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Nicholson, Ross. "Young People and American Politics,c.1950-1984." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2009. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.517304.
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Rootham, Esther Maddy. "(Re)Working citizenship : young people and colour-blind politics." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2012. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:1a140a0d-2255-4770-95cc-634d16fa393b.
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This study is about the manner in which ‘ethnicity’, ‘race’, ‘racism’ and ‘anti-racism’ are understood in contemporary France and how this affects the ways in which racialized young adults experience their schooling and early working lives. I explore the ways in which young people living and working in Paris and its surrounding suburbs understand the opportunities and barriers they face. I ground these narratives in an historicized account of the emergence of recent formulations of debates about the appropriate place of immigrants and racialized communities in public political culture in France. I do this through both an examination of the controversy surrounding the use of the categories ethnicity and ‘race’ for the purpose of monitoring discrimination as well as an analysis of a recently inaugurated national museum dedicated to the contribution of immigrants to the French nation. I argue that highly mediatised discussions in France revolving around the meaning of the French national identity, immigration and integration, youth unrest in the banlieues and the place of religion in French society are all implicitly discourses of ‘race’ and racism, despite the concerted and explicit avoidance of the deployment of racial terminology. I draw together an analysis of racialization processes as they take place at different scales and arenas from the denial of the significance of racialization in intellectual milieus, to the process of invisibilisation of racialization and colonialism at work in museum displays and memory narratives to the individual and collective everyday lived experience of racism of relatively high achieving young racialized adults. While rooted in human geography, I rely on a variety of qualitative methods and contribute to a range of academic fields, including the study of racism and anti-racism, the sociology of statistics, museum studies and political science.
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Manning, Nathan Paul, and nathan manning@adelaide edu au. "Young People and Politics: Apathetic and Disengaged? A Qualitative Inquiry." Flinders University. Sociology, 2007. http://catalogue.flinders.edu.au./local/adt/public/adt-SFU20070903.180304.
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This thesis is an examination of the prominent discourse which claims young people are apathetic and disengaged from politics. It is argued that this discourse is based upon two faulty conceptual assumptions, firstly, that youth is a period of linear transition to adulthood, and secondly, that the discourse unreflexively applies an unproblematised notion of politics which has its origin in the eighteenth century Scottish Enlightenment. The research used in-depth qualitative interviews to explore the ways in which young people operating across the political spectrum understand and practice politics. These qualitative findings add to existing studies of young people and politics, which are predominantly quantitative in approach. The findings suggest that the Scottish Enlightenments narrow, regulatory, liberal model of politics is the hegemonic model of politics for participants. However, this hegemony is challenged by participants own political practices, the collapse of liberalisms public/private divide under conditions of late modernity, and an interconnected sense of self. Moreover, contrary to the discourse of apathetic and disengaged youth, that there are a number of ways of understanding and practicing politics, particularly in light of social processes such as individualisation, new social movements, and consumerism driving recent social change.
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Kimberlee, Richard Henry. "Young people, extended transition and the 1997 general election." Thesis, University of Bristol, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.323622.
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Fahmy, Eldin. "A 'disconnected generation'? : young people's attitudes to politics and participation." Thesis, University of Bristol, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.364950.
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Lecheminant, Amanda Lorraine. "The change political world : how and why young people vote." Honors in the Major Thesis, University of Central Florida, 2010. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETH/id/1443.
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This item is only available in print in the UCF Libraries. If this is your Honors Thesis, you can help us make it available online for use by researchers around the world by following the instructions on the distribution consent form at http://library.ucf.edu/Systems/DigitalInitiatives/DigitalCollections/InternetDistributionConsentAgreementForm.pdf You may also contact the project coordinator, Kerri Bottorff, at kerri.bottorff@ucf.edu for more information.<br>Bachelors<br>Sciences<br>Political Science
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James, Malcolm. "Upcoming movements : young people, multiculture, marginality and politics in outer East London." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2012. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/550/.
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This thesis is a long-term ethnography produced in and around three Outer East London youth clubs. Addressing the contemporary intersection between urban multiculture, marginalisation and youth politics, it tells the stories of about a hundred young people living in Newham between 2008 and 2012. Drawing on a variety of ethnographic and textual materials, these themes develop through four substantive areas of concern. The first challenges 'Golden Era' accounts of East London by engaging with the memory practices of young people and youth workers in Newham. It argues for a deeper understanding of the 'traced' processes of 'becoming white' and an appreciation of the potential of diaspora mnemonics. In the context of 'the cuts' in public spending, the second explores the politics of territory in and around Leyham Youth Club. Using a multi-scalar analysis, it argues that the criminalisation of young people's public spaces through neo-liberal and neo-communitarian forms of governance needs to be understood alongside the micro-politics of territory. The third investigates the claim that young people's public productions are sold-out and nihilistic. Engaging with a range of music, video and dance projects, it argues that while young people made use of commercialised and nihilistic aesthetics, their work was meaningful and political. Though a discussion of performance, citation and new technologies of dialogue, the chapter further argues for a re-assessment of academic understandings of cultural syncretism. The fourth area addresses young people's futural projections. It explores how 'aspirational' futures depended on the marginalisation of other futures. Through a discussion of hip hop video, it also shows how, beyond this binary, young people projected alternative futures. The thesis concludes by restating its commitment to ethnography as a method that can address and engage politically with social injustice.
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Butt, Bruce Robert Charles. "Self, society and politics : teenagers' experiences of identity, agency and globalisation." Thesis, University of Exeter, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.244970.
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Chatratichart, Waraporn. "Attitude towards political leaders amongst young people in Thailand and their influence on electoral choices." Thesis, Bournemouth University, 2010. http://eprints.bournemouth.ac.uk/18833/.
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Metsner, Michael. "“Save the Young People”: The Generational Politics of Racial Solidarity in Black Cleveland, 1906–1911." Case Western Reserve University School of Graduate Studies / OhioLINK, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=case1270058042.
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Dee, Michael John. "Young people, public space and citizenship." Queensland University of Technology, 2008. http://eprints.qut.edu.au/16664/.
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The use of public space by young people raises issues in Australia and elsewhere in the world. Contests occur between the disparate players seeking a stake in the use and definition of public space. State and local government, young people, the security industry, shop owners, community groups and property developers are some of the major players. In a context of monitoring and control procedures, young people's use of public space is often viewed as a threat to social order (Loader 1996, Crane and Dee 2001, White 1998). This study considers critical intersections between young people and the control of public space. It employs an analysis of relevant youth, citizenship and public space theories. Particular attention focuses on the concepts of political, civil and social citizenship formulated by the British sociologist T.H. Marshall, whose key text Citizenship and Social Class (1950), is still relevant (see Yeatman 1994, France 1997, Mann 1995, Manning and Ryan 2004). Grounded Theory methodology as discussed by Glaser and Strauss (1967) is utilised in the surveying of high school students in Brisbane and Logan to discover their perceptions of a range of public space and citizenship issues. The overall aim of this study is to consider if a connection exists between young people, public space and citizenship and if the use of public space by young people may be understood from a broad rights perspective and the concept of social citizenship, as discussed by Marshall (1950). The self completion survey employed in this study asked 1122 high school students a number of questions about their local community, safety at school, the meaning to them of the word citizenship and their thoughts about CCTV. The key findings were: * Some communities are less concerned about young people, than others; * Most schools are safe, but a number are not. Teachers contribute to student's feelings of safety at school; * The word citizenship carries important meanings for most young people around belonging, community and taking part in community life; * CCTV surveillance does not necessarily make young people feel safe in using public space; * Most young people feel negatively stereotyped by their community; * Most local areas do not have enough youth facilities The survey data is discussed further throughout the study along with citizenship and public space issues.
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Crane, Nicholas Jon. "Between Repression and Heroism: Young People's Politics in Mexico City After 1968." The Ohio State University, 2014. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1403108272.
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Eliassi, Barzoo. "A stranger in my homeland : The politics of belonging among young people with Kurdish backgrounds in Sweden." Doctoral thesis, Mittuniversitetet, Institutionen för socialt arbete, 2010. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:miun:diva-11903.
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This dissertation examines how young people with Kurdish backgrounds form their identity in Sweden with regards to processes of inclusion and exclusion. It also sheds light on the ways these young people deal with ethnic discrimination and racism. Further, the study outlines the importance of these social processes for the discipline of social work and the ways social workers can work with disadvantaged and marginalized groups and endorse their struggle for social justice and full equal citizenship beyond racist and discriminatory practices. The empirical analysis is built on interviews with 28 young men and women with Kurdish backgrounds in Sweden. Postcolonial theory, belonging and identity formation constitute the central conceptual framework of this study. The young people referred to different sites in which they experienced ethnic discrimination and stigmatization. These experiences involved the labor market, mass media, housing segregation, legal system and school system. The interviewees also referred to the roles of ‘ordinary’ Swedes in obstructing their participation in the Swedish society through exclusionary discourses relating to Swedish identity. The interviewees’ life situation in Sweden, sense of ethnic discrimination as well as disputes over identity making with other young people with Middle-Eastern background are among the most important reasons for fostering strong Kurdish nationalist sentiments, issues that are related to the ways they can exercise their citizenship rights in Sweden and how they deal with exclusionary practices in their everyday life. The study shows that the interviewees respond to and resist ethnic discrimination in a variety of ways including interpersonal debates and discussions, changing their names to Swedish names, strengthening differences between the self and the other, violence, silence and deliberately ignoring racism. They also challenged and spoke out against the gendered racism that they were subjected to in their daily lives due to the paternalist discourse of ”honor-killing”. The research participants had been denied an equal place within the boundary of Swedishness partly due to a racist postcolonial discourse that valued whiteness highly. Paradoxically, some interviewees reproduced the same discourse through choosing to use it against black people, Africans, newly-arrived Kurdish immigrants (”imports”), ”Gypsies” and Islam in order to claim a modern Kurdish identity as near to whiteness as possible. This indicates the multiple dimensions of racism. Those who are subjected to racism and ethnic discrimination can be discriminatory and reproduce the racist discourse. Despite unequal power relations, both dominant and minoritized subjects are all marked by the postcolonial condition in structuring subjectivities, belonging and identification.
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Weber, Regina [Verfasser], and Achim [Akademischer Betreuer] Goerres. "Young people in old politics. : Motivation, experiences and future perspectives of young members in the professionalised party organisation / Regina Weber ; Betreuer: Achim Goerres." Duisburg, 2017. http://d-nb.info/113964064X/34.
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Roberts, Ayanna. "Protesting the polls : how postmaterialism affects political articipation in young people." Thesis, McGill University, 2006. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=98577.
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The decline thesis proposes that political participation among young people has declined steadily and alarmingly since the 1960s. New research proposes that young people have not been simply abstaining from political participation but that they have been engaging in new or alternative forms of participation like demonstrating, signing petitions and expressing themselves politically in the market. This paper asks two questions---who are these alternative participators and what explains why they have turned to these new forms? The results indicate that young people engage with alternative forms of political participation more than they engage with more traditional forms like joining political parties and lobbying Congress. Furthermore, the results show that the theory of postmaterialism does explain in part what leads some young people to participate in these alternative forms more than others.
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Fox, Stuart. "Apathy, alienation and young people : the political engagement of British millennials." Thesis, University of Nottingham, 2015. http://eprints.nottingham.ac.uk/30532/.
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Conventional wisdom holds that today’s young people, often known as ‘the Millennials’, are a politically alienated generation. Their hostility towards political parties, association with protest movements, and low electoral turnout are all said to indicate their alienation from the processes and institutions of Western democracy. This conventional wisdom stands, however, on shaky ground. Previous research has given too little attention to the definition and measurement of political alienation, and has barely explored its causal relationship with political participation. The use of methods capable of exploring the generational distinctiveness of the Millennials has been limited, as have efforts to outline why the Millennials should be conceptualised as a distinct political generation in the first place, and what is gained from doing so. Focussing on the case of Britain, this study explores the extent to which the Millennials are a distinct political generation in terms of political participation, political apathy, and political alienation, and considers how their conceptualisation as a distinct generation improves our understanding of their political characteristics. Furthermore, it tests the theory that their alienation from, rather than their apathy towards, formal politics can explain their distinct political behaviour. Through critiquing and developing conceptualisations of the Millennials as a political generation, and of political apathy, alienation and participation, this thesis challenges the conventional wisdom. The Millennials are a distinct generation in terms of their political participation, apathy and alienation – but they are distinct for their lack of participation, their unusually high levels of apathy towards formal politics, and their unusually low levels ofalienation from it. The Millennials have the potential to be the most politically apathetic, and least politically alienated, generation to have entered the British electorate since World War Two. In addition, this research also shows that while generational differences are significant and often substantial, they make only a limited contribution to explaining variation in political apathy, alienation and participation. This research argues, therefore, that future studies into and policy responses to the political behaviour of young people must recognise their distinct levels of political apathy. At the same time, however, the focus on political generations should not be so intense as to obscure the role of more influential causes of differences in political participation.
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Hasan, Ebrahim Abdulrahman Al-Shaikh. "News media and political socialisation of young people : the case of Bahrain." Thesis, University of Leicester, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/2381/28175.
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This study investigated the influence of various forms of media (old and new) on the political awareness and socialisation of secondary school students in the Kingdom of Bahrain. Data were obtained from focus groups conducted in eight schools and a survey of 1,179 respondents aged between 15 and 22 years from 12 schools located across Bahrain. This study found that young Bahraini males (teenagers and young adults) displayed more political interest, greater political knowledge, greater political involvement and greater trust in politicians than did young Bahraini females. There were also significant differences between residence areas in terms of trust in politicians. Young Bahrainis with greater political involvement achieved higher political knowledge scores and the young Bahrainis who had greater religious interests also had greater political interests. Parents, peer groups, religious interest, people in the media and teachers contributed significantly in forming political interest, political knowledge and political involvement among young Bahrainis. Male students had significantly more confidence and trust in the government, the judiciary, parliament, Bahraini TV broadcasting and Bahraini domestic news websites than did their female counterparts. The internet and parents were the sources that contributed the most in forming political knowledge among young Bahrainis. This study found that watching TV and using the internet were positively correlated with political interest and involvement. Furthermore, the results indicate that the internet, newspapers and TV had a significant influence on political knowledge, political involvement and political interest among Bahraini young students. Areas of residence influenced young Bahrainis‘ preferences for channels and websites with in terms of whether they lived in Sunni or Shiaa governorates. Generally, religious interest and sect play an important role in political socialisation and political life in this small country.
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Canton, Emma Palmer. "Social processes in the development of political commitments." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.299399.
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Bhavnani, Kum-Kum. "A social psychological analysis of young working class people's view of politics." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1988. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/272207.
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Kazmi, Naveed. "How do middle class Pakistani young people construct contemporary international conflicts?" Thesis, London Metropolitan University, 2014. http://repository.londonmet.ac.uk/704/.
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This thesis examines how middle class Pakistani young people construct contemporary international conflicts. Little previous research has been conducted in this area, and none in Pakistan. This investigation is of interest because young people like the ones who participated in my research may become future leaders. Therefore, their perceptions and understanding of these issues may influence the way these are addressed in the future. This thesis draws on literature about the just war tradition – what are the just causes of war or jus ad bellum and how ethical warfare must be conducted or jus in bello. The theoretical framework used is that of social constructionism, especially drawing on the ideas of Jonathan Potter, Margaret Wetherell, Kenneth Gergen and Michel Foucault. The research involved six focus groups with Pakistani young people aged 17-18 years. The study found that the participants talked enthusiastically about issues related to international conflicts. They drew on a range of discourses and evidence to construct their arguments, some of which were grounded in not very reliable evidence. They argued that terrorism, whether perpetrated by state or non-state actors, was wrong, and they were highly critical of US policies and actions in the wider world. These findings are important because Pakistani society faces a serious challenge from militancy and terrorism. The thesis suggests that changes to the content and delivery of school curricula can help young people to develop a more informed and morally active sense of citizenship and world affairs.
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Clark, Christina R. "Beyond borders : political marginalisation and lived experiences of Congolese young people in Uganda." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2011. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:82b25c81-b6ee-4cf4-ad6c-d0dc889eb49e.
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This thesis combines ethnographic methods with feminist political analysis to examine Congolese young people’s decision-making roles in families, households, communities and policy spaces in Kampala and Kyaka II refugee settlement, Uganda. As refugees and young people, research subjects face many structural constraints. However, their diverse experiences defy homogenising discourses of marginality as an inherent, fixed characteristic. Instead, this thesis develops and applies a conceptual framework of political marginalisation as a dynamic process in multiple spaces. Research findings show that young people’s decision-making roles vis-à-vis resource distribution and division of labour are relational and contextual. Their multiple subject positions and relationships in overlapping networks affect differential decision-making roles. In particular, social age and gender are major axes of decision-making processes. Analyses of inter-linkages across patterns of relationships reveal that research subjects in peer networks and intergenerational household networks with independent resources have more decision-making opportunities at household, community and policy levels than their counterparts in intergenerational family networks. This contradicts assumptions that young people without their biological parents are inherently ‘marginalised’, and highlights the political importance of decision-making processes in perceived ‘private’ spaces, such as families and households. Structure and power relationships thus situate decision-making processes and affect available choices, but they cannot solely explain political roles and behaviour. This thesis also stresses the importance of agentic beliefs, intentions and aspirations. As actors in dynamic marginalisation processes, some young people attempt to access central spaces through education, remunerated formal employment and physical mobility. Others use marginal and transitional spaces to provide alternatives to the status quo. Such creativity and productivity occasion possibilities of political change. However, UNHCR’s protection and assistance responses do not facilitate these transformative processes because of their focus on perceived essentialist characteristics of monolithic ‘marginals’. This thesis offers an alternative approach that recognises refugee young people’s political agency, as well as the structural and power dynamics that constrain their decision-making opportunities.
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Betzien, Angela Jane. "Hoods : creating political theatre for young audiences." Queensland University of Technology, 2007. http://eprints.qut.edu.au/19238/.
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My first exposure to Brecht and his theories was as a high school drama student. One of our year twelve assessment tasks was to write and perform our own Brechtian drama using three or more alienation techniques. I wrote a piece about Religion and Fundamentalism, an issue that I felt strongly about at the time. By carefully following my teacher’s instructions and adhering to the assessment criteria I received a VHA. I concluded from this experience that political theatre could be made by following a simple recipe and combining key ingredients. As my knowledge of theatre and my own creative practice developed I came to understand the great complexity of Brechtian theory and the extreme difficulty of creating effective political theatre, that is, theatre that changes the world. Brecht’s theories have been so thoroughly absorbed into contemporary theatre practice that we no longer identify the techniques of Epic Theatre as necessarily political, nor do we acknowledge its radical origins. I have not yet seen a professional production of a Brechtian play but I’ve absorbed on countless occasions the brilliant reinterpretations of Brecht’s theories within the work of contemporary dramatists. My approach to creating political drama is eclectic and irreverent and I’m prepared to beg borrow and steal from the cannon of political theatre and popular media to create a drama that works, a drama that is both entertaining and provocative. Hoods is an adaptation for young audiences of my original play Kingswood Kids (2001). The process of re-purposing Kingwood Kids to Hoods has been a long and complex one. The process has triggered an analysis of my own creative practice and theory, and demanded an in-depth engagement with the theories and practice of key political theatre makers, most notably Brecht and Boal and more contemporary theatre makers such as Churchill, Kane, and Zeal Theatre. The focus of my exegesis is an inquiry into how the dramatist can create a theatre of currency that challenges the dominant culture and provokes critical thinking and political engagement in young audiences. It will particularly examine Brecht’s theory of alienation and argue its continued relevance, exploring how Brechtian techniques can be applied and re-interpreted through an in-depth analysis of my two works for young people, Hoods and Children of the Black Skirt. For the purposes of this short exegesis I have narrowed the inquiry by focusing on four key areas: Transformation, Structure, Pretext, Metatext.
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Brenner, Ana Karina. "Militância de jovens em partidos políticos: um estudo de caso com universitários." Universidade de São Paulo, 2011. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/48/48134/tde-10082011-144625/.
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Essa tese se insere no emergente campo dos estudos sobre a juventude no Brasil. Seu problema de investigação está orientado para a busca de compreensão sobre a experiência de jovens militantes de partidos políticos. Encontram-se em transformação as formas e modos de agir político; novos grupos e demandas políticas engendram maneiras alternativas de mobilização em relação ao que ocorre em espaços tradicionais de engajamento, tais como partidos, sindicatos, etc. Contudo, os partidos continuam arregimentando jovens para seus quadros. Em linhas gerais, investigou-se as experiências militantes, os caminhos percorridos até o engajamento em um partido, as práticas dos jovens nos partidos e sua relação com o tempo. Buscou-se compreender, ainda, a maneira como as experiências partidárias incidem sobre os demais aspectos da vida desses jovens. O estudo foi desenvolvido adotando a perspectiva de investigação qualitativa baseada na realização de entrevistas individuais com jovens universitários que revelaram, através de um questionário inicial, seu engajamento em partidos políticos. Foram realizadas entrevistas com 21 jovens, sendo 10 deles entrevistados em uma segunda etapa, cerca de um ano depois da realização da primeira entrevista. Os jovens estavam engajados em 5 diferentes partidos, todos do espectro político de esquerda: PT, PSOL, PSTU, PCdoB e PDT. A escolha por jovens universitários se deu pela necessidade de realização de recorte que permitisse a entrada em um campo que tivesse alguma delimitação espacial e temporal. Além disso, a militância partidária juvenil é tradicionalmente iniciada no âmbito da escola. A elaboração de critérios de seleção dos jovens a serem entrevistados, que considerou o grau de seletividade dos cursos universitários cursados pelos jovens, permitiu reunir um grupo bastante diverso sob o ponto de vista das origens sociais; jovens de elites intelectuais, de camadas médias e populares estão presentes entre os 21 militantes entrevistados. Os jovens militantes se inserem em diferentes espaços de militância Movimento estudantil, movimentos populares, organizações sociais, espaços internos do partido, etc; e as experiências incidem de maneiras variadas sobre amizades, relacionamentos afetivos, família, escolhas profissionais e inserção no mercado de trabalho. O tempo de engajamento, as variações de investimento militante e os trânsitos por diferentes espaços de militância partidária compõe um mosaico de experiências que, em alguns casos, permite uma análise do engajamento sob a perspectiva de carreiras militantes.<br>Part of the emerging field of youth studies in Brazil, this thesis explores and analysizes the experience of young political party activists. These activists are changing how we understand political action. They are creating new groups and political demands engendering alternative ways of mobilizing political activism and transforming what occurs in traditional politically engaged civic practices, such as political parties, trade unions, etc. Interestingly however, the parties continue to rally the support of these young people. This research focuses on the experience of the young activists, the paths they took in joining the political parties, their actual experience in the parties, the time invested and how the party experiences relate to other aspects of their lives. The study was developed by adopting the perspective of qualitative research based on individual interviews with university students that revealed, through an initial questionnaire, their engagement in political parties. Interviews were conducted with 21 young people, 10 of which were interviewed a second time about a year after the completion of the first interview. The young people were engaged in five different parties, all left of center: PT, PSOL, PSTU, PCdoB e PDT. The choice of university students was based on the necessity to limit the field of research, given spatial and temporal boundaries. Moreover, most youth political party activism is traditionally engaged in during university years. A range of selection criteria was developed that enabled bringing together a very diverse group drawing from all social backgrounds; young people of the intellectual elite, the middle and lower classes were among the 21 activists interviewed. The young militants fall into different categories of activism Student Movement, grassroots organizations, social organizations, internal workings of the party, etc. They also relate their experiences: friendships, romantic relationships, family, career choices and labor market. The thesis tracks the political engagement of these young activists, changes in their investment and mobility through various aspects of party activism composing a mosaic of experiences that, in some cases, allows an analysis of political engagement from the perspective of an activist career.
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Ngarachu, Fiona Wairimu. "Why not ask the children? : understanding young people's perspectives on ethnicity and politics in Kenya." Thesis, University of Southampton, 2015. https://eprints.soton.ac.uk/383995/.
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Theocharis, I. "The digital silent revolution? : young people, political activism and cyber-cultural values in Britain and Greece." Thesis, University College London (University of London), 2011. http://discovery.ucl.ac.uk/1302547/.
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The thesis examines the impact of cultural values on young people's patterns of political participation. The core argument of the thesis is that electoral and party politics do not anymore accurately describe young people's participation trends which are moving away from the formal political arena towards a more extra-institutional type of participation. The thesis acknowledges the new opportunities for participation offered by the internet and the unexplored role of cultural values in the online space. Inglehart's theory of value change is used to explore the impact of postmaterialism on political participation in both offline and online realms. The thesis compares the youths of Greece and Britain. The two countries are compared due to their differences in the levels of postmaterialism, economic development and internet penetration. The thesis puts forward new and revised questionnaire items for the study of political participation and introduces an entirely new battery of questions for researching online political participation. According to the results, extra-institutional participation is a far more popular type of participation than traditional political participation in both Greece and Britain and in both its offline and online forms. In bivariate analysis, postmaterialism has a positive and statistically significant relationship with offline and online extra-institutional participation in both countries, while online extra-institutional participation is significantly associated with its offline aspect. In multivariate analysis, postmaterialism is a statistically significant predictor for extra-institutional participation in the case of Greece but only in the offline environment. Results from multivariate analysis also show that postmaterialism is not a statistically significant predictor for online or offline extra-institutional participation in Britain but remains an important contributing factor. Overall, young people in Greece are more politically active in the offline and online extra-institutional arena than young Britons. However, levels of postmaterialism among young people in the two countries are not statistically different.
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Unver, Ayse Naz. "Civic Engagement and Political Trust of Young People in Sweden in Relation to Their Immigration Backgrounds." Thesis, Malmö universitet, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-23803.
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Currently, nearly 25% of people living in Sweden have foreign background. With one in every four people having immigration background, the question “how does civic engagement and political trust of people differ depending on their immigration backgrounds?” becomes important. More to the point, how does civic participation and political trust differ amongst young people living in Sweden in relation to their immigration backgrounds?In order to answer these questions, this thesis uses data from the European Social Survey and looks into the political trust and civic engagement behaviors of young people living in Sweden who have different immigration backgrounds by forming three groups; native- Swedes, second-generation immigrant-origin individuals and first-generation immigrants.The analysis is done by using SPSS and performing statistical analysis. Chi-Square and Kruskal-Willis tests were used, as well as descriptive statistics and cross tables. The results show that there is a statistically significant difference for civic participation due to immigration background, but the same cannot be said for political trust.
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Bowman, Benjamin. ""They don't know what's going on" : exploring young people's political subjectivities during transitions to adulthood in the UK." Thesis, University of Bath, 2016. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.698984.
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The transitions of young people to adulthood in the UK are a political threshold that has received much public attention. The trend for young people to abstain from elections relative to older generations is one example of the many reasons young people’s politics have come under the microscope of researchers who claim that the manner of young people’s transitions to citizenship represents an incipient crisis for the UK as a democratic system (Farthing, 2010; O’Toole, 2015, p. 175). This thesis responds to calls for more research into young people’s lives as sites for political subjectivity as well as, in the UK, for explorations of the main question in the field of young people’s politics: the extent and nature of young people’s relative disengagement from politics, and their marginalization from institutional politics in general The theoretical basis for this research project is a constructionist framework based on Bourdieu’s methods for uncovering social worlds (Bourdieu, 1996, p. 1) that also attempts to approach young people as equals in a political sense (Rancière, 1991, p. 229). Focus groups with young people at one vocational college, one secondary school and one youth group in the UK, utilizing participant photography as a data generation technique, provide the data for this study in an everyday politics approach. Young people’s perceptions of their everyday worlds are developed into broader discussions of political subjectivity, perceptions and actions.
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Huegler, Nathalie. "Social work with separated young people and human rights : cross-national perspectives on practitioners' approaches." Thesis, London Metropolitan University, 2016. http://repository.londonmet.ac.uk/1019/.
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This thesis considers social work practice with separated young people who have migrated to Germany and the UK, with a specific focus on the role of human rights perspectives within practitioners’ approaches. The conceptual starting points are the contradictions between human rights frameworks which are commonly conceptualised as universal and inclusive, and the exclusive responses of Western states towards 'irregular' and asylum migration. These contradictions are enhanced and complicated by binary conceptualisations of childhood and adulthood, affording children different rights from adults. In practice, separated young people are treated very differently depending on whether they are considered 'children' or 'adults'. While many face disbelief from authorities regarding their asylum and age claims, even those who are initially accepted as 'children' are faced with uncertain futures as they enter legal 'adulthood'. Social workers, as members of a profession which considers itself a key proponent of social justice and human rights, are at the interface of these dilemmas in their practice with separated young people. They have a central role in inclusive processes, helping young people access support and resources, but they may also be caught up in exclusionary processes which significantly affect their practice, including their commitment to emancipatory values. Seeking to unsettle and transcend dichotomist conceptualisations, the field research for this thesis examined accounts of practitioners in different organisational settings in Berlin and London/Southeast England. The findings suggest that there were different approaches, which were not mutually exclusive, to conceptualising and referring to human rights more or less explicitly in their day-to-day practice. In what can be described as a liminal field of social work practice, practitioners used a range of strategies between accommodation with and resistance to difficult policy contexts.
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Lakso, Daniel. "Barnens budget : En studie av Växjö kommuns projekt i demokratisk skolning." Thesis, Växjö University, School of Social Sciences, 2004. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:vxu:diva-7.
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<p>Young people’s political influence has been surveyed, studied and discussed several times in Sweden during the last decade. There is a fear among the politicians that the young people are not interested in politics, especially not in party politics. On the other hand there is, among the youngsters a feeling of invisibility, not being seen or heard or for that sake respected. There are a lot of formal possibilities for young people’s political influence, but there are not as many real possibilities or situations to actually practice these possibilities. There have been many national, regional and municipal projects initiated during the last years to develop these possibilities and create more opportunities for young people to (1) take part in the decision-making and as well (2) create an interest for politics, and party politics in particular. In Växjö municipality in Southern Sweden such a project was carried out during the autumn 2003. The project was called Barnens budget (the Children’s Budget). Through this project the local politicians hoped to give the young pupils of Växjö a feeling and an experience of influence and power, which in the wishes of the initiators would create an interest in politics and a respect for democracy.</p><p>The idea of the project was that the pupils in the primary and secondary schools of Växjö through a democratic process from class-level, via school-level, to the municipal level would share and split 500 000 Swedish kronor. The money would go to the pupil’s priorities no matter what they were, and in the end the priorities turned out to be everything from dictionaries to lizards and soccer-goals. We may call it an exchange between the politicians and the pupils: money in exchange for a democratic process.</p><p>The project is studied and analyzed with help from different theories and studies about young people and influence, politics, democracy etc. A comparison is also made between the project in Växjö and a similar project from the Norwegian town of Porsgrunn, which was the main influence for Barnens budget in Växjö.</p><p>The result from the study is that the basic idea of democratic schooling is a true and well-willing one, but that much of the goals aimed at were not reached. This mainly because of that it seems as the work was not given the time it needed for reflections, discussions and implementations. This is something that goes for all levels, from the political level to the class-room level. The project would also have earned more from not only aiming at educating the youngsters – a top-down perspective, but instead being put into a whole, a mutual exchange of ideas and opinions between the pupils and the politicians.</p>
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Dagona, Zubairu K. "An analysis of trauma resilience among Hausa young people affected by ethno-religious violence in Jos." Thesis, University of Bradford, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/6323.
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This study explored the experiences of Hausa young people in the Jos ethno-religious crisis. It sought to answer the following research question: is there evidence of trauma resilience among the Hausa young people in Jos? If established, further enquiry into the methods employed by the social organisation to make its young people resilient was made. A qualitative study of 32 young people (16 females and 16 males) drawn from the social organisation discussed their experiences during the crisis in a focus group forum. In addition, 16 parents (consisting of 8 males and 8 females) discussed their experiences and observations of the young people¿s behaviours during and after the crisis. Furthermore, focus group discussions were held with some hospital workers (comprising 2 male and 4 female staff) to gain insight into their experiences of working with the young people during the crisis. Five traditional/religious leaders in Jos were also interviewed to share their experiences during and after the crisis. Focus groups, picture drawings and individual interviews were used to capture and illuminate on the young people¿s experiences.
The results revealed that there is high level of resilience among the young people. The young people through their discussions and pictures demonstrated that they had faced many difficulties during the crisis, and presented symptoms of trauma, but these symptoms were not severe enough to attract a diagnosis of PTSD and did not require treatment. All the young people reported a great deal of anxiety and fear (100%), and avoiding some parts of Jos (100%); however, none reported increased irritability (0%) and none reported symptoms of hypervigilance or insomnia (0%). However, the pictures drawn by the young people revealed lots of trauma, some dealing directly with crisis and others in different areas of their lives. Girls reported more traumatic incidents than boys. Likewise, the younger age group (7-12 years) reported more traumatic incidents than the older age group (13-18years). Furthermore, all the young people reported engagement with religiosity/spirituality; social support; cultural factors such as the socialisation process; and individual resources to contain the effects of the conflict and to remain healthy. The young people also gave reasons why they used religion/spirituality; most mentioned it gave them confidence, independence and hope. Gender and age differences were revealed. Girls used more emotion-focused channels to cope with the difficulties in addition to religion/spirituality. Boys used problem-solving channels in addition to religion/spirituality. The younger age group also used more of an emotion focus in addition to religiosity, while the older age group used more problem-solving techniques.
The results from the parents, hospital workers and traditional/religious leaders further corroborate the findings from the young people.
The findings were discussed alongside the literature (Millwood, 1995, Koenig, King, & Carson, 2012, Bracey, 2010). It is recommended that in times of recovery of a post-conflict society, religion and the indigenous methods should be explored and employed to get the young people out of their emotional difficulties.<br>Yobe State Government
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Dagona, Zubairu Kwambo. "An analysis of trauma resilience among Hausa young people affected by ethno-religious violence in Jos." Thesis, University of Bradford, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/6323.
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This study explored the experiences of Hausa young people in the Jos ethno-religious crisis. It sought to answer the following research question: is there evidence of trauma resilience among the Hausa young people in Jos? If established, further enquiry into the methods employed by the social organisation to make its young people resilient was made. A qualitative study of 32 young people (16 females and 16 males) drawn from the social organisation discussed their experiences during the crisis in a focus group forum. In addition, 16 parents (consisting of 8 males and 8 females) discussed their experiences and observations of the young people's behaviours during and after the crisis. Furthermore, focus group discussions were held with some hospital workers (comprising 2 male and 4 female staff) to gain insight into their experiences of working with the young people during the crisis. Five traditional/religious leaders in Jos were also interviewed to share their experiences during and after the crisis. Focus groups, picture drawings and individual interviews were used to capture and illuminate on the young people's experiences. The results revealed that there is high level of resilience among the young people. The young people through their discussions and pictures demonstrated that they had faced many difficulties during the crisis, and presented symptoms of trauma, but these symptoms were not severe enough to attract a diagnosis of PTSD and did not require treatment. All the young people reported a great deal of anxiety and fear (100%), and avoiding some parts of Jos (100%); however, none reported increased irritability (0%) and none reported symptoms of hypervigilance or insomnia (0%). However, the pictures drawn by the young people revealed lots of trauma, some dealing directly with crisis and others in different areas of their lives. Girls reported more traumatic incidents than boys. Likewise, the younger age group (7-12 years) reported more traumatic incidents than the older age group (13-18years). Furthermore, all the young people reported engagement with religiosity/spirituality; social support; cultural factors such as the socialisation process; and individual resources to contain the effects of the conflict and to remain healthy. The young people also gave reasons why they used religion/spirituality; most mentioned it gave them confidence, independence and hope. Gender and age differences were revealed. Girls used more emotion-focused channels to cope with the difficulties in addition to religion/spirituality. Boys used problem-solving channels in addition to religion/spirituality. The younger age group also used more of an emotion focus in addition to religiosity, while the older age group used more problem-solving techniques. The results from the parents, hospital workers and traditional/religious leaders further corroborate the findings from the young people. The findings were discussed alongside the literature (Millwood, 1995, Koenig, King, & Carson, 2012, Bracey, 2010). It is recommended that in times of recovery of a post-conflict society, religion and the indigenous methods should be explored and employed to get the young people out of their emotional difficulties.
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Rainsford, Emily. "The nature of youth activism : exploring young people who are politically active in different institutional settings." Thesis, University of Southampton, 2014. https://eprints.soton.ac.uk/374697/.
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Pachi, Dimitra. "Barriers to conflict resolution in Cyprus amongst young people : the role of political/social trust and emotions." Thesis, University of Surrey, 2009. http://epubs.surrey.ac.uk/804384/.
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Hurd, Azora Josephine. "Children and young people's participation : how effectively do public and third sector organisations encourage and engage with children and young people to participate in decision making processes affecting their lives?" Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2012. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/3647/.
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What rights do children and young people have to participate in the decisions that affect their lives? And what benefit, if any, can be gained from their participation in the democratic process? Through the adoption of an interpretative perspective the research undertakes a case study exploration of these issues working directly with child and young people across a number of public and third sector organisational settings, utilising a Participatory Action Research methodology (in the form of an Interactive Group Work Programme) in order to examine their engagement in decisions that affect their lives. The research examines the factors that both inhibit and promote participation with young citizens and how this is affected by the individual organisation’s context and practice. It explores through the proposition of a new paradigm shift in the ‘adultism’ (Bell, 1995) discourse that identifies an ‘awkwardness’ in the way adults engage with children and young people arising from a lack (and/or loss) of the skills necessary to respect, relate and respond appropriately to them. A shift that the researcher has termed the ‘Three R’s of Awkwardness - Respect, Relate and Respond’. The research identifies a new distinction between forms of communication which are ‘instructive’ and those which are ‘expressive’ in nature and the benefit of participatory dialogue. In so doing, it has demonstrated the aim of the research in seeking to express the importance of the participation agenda and the value that can be gained through it.
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Fält, Hanna. "En studie om ungdomars uppfattning kring demokrati, rättvisa & framtidstro i Värnamo kommun." Thesis, Växjö University, School of Social Sciences, 2006. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:vxu:diva-976.
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<p>In the end of the last century the interest for youth politics increased in Sweden. The causes for the increased interest were the more obvious youth politics questions and problems, for example the increased youth unemployment. In 1998 the government wrote down national goals and instructions for the youth politic work in a government bill (1998/99:115). This government bill describes how the youth politic work should be carried at a local level in the municipality.</p><p>The purpose with this study is to investigate young people, in Värnamo kommun, view of their own situation. The study´s focus lies om three main concept; democracy, justice and faith in the future. To carry through the study, I have used a qualitative method; literature studies and empiricism, in form of interviews with young people and municipal council in Värnamo kommun.</p><p>In the result of the study you can see that young people in Värnamo kommun quite well are satisfied with ther situation. The young people in the municipality believe in democracy but they really don´t know how to influence in the society. The municipal council tells that politicians are working for better information about how to influence for young people. They are also working to get young people to get more interest in politics. The young people have different background and they are conscious about how that effects their chances in life. The most of the young people have good faith in the future. They are not afraid of the unemployment.</p>
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Nir, Hanna. ""Du blir liksom din åsikt" : Ungas görande av politik i en senmodern samtid." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för samhällsstudier (SS), 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-94162.
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There are shared opinions about how young people's participation in politics looks like today. Some studies show that young people's participation in party politics has been drastically reduced. Simultaneously, other studies show how young people are more politically interested today than in a long time. Thus, young people have a strong interest in politics, but participate to a lesser extent in party politics. Then where does young people's doing of politics go? The purpose of this study is to show how societal changes such as increased individualization and digitalization have come to influence how young people do politics today. In order to understand the changes that have taken place in what is considered to be politics and how politics is being practiced today, we need to take a step back and look at the major societal changes that have taken place in late modern society. Through a qualitative study based on interviews, this paper has sought answers to how today's young people are doing politics in late modern society and how it can explain the paradox of declining participation in party politics and at the same time increasing interest in politics. The result showed that young people's doing of politics today has come to be individualized, where much of the doing of politics is based on the individual and everyday life. Therefore, what was previously considered personal and non-political has come to be politicized. This politicization of the unpolitical has been done at the expense of the political which at the same time becomes more unpolitical for the young, and thus the low interest in the political system and to channel its political action through political parties. Digitalization has also contributed to the fact that this individual engagement can be exercised via social media which has become an important political arena for young people today. To a greater extent, the young citizen now wants to be a political actor of their own and to influence themselves directly in relation to society, rather than having their views represented by politicians. In this way, past private acts such as consuming less meat and one's own career choices are largely political actions in late modern society.
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Silva, Francisco Claudio de Sousa 1968. "A evasão escolar de jovens do ensino medio em uma escola publica de Itaituba, Para." [s.n.], 2005. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/252404.
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Orientador: Sonia Giubilei<br>Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Faculdade de Educação<br>Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-04T09:53:12Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1
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Previous issue date: 2005<br>Mestrado<br>Politicas de Educação e Sistemas Educativos<br>Mestre em Educação
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Nascimento, Jany Dilourdes. "Educação como prática da liberdade numa sociedade capitalista: uma problemática posta a partir da educação de pessoas jovens e adultas." Universidade de São Paulo, 2009. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/48/48134/tde-05012010-115410/.
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Este trabalho, de natureza teórica e empírica, tem como objetivo discutir a educação como prática da liberdade frente a uma sociedade capitalista, problematizando esta questão por meio da Educação de Pessoas Jovens e adultas. Essas pessoas mostraram buscar na educação algo relacionado a sua própria formação humana, ou seja, algo muito além da instrução funcional pragmática com fins salariais. Discute também, idéias tais como: a captura de nossas consciências pelo sistema econômico em que vivemos, a aceitação da desigualdade social como algo natural, que resulta no conformismo com este modo de viver como único possível. Propomos a desmistificação destas questões, tomando como referencial considerações advindas de estudos da antropologia que tomaram como base sociedades indígenas, firmadas sob outra lógica não capitalista, referencial esse comum entre alguns autores fundamentais tais como Bruno (1991), Costa (2004) e Kehl (2004).Outros autores, não menos importantes, ajudaram a discutir o direito à educação como bem incompressível, portanto como parte de um direito humano, como Candido (2004), outros ainda situaram esta educação como Di Pierro (2007) e Soares (1990); já Fétizon (2002) e Freire(1987), a definiram e propuseram uma reflexão crítica sobre esta como, prática que liberta da opressão mitificante do sistema econômico e político. Por último, apresentamos os depoimentos dos sujeitos da pesquisa e a análise de suas entrevistas e, finalmente, concluímos que se concebemos o ser humano como ser político, capaz de articular, resistir e lutar então nem tudo esta perdido.<br>This theoretical, empirical study aims at discussing education as a practice of liberty when confronted to the capitalist society. In doing so, it does it by means of the Education for Young and Adult people. Its discussion deals with the following ideas: materialization of consciences, and conformation of social structures; and proposes the demythification of the State. It also takes as a reference some considerations originated in History, Sociology, Anthropology, and Psychology. We propose a discussion among scholars who deal with education and the capitalist system, such as Bruno (1991), Candido(2004), Costa (2004), Di Pierro (2007), Fétizon (2002), Freire (1987), Kehl (2004), Saviani (1977) and Soares (1990). Finally, once we consider that men are political beings, able to articulate, resist, and struggle, we thus conclude thay not everything is lost.
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Thunberg, Zelda. "Youth Democratic Disengagement in Tunisia : A quantitative research." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-100169.
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This study aims to investigate why young people in Tunisia participate less in formal and informal politics than older people. First, I compare the participatory pattern of young people in six forms of political participation (voting, party membership, organization membership, campaign activity, protesting and attending meetings/signing petitions) to older Tunisians, with merged data from the Arab Barometers five waves (2012-2019). The data shows that young people indeed participate less than the older. To find out why, I rely on socio-economic, political-psychological and socialization theories. I examine the research problem through a logistic regression model with data from the Arab Barometers fourth wave (2016-2017), which considers key explanatory variables from the socioeconomic, political-psychological and socialization theories. The results show that the biggest obstacle for young people to participate in politics is their lack of socioeconomic resources. Furthermore, access to information through education, political news and social media seem to be the most substantial variables to stimulate political participation among young people in Tunisia.
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Anderson, Cheryl-Ann. "Does the Web create a pathway to political engagement for young people? : an examination into the effects of electoral websites on political attitudes, behaviour and cognitive engagement." Thesis, University of Manchester, 2015. https://www.research.manchester.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/does-the-web-create-a-pathway-to-political-engagement-for-young-people-an-examination-into-the-effects-of-electoral-websites-on-political-attitudes-behaviour-and-cognitive-engagement(9fa19efa-2853-4d2c-83fa-d27856c67fb6).html.
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This paper seeks to examine the impact of electoral websites on young people’s electoral engagement, focusing on the 2012 London Mayoral and US Presidential election. It does so by employing an innovative research design to connect the supply and demand side of the equation, including quantitative content analysis and an innovative experiment that allows for qualitative evaluation as well as for an examination of the causal effects of exposure to specific websites. The three specific types of websites examined in each election are: youth mobilization websites, the official candidate campaigning websites and Vote Advice Applications. We explore the effects of these websites on behavioural, cognitive and attitudinal aspects of engagement: likelihood of voting, attention to news, internal and external efficacy and political trust. Research to date on the effect of electoral websites on young people has produced mixed results on political engagement and efficacy (e.g. Tedesco, 2007; Xenos and Kyoung, 2008). We find no direct effect on young people for voting across the websites but we do find a number of significant effects across the other variables, which are occasionally found only amongst those with the lowest pre-existing levels of engagement. This leads us to conclude that the web can create a pathway to participation for young people but this is dependent on the specific type and attributes of the website, the election context and the young person themselves.
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Mamede, Daniel Martins. "Cidadania e ativismo político: vozes insurgentes de jovens da periferia de Fortaleza." Master's thesis, Instituto Superior de Ciências Sociais e Políticas, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/10400.5/20267.
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Dissertação de Mestrado em Ciência Política<br>A presente dissertação traz para a discussão, no âmbito das ciências políticas, a participação política de jovens das periferias de Fortaleza. O estudo conta com três dimensões distintas, divididas respectivamente nos capítulos I, II e III. O primeiro estabelece uma incursão teórica ao conceito de cidadania, bem como uma reconstrução histórica deste conceito aplicado à realidade brasileira. O segundo capítulo está composto em sua completude pelas vozes de seis jovens, escritas pelo próprio punho através de autobiografias. No terceiro capítulo visamos estabelecer relações entre as vozes dos jovens e as vozes dos autores, encontrado padrões na composição da cidadania juvenil, no modelo de participação e em suas práticas de ativismo. Analisamos, assim, como se dá o exercício democrático dos jovens e de suas comunidades de referência. Também, como as novas formas de participação política da juventude – por exemplo, os coletivos –, servem para estabelecer círculos virtuosos, criar relações de confiança e capital cultural para suas comunidades. Ao ler esta dissertação, o leitor irá encontrar um trabalho que visa estudar as peculiaridades da cidadania e do ativismo juvenil, apostando na amplificação das vozes dos jovens como método para compreender suas estratégias, impressões e relacionamentos democráticos.<br>This dissertation brings to the discussion, in the context of the political sciences, the political participation of young people from the outskirts of Fortaleza. The research is has three distinct dimensions, respectively divided into chapters I, II and 3. The first one establishes a theoretical incursion to the concept of citizenship, as well as a historical reconstruction of this concept applied to the Brazilian reality. The second chapter is composed in its entirety by the voices of six young people, handwritten by biographies. In the third chapter, the goal is to establish relationships between the voices of young people and the voices of the authors, finding patterns in the composition of youth citizenship, the model of participation and their practices of activism. Thus, we analyze how the democratic exercise of young people and their communities of reference take place. Also, as the new forms of youth political participation – for example, the collectives – serve to set up virtuous circles and to create trusting relationships and cultural capital for their communities. Reading this dissertation, the reader will find a work that aims to investigate the peculiarities of citizenship and youth activism, focusing on amplifying the voices of young people as a method to understand their strategies, impressions and democratic relationships.<br>N/A
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Čereškienė, Daiva. "Akademinio jaunimo nuostatos politinių vertybių atžvilgiu (Vilniaus pedagoginio universiteto atvejis)." Master's thesis, Lithuanian Academic Libraries Network (LABT), 2011. http://vddb.laba.lt/obj/LT-eLABa-0001:E.02~2011~D_20110714_100715-14641.
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Tema svarbi tuo, kad į kiekvieną augančią naują kartą žvelgiama su viltimi, kad šiai kartai bus būdingos tvirtesnės prodemokratinės vertybės, didesnis aktyvumas pilietinėse ir politinėse veiklose negu vyresnėms gyventojų kartoms. Remiantis ankstesniais tyrimų duomenimis, jaunoji Lietuvos gyventojų karta skiriasi nuo vyresnių kartų ypač mažu rinkiminiu aktyvumu ir menka parama politinei bendrijai, jaunoji karta taip pat neišsiskiria didesniu aktyvumu visuomeninių organizacijų ir judėjimų veikloje negu vyresnės kartos, jauniems žmonėms būdingas dar netvirtesnis bendruomeninis solidarumas ir filantropinės nuostatos negu vyresniems gyventojams. Taigi keliamas klausimas - kokios politinės vertybės sąlygoja sėkmingą politikų karjerą politiniame gyvenime? „Gyvenimo ciklo“ teorijos šalininkai tvirtina, jog pilietinio aktyvumo laipsnis priklauso nuo gyvenimo ciklo etapų – politinis ir pilietinis aktyvumas didėja žmonėms tampant vyresniais. Lietuvos jaunosios kartos sumažėjusį politinį ir pilietinį aktyvumą aiškinti reiktų ne „gyvenimo ciklo“ poveikiu, bet giluminiais vertybiniais poslinkiais kultūroje. Darbo tikslas – atskleisti jaunimo požiūrį į politines vertybes ir nustatyti, kuris iš dviejų veiksnių - gyvenimo būdo/ciklo ar vertybinių pokyčių – yra svarbesnis aiškinant žemą jaunų žmonių politinio aktyvumo lygį ir nepasitikėjimą valdžia. Tyrimo dalykas – akademinio jaunimo nuostatos politinių vertybių atžvilgiu. Tyrimo objektas – akademinis, Vilniaus Pedagoginio Universiteto... [toliau žr. visą tekstą]<br>The work was made by Daiva Cereskiene, Political sociology master’s degree student of VPU Social sciences faculty Sociology and political sciences department.
The subject of the work is: Academic youth provision in respect of political values (VPU case). The director of the work is Doc. V. Senkus. The work size is 67 pages.
The chosen topic is an important source in rising every time a new looks in the hope that this generation will be characterized by a stronger pro - democracy values, more and more active in civic and political activities than older generations. However, studies indicate that the young generation of Lithuanian population are different from those of older generations in particular, low electoral turnout and poor support for the political community, the younger generation also does not stand a higher activity of public organizations, movements and activities than the older generation, young people still characterized communal solidarity and philanthropic provisions than the older population also raises the question - what determines the success of the political values of political life, political career? The negative aspects of the problem lies in the public opinion to public officials and top representatives of the political will of behavior, which affects many other negative consequences, distrust of power, corruption, low level of participation in elections, noncitizenship, emigration, etc.
The paper aims - to reveal the attitudes of young people in... [to full text]
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Askland, Hedda Haugen. "Young East Timorese in Australia becoming part of a new culture and the impact of refugee experiences on identity and belonging /." Diss., Connect to this title online, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/1959.13/25016.
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In 1975 Indonesian forces invaded Dili, the capital of East Timor. The invasion and ensuing occupation forced thousands of East Timorese to leave their homes and seek refuge in Australia and other countries. This study considers the situation of a particular group of East Timorese refugees: those who fled to Australia during the 1990s and who were children or young adolescents at the time of their flight. Founded upon an understanding of social identity as being constantly transformed though a dialectic relation between the individual and his or her sociocultural surroundings, this dissertation considers the consequences of refugee experiences on individual identity and belonging, as well as the processes of conceptualising self and negotiating identity within changing social and cultural structures. The relationship between conflict and flight, resettlement, acculturation, identity and attachment is explored, and particular attention is given to issues of socialisation and categorisation, age and agency, hybridity, and ambiguity. Through a qualitative anthropological methodology informed by theories of cultural identity, adolescence and cross-cultural socialisation, the thesis seeks to shed light on the various dynamics that have influenced the young East Timorese people’s identity and sense of belonging, and considers the impact of acculturation and socialisation into a new culture at a critical period of the young people’s lives.<br>Masters Thesis
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Cahill, Rebecca E. "The relationship between political environment and size of a library's collection of GLBTQ fiction for young adults." Connect to this title online, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/1901/124.
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"A Master's paper submitted to the faculty of the School of Information and Library Science of the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Science in Library Science."<br>Title from PDF title page (viewed on May 21, 2006). Includes bibliographical references (p. 22-23, 28-33).
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Marques, José Elias Domingos Costa. "Juventude do Partido dos Trabalhadores: institucionalização e militância juvenil." Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2016. http://repositorio.bc.ufg.br/tede/handle/tede/6773.
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Previous issue date: 2016-10-21<br>This doctoral thesis works with the theme of youth and political participation, specifically with regard to youth organizations militating within the political parties, namely youth wings. While subunits institutionally recognized by the parties in Brazil, the youths in the parties is a key area not only as a fertile field for formal political socialization, but mostly because participate in the arena of disputes and intra-party influences. These points draw the central issue: how institutional working dynamics of party youth organizations and what their role and influence in the arena party politics? In order to delimit the object of research and enable a higher breath study, from a specific focus subject, we analyzed in depth the Party's Youth Organisation of Workers Party (Brazil). The objective of the research in this sense is to analyze a party subunit "Juventude do PT" as the dynamics of organizational operation and intra-party political position, trajectory of institutional performance, as well as the motivations, goals, beliefs of young people who choose to military in a political party. The methodology from the point of view of the problem approach is qualitative and quantitative nature and the technical procedures for collecting consisted of indirect documentation collection technique and technique of intensive direct observation. We conclude that the ongoing institutionalization of JPT over three decades is accompanied by the maintenance of control of party leadership in some aspects of its political movement and deliberation, wich directly affecting its organizational autonomy. To function effectively, the JPT needs partisan leaders approval of material incentives and ratification of more general initiatives. The youth militants of PT reproduce in their youth organization disputes between the trends observed in the party sphere and the axes student movement and elections have been incorporated in the last decade other fronts of political intervention. And they envisage in a political party the opportunity to concretize in the field of political dispute their concerns about social problems and the building of ideals.<br>Esta tese de doutorado trabalha com a temática da juventude e participação política, especificamente no que se refere às organizações de jovens que militam dentro dos partidos políticos, a saber, as Juventudes Partidárias. Enquanto subunidades reconhecidas institucionalmente pelos partidos no Brasil, as juventudes nos partidos constituem um espaço crucial não somente como campo fértil de socialização política formal, mas principalmente porque participam na arena das disputas e influências intrapartidárias. Destes pontos extraímos a problemática central: como é a dinâmica de funcionamento institucional das organizações juvenis partidárias e qual seu papel e influência na arena política partidária? De forma a delimitar o objeto da pesquisa e possibilitar um estudo de maior fôlego, partindo de um recorte específico do tema, analisamos em profundidade a organização Juventude do Partido dos Trabalhadores. O objetivo da pesquisa, neste sentido, visa analisar uma subunidade partidária “Juventude do PT” quanto a sua dinâmica de funcionamento organizacional e posicionamento político intrapartidário, trajetória de atuação institucional, bem como as motivações, objetivos, crenças dos jovens que optam por militar em um partido político. A metodologia, do ponto de vista da abordagem do problema, é de cunho quali-quantitativa e os procedimentos técnicos de coleta consistiram no acesso a documentação indireta e técnica da observação direta intensiva, seguida da triangulação dos dados e análises sintonizadas com os objetivos propostos para esta pesquisa. Constatamos que a institucionalização em curso da JPT ao longo de três décadas vem acompanhada da manutenção do controle da direção partidária em alguns aspectos de sua movimentação política e deliberação, afetando diretamente sua autonomia organizativa. Para funcionar efetivamente, a JPT precisa da anuência dos dirigentes partidários em relação aos incentivos materiais e ratificação das iniciativas mais gerais. Os jovens petistas reproduzem em sua organização de juventude as disputas entre as tendências observadas na esfera partidária e aos eixos movimento estudantil e eleições progressivamente vêm sendo incorporadas na última década outras frentes de intervenção política. E eles vislumbram em um partido político a oportunidade de concretizar no campo da disputa política suas inquietações quanto aos problemas sociais e edificação de ideais.
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O'Sullivan, Clodagh Marie. "Exploring the implicit and explicit attitudes of health care professionals' towards people living with HIV in a low HIV-prevalence society ; Psychological interventions for children and young people affected by armed conflict or political violence : a systematic literature review." Thesis, Queen's University Belfast, 2015. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.696160.
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This study aimed to 1) examine implicit and explicit attitudes amongst health professionals in Northern-Ireland, and 2) explore the relationship between attitudes and HIV-knowledge, contact with PLWH, empathy and avoidance. Participants were 148 health professionals from the Belfast Health and Social Care Trust. Negative implicit and explicit HIV attitudes were identified on the attribute of blame when compared to Chlamydia but not Leukaemia. An association between lower empathy and higher explicit HIV-blame attitudes were identified. Higher levels of avoidance towards PLWH were associated with increased HIV-blame. Higher religiosity was associated with higher explicit HIV-blame attitudes, specifically when compared to Chlamydia. These results indicate that research on determinants of HIV stigma might be too limited if only false beliefs about the transmission of the disease, contact, and religiosity are considered. Future research in Northern Ireland will need to expand away from the factors commonly examined in attitudes research, to include more contemporary ideas such as those proposed The Integrated Threat Model. This review provides a summary of the evidence for the effectiveness of such psychological interventions. Standard review methodology was followed to identify psychological interventions addressing psychological and psychosocial function among conflict-affected youths. Where possible studies were subjected to meta-analyses, the remaining studies were included in a narrative synthesis. Comprehensive assessment of intervention effectiveness was limited primarily due to heterogeneity of studies. Eight studies were concerned with non-clinical populations, and nine with clinical populations. Group Trauma Focused-Cognitive Behavioural Therapy is effective for reducing symptoms of PTSD, anxiety, depression and improving prosocial behaviour amongst clinical cohorts. Evidence for effectiveness within non-clinical groups is limited. Despite a large number of high quality studies, lack replication and high levels of heterogeneity have resulted in a limited evidence-based to inform practice.
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Readshaw, P. "Evaluating the role of media in fostering political engagement among young people in the UK : a comparative analysis of social and legacy media coverage of political events and contribution to feelings of political empowerment." Thesis, Canterbury Christ Church University, 2017. http://create.canterbury.ac.uk/17700/.
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The following thesis examines the impact of social and legacy media on young people’s political engagement as well as on their attitudes to, feelings towards and beliefs about politics. This was accomplished using a three-tiered design which integrated both quantitative and qualitative techniques. The aim of this design was to ensure that young people were afforded a voice in the ongoing debate around youth apathy. To this end, a direct comparison of social and legacy media coverage of various case studies was undertaken. This initial comparison was accompanied by a series of interviews using Interpretative Phenomenological Analysis (Smith, Flowers & Larkin, 2009). The interviews focused on individual engagement with politics and social and legacy media, in order to get a sense of each individuals understanding of their role in British politics as well as the feelings and attitudes towards media and politics more widely. The three-tiered design concluded with a quantitative questionnaire assessing governmental trust, political efficacy, self-efficacy, and self-esteem by way of a series of standardised measures. From this mixed-methods approach, two main findings arise. Firstly, that social media such as Twitter hold the potential to facilitate political engagement in young people, beyond what is currently achieved by the British legacy media. The second finding suggests that there has been fundamental paradigmatic shift of youth conceptions of politics from what could be considered traditional political behaviours (such as voting and party membership; Strømsnes, 2009) to lifestyle orientated choices (such as boy/buycotts; Copeland, 2014; Gil de Zúñiga, Copeland & Bimber, 2014), mediated by social media. Overall the results of the thesis foster a dualistic understanding of British young people who are simultaneously engaged with and apathetic toward “politics” dependant on how the term is defined.
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Siverskog, Anna. "Demokrati ur politikers och ungdomars perspektiv : - En diskursanalytisk studie om demokratiska förutsättningar i Norrköpings kommun." Thesis, Linköping University, Department of Social and Welfare Studies, 2007. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-10072.
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<p>The democratic conditions in national states have change radically at the same time as the society has changed. Because of social and economic globalization processes, the states and government has lost power for the benefit of transnational and global institutions. That affects the democracy since the nation state earlier defined the domain of citizenship. At the same time, citizens’ confidence towards political parties and politicians has gone down. These trends have lead to a situation that is spoken about as the crisis of democracy. The globalization has however also created new possibilities for political arenas and way to be politically organized.</p><p>This thesis is about democracy; about being able to influence one’s own situation and the society one live in. It’s also about the protracted struggle between different groups to be able to do this. This field is very wide and the possible ways to examine it are endless, but the part that will be in focus here is the municipality of Norrköping. It will be about how the municipality, trough the Committee of Democracy, which is appointed by the municipal council, works with democracy, but also about how young people in Norrköping feels that they can influence and effect. The study is based on analysis of reports and interviews with representatives from the Committee of Democracy and on interviews with young people who are politically involved in social movements. The study is written from a discourse analysis approach and the theoretical frame of reference revolves around discourse, power, governmentality and theories about the postmodern society.</p>
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Barreto, Carla Alessandro. "Políticas públicas e vínculos privados: uma análise do novo padrão de ação estatal na educação de jovens e adultos em Araraquara." Universidade Federal de São Carlos, 2007. https://repositorio.ufscar.br/handle/ufscar/2420.
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Previous issue date: 2007-07-03<br>Financiadora de Estudos e Projetos<br>The present work aimed to analyze the educational politics implemented for the
overcoming of the illiteracy in the Primary Education, in its modality of attending
young people and adults, starting from the 1990s. Our central objective was to
understand how these programs were delimited facing the direction of the
publicization of the social services and the directions from the reforms
implemented in Brazil in the 1990s. We took as empirical basis for our study the
actions developed in the city of Araraquara in the period from 2001 to 2006,
emphasizing the partnership between the City Department of Education and a
philantropic entity. We intended to understand how the promotion of partnerships
between the public power and the not-state entities can be considered as a factor
of excellency for a wider administrative rationality, based in the principles of the
effectiveness, efficiency and effectivity of the services offered to the citizens, or
whether the partnerships carried through with these institutions affirm the principles
of a political culture based on the boundaries of the patrimonialism and the
clientelism, structural marks in the formation of the Brazilian State.<br>A presente dissertação buscou analisar a política educacional, implementada para
a superação do analfabetismo, na Educação Básica em sua modalidade de
atendimento a jovens e adultos, a partir da década de 1990. Nosso objetivo central
foi entender como se delinearam esses programas frente à diretriz da publicização
dos serviços sociais e às diretrizes advindas das reformas implementadas no país
também nos anos 1990. Tomamos como base empírica de nosso estudo as ações
desenvolvidas no município de Araraquara no período de 2001 a 2006,
destacando a parceria entre a Secretaria Municipal de Educação e uma entidade
filantrópica. Procuramos entender em que medida a promoção de parcerias entre
o poder público e as entidades não-estatais podem ser consideradas fator de
excelência para maior racionalidade administrativa, embasada nos princípios da
eficácia, eficiência e efetividade dos serviços prestados aos cidadãos, ou se as
parcerias realizadas com essas instituições afirmam os princípios de uma cultura
política baseada nos laços do patrimonialismo.
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Calais, Lara Brum de. "Entre ser... Rede, jovem e sujeito político: possibilidades de subjetivação política nos cenários do HIV/Aids no Brasil." Universidade Federal de Juiz de Fora (UFJF), 2018. https://repositorio.ufjf.br/jspui/handle/ufjf/6870.
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Previous issue date: 2018-02-26<br>A presente tese teve como objetivo investigar as possibilidades de subjetivação política das Redes de Jovens Vivendo com HIV/Aids no Brasil e sua (possível) constituição enquanto sujeito político. A pesquisa posiciona-se frente a um complexo campo teórico, metodológico e conceitual e assume como orientação epistemológica a produção de Jacques Rancière sobre a dimensão dissensual da política. No panorama contemporâneo do HIV/Aids, são abordados alguns caminhos que fizeram-se relevantes na história da epidemia no país, principalmente os que colocam em foco a juventude que vive com o vírus. Nesse sentido, destina-se atenção a problematizações como: os processos que envolveram a participação da sociedade civil
organizada nas políticas de prevenção ao HIV/Aids; as relações institucionais que construíram lógicas de pactuação e assimilação com o Estado; a valorização de uma racionalidade técnica a partir do incremento de novas tecnologias de prevenção; e a posição da juventude e sua articulação coletiva nestes campos. No estudo, a juventude é entendida enquanto campo atravessado por intervenções, principalmente em sua relação com o Estado, questionando-se lógicas de apropriação e de um protagonismo tutelado. Frente a este contexto, a Etnografia é tomada como desenho metodológico, lançando mão da observação participante, do diário de campo e das conversas (in)formais para acessar o recorte da realidade das Redes de Jovens
Vivendo com HIV/Aids. Do campo etnográfico, desdobraram-se cinco tópicos de sínteses analíticas: 1) Encontros, espaços e relações; 2) (Sobre)viver com HIV/Aids e fazer/ser Redes; 3) Instituições, pactuações e Redes; 4) Da participação social à subjetivação política; 5) Entre ―ser Rede‖, ―ser jovem‖ e ―ser sujeito político‖. Tais sínteses concentram-se na divisão entre o regime da polícia e da política e nas possibilidades de ruptura na ordem sensível que oportunizam a subjetivação política. Como conclusão, o possível acontecimento das Redes enquanto sujeito político está relacionado a uma inversão produzida acerca de sua própria existência. A partir desta inversão provocada por ações de reconhecimento do dissenso, ou de nomeação de uma polêmica, ocasiona-se um intervalo no ordenamento sensível e nas lógicas
naturalizadas das hierarquias no cenário político da Aids. Pois o sujeito político encontra-se justamente na condição de se manter ―entre‖, escapando da lógica que o assimila como parte do processo comum e neutraliza seus efeitos. Pela via da (des)identificação, entende-se que é no nó entre ser jovem, ser Redes e ser sujeito político, que torna-se possível reinventar os modos da política.<br>The present thesis has aimed to investigate possibilities of political subjectivation a tRedes de Jovens Vivendo com HIV/Aids (Networks of Young People Living with HIV/Aids) in Brazil and their (possible) constitution as a political subject. The research positions itself in front of a complex theoretical, methodological and conceptual field and assumes as epistemological orientation the production of Jacques Rancière about the dissensus dimension of politics. In the contemporary panorama of HIV/Aids, some paths that have become relevant in the history of the epidemic in the country are addressed, especially those focused on the youth living with the virus. In this sense, attention is focused on issues such as: processes involving the participation of organised civil society in HIV/Aids prevention policies; the institutional relations that constructed the logic of agreement and assimilation with the State; the valorisation of a technical rationality from the increment of new prevention technologies; and
the position of youth and their cooperative articulation in these fields. In this study, the youth is understood as a field crossed by interventions, mainly in its relationship with the State, questioning logics of appropriation and a guarded protagonism. Against this background, Ethnography is taken as a methodological design, using participant observation, field diary and (in)formal conversations to access the reality of the Redes de Jovens Vivendo com HIV/Aids. It from the ethnographic field, five topics of analytical synthesis were unfolded: 1) Meetings, spaces and relationships; 2) About living and surviving with HIV/Aids and making/being Redes; 3) Institutions, agreements and Redes; 4) From social participation to political subjectivation; 5) Between ―being Rede‖, ―being young‖ and ―being a political subject‖. Such synthesis concentrates on the division between the regime of the police and the politics and the possibilities of rupture in the sensible order that opportune the political subjectivation. As a conclusion, the possible occurrence of Redes as a political subject is
related to an inversion produced about its own existence. From this inversion provoked by actions of recognition of the dissent, or of naming a polemic, an interval occurs in the sensible ordering and the naturalised logics of the hierarchies in the political scenario of Aids. For the political subject is precisely in the condition of keeping ―in between‖, escaping from the logic that assimilates it as part of the standard process and neutralises its effects. Through the (de)identification, it is understood that it is in the knot between being young, being Redes and being a political subject, that it becomes possible to reinvent the modes of politics.