, Matt Henn, and Mark Weinstein. "Young people and contemporary politics: Committed scepticism or engaged cynicism?" British Elections & Parties Review 9, no. 1 (January 1999): 200–216. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13689889908413029.

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Skelton, Tracey. "Children, young people and politics: Transformative possibilities for a discipline?" Geoforum 49 (October 2013): R4—R6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.geoforum.2013.02.003.

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27

Rainsford, Emily. "Exploring youth political activism in the United Kingdom: What makes young people politically active in different organisations?" British Journal of Politics and International Relations 19, no. 4 (September 8, 2017): 790–806. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1369148117728666.

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This article challenges the current research on youth disengagement by asking what makes young people active in different political organisations. It applies the classic civic voluntarism model to explore which factors (skills, attitudes, mobilisation and motivations) best distinguish between young activists in political parties’ youth factions, the British Youth Council and the 2010 National Union of Students demonstrations. The results from multinomial logistic regression show that there are differences especially in the civic and political attitudes. The results also show that different organisations attract different kinds of young people, which can be used to (re-)engage young people in politics.

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Benwell, Matthew C., Andrew Davies, Bethan Evans, and Catherine Wilkinson. "Engaging political histories of urban uprisings with young people: The Liverpool riots, 1981 and 2011." Environment and Planning C: Politics and Space 38, no. 4 (January 10, 2020): 599–618. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2399654419897916.

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Based on a participatory research project which involved academics and young people at KCC Live, a community radio station in Merseyside, exploring the 1981 and 2011 riots in Liverpool, UK, this paper argues that co-produced research involving young people and radio provides an under-utilised avenue for research on historical and political geographies. Working together for a year in 2012–13, the academic and non-academic participants produced a radio documentary exploring how and why the 1981 riots in Liverpool occurred, and what we could learn from those historical events to help understand the more recent 2011 riots. Young people’s capacities to engage with past events that took place before they were born, in order to reflect on and understand the political present, are seldom explored in research. The research that this paper is based on therefore provides an original and significant contribution to debates on conducting research with young people, in particular developing approaches to thinking through how young people engage with, and make sense of, politics and political activity, especially disruptive or insurgent activities like riots/urban uprisings. As a result, the paper makes an important contribution to work being done on the political capacities of young people; collective histories and memories in young people’s understandings of politics, place, and space; and knowledges of urban uprisings. We argue that bringing children’s/youth geographies into dialogue with political and historical geographies such as those discussed here is a useful avenue for future research.

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Claes, Ellen, Lies Maurissen, and Nele Havermans. "Let’s Talk Politics." YOUNG 25, no. 4_suppl (February 1, 2017): 18S—35S. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1103308816673264.

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Deliberative democratic theory puts discussions at the centre of democracy. Schools are places where young people can practise such discussions. In this article, we argue that these perceptions of deliberation in class are differential for different young people. Individual student characteristics matter when making schools successful in creating an ‘open discussion climate’. Using the International Civic and Citizenship Education Study (ICCS) 2009, we find that gender, self-efficacy and socio-economic background have an impact on the perception of such a climate. If students evaluate discussion opportunities differently based on background characteristics, alternate strategies should be developed to get everyone to deliberate. Future research looking into the quality of discussions should take this into account, as boys or students with a lower SES (socio-economic status) might need extra stimulation to perceive the classroom as a place to discuss public matters. Also, schools and policymakers should be aware when deciding which civic education strategy should be followed to obtain the desired results.

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Ross, Alistair. "With whom do young Europeans’ discuss their political identities?" Citizenship, Social and Economics Education 19, no. 3 (September 21, 2020): 175–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2047173420957385.

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This article explores how young Europeans (12–19) describe how they discuss political issues with their friends, their parents, and teachers in their schools, and the ways in which these appears to impact on their political understanding and identities. Based on 324 group discussions with 2000 young people, in 104 locations in 29 different European states, the findings suggest that many young people see parents as the people with whom they most often talk about politics. They describe a range of situations – from intense discussion and support from parents to antagonistic arguments about their parents’ political views. Discussion with teachers was relatively less common, and more often dependant on individual personalities than as part of a pedagogic programme. Instances of citing citizenship education as locations for political discussions were rare. The article discusses the methodology that gathered this data, and suggests that this might contribute to an effective pedagogy to discuss political identities with young people.

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Peacock, Cynthia, and Peter Leavitt. "Engaging Young People: Deliberative Preferences in Discussions About News and Politics." Social Media + Society 2, no. 1 (January 6, 2016): 205630511663709. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2056305116637096.

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Mahdavi, Pardis. "Passionate uprisings: Young people, sexuality and politics in post‐revolutionary Iran." Culture, Health & Sexuality 9, no. 5 (September 2007): 445–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13691050601170378.

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Monaghan, Lee F., and Jonathan Gabe. "Managing Stigma: Young People, Asthma, and the Politics of Chronic Illness." Qualitative Health Research 29, no. 13 (November 21, 2018): 1877–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1049732318808521.

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In this article, we explore the relationship between asthma and stigma, drawing on 31 interviews with young people (aged 5–17) in Ireland. Participants with mild to moderate asthma were recruited from Traveller and middle-class settled communities. Themes derived from an abductive approach to data analysis and a critical appreciation of Goffmanesque sociology include asthma as a discreditable stigma, negative social reactions (real, imagined, and anticipated), and stigma management. Going beyond a personal tragedy model, we reflect upon macro-social structures (e.g., ethnicity, class, gender) which underlie stigma and the management of a potentially spoiled identity. This raises issues about the politics of chronic illness, embodying health identities and efforts to tackle stigma in neoliberal times.

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Fox, Stuart. "Book Review: Comparative: Television News, Politics and Young People: Generation Disconnected?" Political Studies Review 11, no. 1 (January 2013): 119–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1478-9302.12000_71.

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Condon, Meghan, and Matthew Holleque. "Entering Politics: General Self-Efficacy and Voting Behavior Among Young People." Political Psychology 34, no. 2 (February 18, 2013): 167–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/pops.12019.

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Zvonovskii, Vladimir. "Politics in the Scope of the Vital Interests of Young People." Russian Education & Society 51, no. 2 (February 2009): 57–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.2753/res1060-9393510203.

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37

Shaw, Rhonda M., and Victoria Thompson. "Young people’s everyday citizenship and understandings of feminism." Citizenship Teaching & Learning 16, no. 1 (March 1, 2021): 141–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/ctl_00041_1.

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Contemporary youth citizenship research is challenged with capturing the complexity of young people’s engagement with politics, especially considering the current prevalence of social media. In this article, we address young people’s understandings of political engagement in relation to feminism by drawing on contemporary feminist scholarship. This is combined with qualitative research undertaken in 2016 and 2017 with five focus groups comprising young people from different secondary schools across four New Zealand cities. Exploring this through the lens of everyday citizenship means dealing with the ambiguities around terms and concepts, both for researchers and young people themselves, as well as acknowledging the nuances and tensions concerning what counts as political involvement. The research findings suggest that how educators and youth workers connect and empower diverse groups of young people when navigating the potentially contentious terrain of political positioning, identification and social action requires further investigation.

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Shaw, Rhonda M., and Victoria Thompson. "Young people’s everyday citizenship and understandings of feminism." Citizenship Teaching & Learning 16, no. 1 (March 1, 2021): 141–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/ctl_00050_1.

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Contemporary youth citizenship research is challenged with capturing the complexity of young people’s engagement with politics, especially considering the current prevalence of social media. In this article, we address young people’s understandings of political engagement in relation to feminism by drawing on contemporary feminist scholarship. This is combined with qualitative research undertaken in 2016 and 2017 with five focus groups comprising young people from different secondary schools across four New Zealand cities. Exploring this through the lens of everyday citizenship means dealing with the ambiguities around terms and concepts, both for researchers and young people themselves, as well as acknowledging the nuances and tensions concerning what counts as political involvement. The research findings suggest that how educators and youth workers connect and empower diverse groups of young people when navigating the potentially contentious terrain of political positioning, identification and social action requires further investigation.

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Eichhorn, Jan. "Newly Enfranchised Voters: Political Attitudes of Under 18-Year Olds in the Context of the Referendum on Scotland's Constitutional Future." Scottish Affairs 23, no. 3 (August 2014): 342–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/scot.2014.0033.

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This paper summarises results from the only representative and comprehensive survey of Scots under the age of 18 who will be enfranchised to vote in the referendum in September 2014 following the lowering of the voting age to 16. Many claims have been made about young people and their alleged disengagement from politics. This paper challenges such assertions and suggests that political interest amongst young people is similar to that of adults, however there is an observed distance to existing institutionalised actors such as political parties. In addition, the paper explores how young people form their attitudes on the issue. In doing so it criticises those who claimed that young people would be easily biased to vote in a particular way by their parents or teachers as no such negative effects can be observed.

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Wohnig, Alexander. "Explaining Political Apathy in German Civic Education Textbooks." Journal of Educational Media, Memory, and Society 10, no. 2 (September 1, 2018): 20–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/jemms.2018.100202.

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Since the 1990s, political apathy among young people has been a recurrent issue in political science. This article examines, on the basis of a survey of the current debate about political apathy in Germany and an analysis of civic education textbooks for the lower secondary level in Baden-Württemberg, how contemporary German textbooks reflect young people’s interest in politics. This article will show that, while political apathy in textbooks can be explained as the result of either an individual deficit on the part of the reader or a structuralist deficit of the political system, the latter explanation is more likely to encourage critical political thinking among young people in Germany.

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Lðkðslð, Demet. "Necessary Conformism: An Art of Living for Young People in Turkey." New Perspectives on Turkey 48 (2013): 79–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0896634600001898.

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AbstractThis paper focuses on the everyday life experiences of the post-1980 generation in Turkey–a generation stigmatized for being depoliticized and apathetic. Rather than accepting this stigmatizing view, however, this analysis aims to better understand young people's actual lived experiences. To do so, it adopts the concept of “necessary conformism” developed in previous empirical research. This concept offers an alternative analytical framework that transcends the engaged/disengaged or political/ unpolitical dichotomy in young people's social participation. Specifically, the application of this concept reveals that apathetic behavior may actually mask powerful discontent and suffering that can be expressed neither through conventional politics nor open resistance. The necessary conformism of young people, therefore, is not apathetic behavior, but the expression of an underlying discontent and often a hidden agony.

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Reid, Paul, and Suzanne Fitzpatrick. "Young Homeless People." Contemporary Sociology 31, no. 2 (March 2002): 136. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3089474.

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Gurova, R. G. "Today's Young People." Russian Education & Society 44, no. 3 (March 2002): 65–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.2753/res1060-9393440365.

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Zorkaia, Nataliia. "Today's Young People." Russian Education & Society 51, no. 10 (October 2009): 51–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.2753/res1060-9393511005.

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Boulianne, Shelley, and Yannis Theocharis. "Young People, Digital Media, and Engagement: A Meta-Analysis of Research." Social Science Computer Review 38, no. 2 (December 5, 2018): 111–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0894439318814190.

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New technologies raise fears in public discourse. In terms of digital media use and youth, the advice has been to monitor and limit access to minimize the negative impacts. However, this advice would also limit the positive impacts of digital media. One such positive impact is increased engagement in civic and political life. This article uses meta-analysis techniques to summarize the findings from 106 survey-based studies (965 coefficients) about youth, digital media use, and engagement in civic and political life. In this body of research, there is little evidence to suggest that digital media use is having dire impacts on youth’s engagement. We find that the positive impacts depend on directly political uses of digital media, such as blogging, reading online news, and online political discussion. These online activities have off-line consequences on participation, such as contacting officials, talking politics, volunteering, and protesting. We also find a very strong relationship between online political activities, such as joining political groups and signing petitions, with off-line political activities, which undermine claims of slacktivism among youth. Finally, while research generally assumes a causal flow from digital media to participation, the evidence for the alternative causal flow is strong and has very different implications on interventions designed to address youth’s levels of engagement in civic and political life.

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Vukelic, Jelisaveta, and Dragan Stanojevic. "Environmental activism as a new form of political participation of the youth in Serbia." Sociologija 54, no. 2 (2012): 387–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/soc1202387v.

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The aim of this paper is to explore whether the environmental activism is a new form of political participation of the Serbian youth. One of the characteristics of the postindustrial societies is a general citizen withdrawal from the traditional channels of political participation. Political disengagement is thought to characterize all citizens but most of all the young people. However, although young people may have turned away from mainstream politics, they are nevertheless concerned with a wide range of issues that could be considered political in a broader sense of the term. In the post-socialist Europe young people tend to be even less involved in political life than the youth in the established democracies. However, they are also likely to adopt novel forms of political expression. Whether the Serbian youth follow the same pattern of political involvement, we intend to explore in this article. In searching for the answer to this question, we will focus our analysis on the environmental activism, as one of the forms of the new political engagement widely accepted among young people.

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Henn, Matt, Mark Weinstein, and Dominic Wring. "A Generation Apart? Youth and Political Participation in Britain." British Journal of Politics and International Relations 4, no. 2 (June 2002): 167–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-856x.t01-1-00001.

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Conventional wisdom holds that young people in Britain are alienated from politics, with some claiming that this reflects a wider crisis of legitimacy that should be met by initiatives to increase citizenship. This article addresses these areas, presenting both panel survey and focus group data from first-time voters. It concludes that, contrary to the findings from many predominantly quantitative studies of political participation, young people are interested in political matters, and do support the democratic process. However, they feel a sense of anticlimax having voted for the first time, and are critical of those who have been elected to positions of political power. If they are a generation apart, this is less to do with apathy, and more to do with their engaged scepticism about ‘formal’ politics in Britain.

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MacKeogh, Carol. "Taking Account of The Macro in the Micro-Politics of Family Viewing - Generational Strategies." Sociological Research Online 6, no. 1 (May 2001): 91–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.5153/sro.581.

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This article uses Bourdieu's concept of habitus, to explore how external discourses relating to young people and television, enter into the micro-politics of family viewing. It is based, primarily, on observation data collected by informants in the homes of young people. These data reveal the tactics and strategies that are used both by the young people and by their ‘parents’ to control the viewing process. It is possible to tentatively identify the projection of discourses of vulnerability onto young people who, in turn, attempt to position themselves as competent viewers evoking public discourses around youth and media savvy. Within the family setting these viewers develop a ‘sense for the game’ of viewing which informs the strategies they use to increase their control of the viewing experience.

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White, Graham. "Go North, Young Scholar, Go North." Canadian Journal of Political Science 44, no. 4 (December 2011): 747–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423911000734.

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Abstract.The North—defined as the Canadian Arctic—ranks among the most understudied and yet the most promising fields of enquiry for Canadian political scientists. It offers a host of fascinating research topics and intellectual puzzles, many of which entail the often fraught relationship between the Canadian state and Aboriginal peoples. Important conceptual issues await academics studying northern politics and governance. As well, political scientists' work can benefit the governments and the people of the North who are grappling with difficult practical problems as they develop distinctive ways of governing themselves.Academic work on northern politics can be at once intellectually stimulating, professionally rewarding and of significant practical utility. Accordingly, more Canadian political scientists, especially young scholars, should turn their attention northwards.Résumé.Le Nord, ou plus précisément l'Arctique canadien, constitue un des champs les moins explorés et pourtant les plus prometteurs pour les politologues canadiens. Son étude révèle une foule de sujets de recherche fascinants et d'énigmes intellectuelles, dont plusieurs se rapportent aux relations souvent tendues entre l'État canadien et les peuples autochtones. D'importants enjeux conceptuels se posent aux chercheurs de la politique nordique et de la gouvernance. De plus, les recherches des politologues peuvent aider les gouvernements et les habitants du Nord à résoudre des problèmes concrets associés au développement de façons distinctives de se gouverner.En somme, la recherche sur la politique nordique peut être à la fois intellectuellement stimulante, professionnellement gratifiante et pourvu d'une grande utilité pratique. En conséquence, plus de politologues canadiens, et en particulier ceux des nouvelles générations, devraient diriger leur attention vers le Nord.

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Chatratichart, Waraporn. "DO POLITICAL LEADERS MATTER? THE CASE OF YOUNG PEOPLE AND THAI POLITICS." aDResearch ESIC International Journal of Communication Research 04, no. 04 (July 1, 2011): 8–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.7263/adresic-004-01.

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