Academic literature on the topic 'Young People's League'

AbstractHal Draper was born in Brooklyn in 1914, to East European Jewish immigrant parents. In 1932 he became active in the Student League for Industrial Democracy and the Socialist Party youth section, the Young People's Socialist League (YPSL). A leader of the Student Strikes Against War, he became an associate editor of Socialist Appeal in 1934. In 1937, the socialist youth, led by Draper and Ernest Erber, voted to support the Fourth International after Trotsky's followers entered the Socialist Party (SP). Draper opposed the subsequent split in the SP, which Trotsky and James P. Cannon deliberately provoked, but left with the Trotskyists and became the national secretary of the Socialist Workers’ Party's youth group, a member of its first National Executive, and the secretary of the party's National Education Department. Irving Howe, a YPSL comrade, later recalled his admiration. Draper was, ‘genuinely learned in Marxism, with a mind that marched from one theorem to another as if God were clearing his way’, a youth leader who ‘would speak for us with a razored lucidity’ in debate with the Stalinists. Draper was part of the minority when the SWP split in 1940 over two issues, the ‘Russian question’ and the ‘bureaucratic conservatism’ of James P. Cannon's internal party regime. Draper became a founder member of the Workers’ Party (WP) , led by Max Shachtman, which developed an analysis of the Soviet Union as neither a ‘workers’ state’ nor state capitalist but a new form of exploiting class society, bureaucratic collectivism. The WP refused to ‘defend the Soviet Union’ and developed a distinctive democratic revolutionary Marxism, summed up by the slogan, ‘Neither Washington nor Moscow but the Third Camp of Independent Socialism!’. And, in reaction to Cannon's monolithic conception of the party, the WP developed a highly democratic internal political culture marked by ‘an atmosphere of genuine tolerance’ unceasing internal debate carried in the public press, and untrammelled rights for minorities.

The author made an attempt to consider sports events in the system of propaganda of Soviet values as a research task. The 1st Spartakiad of the Peoples of the USSR in 1956 was used as an example, designed to demonstrate the sporting achievements of the Soviet society and to involve the broad masses of the population in sports. We made a review of legal documents of all-Union and regional significance aimed at preparing for the upcoming competitions. The stages and structure of the regional competitions within the framework of the Spartakiad are analyzed. Particular attention is paid to agitation and propaganda work in the region dedicated to the 1st Spartakiad of the peoples of the USSR. The role of holding sports and mass events, star relay races and the “Relay Race of Youth” in the promotion of sports in remote areas of the region is revealed. The importance of the regional councils of voluntary sports societies and the regional committee of the All-Union Leninist Young Communist League in organizing these events was emphasized. The results of the performance of national teams and individual athletes of the Irkutsk region at different stages of the Spartakiad of the Peoples of the USSR are analyzed in detail. The article summarizes already published sources on the topic under study and also it introduces into scientific circulation new data obtained on the basis of documents from the State Archives of the Irkutsk Region. A statistical analysis of the dynamics of the development of physical culture in the Angara region in the course of preparation for the 1st Spartakiad of the peoples of the USSR is given. The author substantiates the hypothesis that, thanks to the preparations for the Spartakiad in the Irkutsk region, it was possible to expand the propaganda of Soviet sports, update the material and technical base, improve the quality of personnel and increase the number of people involved in physical culture. Thus, sport became a significant element in the system of Soviet social values.

IntroductionGwendolyn Bennett (1902-81) is often mentioned in books that discuss the harlem renaissance, and some of her poems Occasionally appear in poetry anthologies; but much of her career has been overlooked. Along with many of her friends, including Jessie Redmond Fauset, Langston Hughes, and Countee Cullen, Bennett was featured at the National Urban League's Civic Club Dinner in March 1924, an event that would later be “widely hailed as a ‘coming out party’ for young black artists, writers, and intellectuals whose work would come to define the Harlem Renaissance” (McHenry 383n100). In the next five years Bennett published over forty poems, short stories, and reviews in leading African American magazines and anthologies, such as Cullen's Caroling Dusk (1927) and William Stanley Braithwaite's Anthology of Magazine Verse for 1927; she created magazine cover art that adorned two leading African American periodicals, the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People's Crisis: A Record of the Darker Races and the National Urban League's Opportunity: Journal of Negro Life; she worked as an editor or assistant editor of several magazines, including Opportunity, Black Opals, and Fire!; and she wrote a renowned literary column, “The Ebony Flute.” Many scholars, such as Cary Wintz, Abby Arthur Johnson and Ronald Maberry Johnson, and Elizabeth McHenry, recognized the importance of Bennett's column to the Harlem Renaissance in their respective studies, but their emphasis on a larger Harlem Renaissance discussion did not afford a detailed examination of her column.

In high accountability cultures, primary phase literacy education tends to focus on improving children’s test scores. Driven by each country’s performance in international league tables, this results in narrow, predominantly skills-based programmes designed to address attainment gaps. While scores may have been enhanced in recent years, there is little evidence that policy directives have positioned literacy in the lives of learners in ways that have become meaningful for them or been transferred into ways of thinking that promote social equity. Indeed, teaching practices that exacerbate the challenges for those young people who are already disadvantaged by circumstance have become more prevalent. Teachers, therefore, have an ethical responsibility to redress this through their teaching. This paper argues that literature is core to more equitable literacy development. As not all reading practices are equal, developing literacy education for a more socially just society needs to challenge the dominant pedagogic hegemony. Literature has the potential to spark the kind of mindful disruption necessary to shift standardised paradigms of thought, so literacy education should have children’s literature at its heart. By examining the value of literature through a set of complementary lenses, this paper seeks to reveal its affordances in young people’s lives. Then, through commentary taken from a pair of vignettes drawn from professional learning contexts, we illuminate shifts in teacher perception gained through scaffolded introduction to reading literary texts. The insights teachers gained reveal reconceptualisation of reading and the role of literature in primary education. This has the potential to redirect their future classroom practice. Consequently, we propose that for teachers to be adept at improving literacy outcomes through productive adoption and use of literary texts, they need: an aesthetic appreciation and knowledge of children’s literature; personal experience with reading such literature as social practice; and pedagogic insight into how to use literature to teach literacy and develop volitional readers. We call this knowledge set the additive trio, noting that no ‘step’ or understanding is sufficient on its own, and that together they can enable the development of Reading Teachers who work with literature to advance the social justice agenda.

Background:Accessing jobs and being able to stay in a paid work position are a personal issue for people with rheumatic diseases, as well as for society. AFLAR, French league against rheumatism, has been acting towards patients and employers since 2014 in this field.Objectives:After a preparatory work with a panel of all types of professionals and institutions working on the subject, key messages on means to improve the professional situation of people with rheumatic diseases have been published. These messages were used as a basis for an awareness training designed for human resources training and employers’ managers, and in a guidance booklet designed for patients and published in 2016: «At work, even if affected by chronic rheumatic diseases ». This booklet, rather than gathering administrative and social resources in favour of patients, was based on patients’ and experts’ expression, written with them and proposed gradual guidance along their path from their professional choices to the disabled worker certification when needed.Two new actions have been seen as necessary in 2019 in order to go on with our actions: updating our booklet after 2 new laws had been issued in the field of labour law, and additions seemed necessary because of new work methods are developing (distant work from home, independent work); and the need of a new widely spreadable tool to accompany patients from the diagnosis stage, especially on the diagnosis disclosure to the work group issue.The specific characteristics of rheumatic diseases: diversity, growing invisibility of diseases’ effects and aftereffects to new treatments such as biologics and early rehabilitation, variation in time and personal impact, make them hard to understand by employers and even untrained social workers. This is what we noted from our experience in patient education workshops. Patients have a tendency to hide their pathology, and thus cannot benefit from social advantages as disabled workers, with motivation based on keeping personal image and an idea of normality, and fear of negative reactions from the work group, such as depreciation, pity, idea of negative impact on team’s productivity).Patients have to build a real strategy, taking into account these criteria and their personal choices, while preparing their job’s adaptation or social requests when needed. AFLAR chose to create a new patient information tool: free short widely spreadable videos, available on line. These will also invite patients to get in touch with expert patients on the specialized hotline, participate to chats of patient education workshops.Methods:Videos will show witness patients and experts, who will be asked about their experience and advice based on four questions:- Should we speak about our disease (and when, how?), or not speak about our disease at work?- What means « disablement », « being disabled » for you as a person affected by a rheumatic disease?- What have you been able to do to get a paid position, or keep your job, that you could quote as an advice for other people in the same situation?- If you had been given, or were given now a magic wand to make it easier to get or keep a job, or get/keep the job you dreamed of, what would you change?At the end, videos will deliver further advice, tools and resources taken from the booklet, such as a model of decisional scale, or reference institutional website addresses.Results:AFLAR wishes to contribute actively to rheumatic patients’, and especially young people’s information on the topic thanks to these more innovative and interactive tools.Conclusion:Furthermore, wishes, solutions and ideas of witness patients and users will be gathered for advocacy towards employers, institutions and decision makers.Disclosure of Interests:None declared

The latest – and possibly the last – period of military rule in Pakistan ended in 2008, when elections were held under the thendictator General Pervez Musharraf. The voting sprouted a coalition government headed by the Pakistan Peoples Party that ruled (or rather riled) the country for five excruciating years. The ever-erring ruling group included the Pakistan Muslim League- Nawaz, one of the many breakaway wings of the country’s founding political movement. The country has suffered ever since the Soviets invaded neighboring Afghanistan, leading the United States and its allies to fund the “mujahideen,” the tribal-based loosely organized Muslim fighters from all over the world. After 9/11, President George W. Bush’s attack on Afghanistan and hot pursuit of targets inside Pakistan, not to mention the military dictator Musharraf’s wholesale willingness to support the United States in all of its decisions, has led to high levels of violence and instability. The Pakistani political establishment has little to show for its efforts. However, another development took root seventeen years ago. Imran Khan, the internationally respected and loved sports heroturned- philanthropist, realizing that acts of kindness alone would not heal the country’s malaise, launched his own political party in a quest for justice and equality in a society firmly controlled by the feudal landed class created by the British to rule the Subcontinent. After ignoring him for some fifteen years, despite his many sacrifices, the nation finally heard him. But while his popularity boomed in 2011, his attempt to empower the masses by bringing in “fresh blood,” namely, young educated people, women, and even the poor into the assemblies failed. The voters were, as many Pakistanis believe, deprived of their choice, and thus the same exploitative feudal class was returned to power. Khan has not fared too well, but at least he has planted the seeds of inclusive participation. Whether he can sustain it, however, remains to be seen.

Many of the new states that emerged or reconstituted themselves after the First World War used declarations of independence or preliminary constitutions, or both, as organic law until the adoption of a permanent constitution. The majority of those documents did not address the civil and political rights of citizens (e.g. Germany, Ireland) or did so very briefly (e.g. Austria, Czechoslovakia, Georgia, Latvia). Estonia stood out by having a whole chapter dedicated to civil rights in its preliminary constitution. The Preliminary Constitution of Estonia (valitsemise ajutine kord) was adopted by the Constituent Assembly (Asutav Kogu) on 4 June 1919, only six weeks after the Assembly first convened on 23 April 1919. The Constituent Assembly was elected and worked on the Preliminary Constitution at the time of the War of Independence between Estonia and Soviet Russia. Strong left-wing sentiment in the country’s society was reflected in the composition of the Assembly: social democrats held 41 seats, the Labour Party (tööerakond) held 30 seats, and Socialist-Revolutionaries (esseerid) held seven seats, together accounting for 65 per cent of the total 120 seats. The centrist People’s Party (rahvaerakond) led by the journalist and renowned politician Jaan Tõnisson had 25 seats, the centre-right Rural League (maaliit) led by another prominent politician and lawyer Konstantin Päts had only seven seats, the Christian People’s Party had five seats, three seats belonged to representatives of the German minority, and one seat went to the Russian minority. Similar proportions were reflected in the 15-member Constitution Committee that was elected on 24 April 1919. The first draft of the Preliminary Constitution, and of the Civil Rights Chapter as part of it, was allegedly prepared by a young legal scholar named Jüri Uluots. Uluots was a member of the Special Committee that was already convened by the Provisional Government in March of 1919 before the election of the Constituent Assembly. The Special Committee was composed of eight lawyers, each of whom was appointed by one of the major political parties. It was assigned the task to provide first drafts of the provisional and permanent constitutions. The Committee fulfilled only the first task. Due to disagreements in the Special Committee, the draft Preliminary Constitution was submitted to the Assembly without the Civil Rights Chapter. The Constituent Assembly processed the Preliminary Constitution Bill very quickly. The Assembly and its committees worked six days a week. It took about three weeks for the Constitution Committee to modify the Bill and submit it to the plenary session of the Assembly on 18 May 1919. The plenary session read the Bill three times and adopted it on 4 June 1919. The Preliminary Constitution entered into force on 9 July 1919 and was in force until 21 December 1920, when Estonia’s first Constitution entered into full force. The Committee spent considerable time on discussing the Civil Rights Chapter. Although concerns were expressed that the Committee was losing time with such discussions and suggestions were made to develop the chapter later as part of the permanent Constitution, the majority of the Committee deemed it important to also address civil rights in the Bill. Uluots, who had been elected to the Assembly as a candidate of the Rural League and was also a member of the Committee, submitted his draft Civil Rights Chapter to the Committee. Four out of eight sections in the Uluots draft found their way into the Chapter. These included equality before the law, civil and political rights and freedoms, and extraordinary restrictions. Sections regarding the right to participate in politics and the duty to obey the law (including military duty and the duty to pay taxes) were rejected at the plenary session, and the section regarding the right to private property was already omitted by the Committee. Also, the Committee preferred the social security provision proposed by the leader of the Socialist-Revolutionary Party, the schoolmaster Hans Kruus, to the one included in the Uluots draft. The Committee added a new provision concerning education and rejected the right to choose occupations and engage in business proposed by a People’s Party member, the military officer Karl Einbund, and a provision entitling citizens to bring criminal charges against corrupt officials proposed by the social democrat, lawyer and journalist Johan Jans. The first section of the Uluots draft declared all citizens equal before the law. Disputes arouse over the second sentence of the provision. Uluots had proposed that all property and other rights relating to social ranks (the privileges of the nobility) should be abolished. The social democrats (Jans, the writer Karl Ast and others) demanded that privileges and titles should be abolished immediately. Their more moderate opponents (Uluots, Tõnisson, Westholm and others) feared that this would create a legal vacuum in property, inheritance and matrimonial rights. The majority of the Assembly supported the more radical approach and declared that there are no privileges and titles relating to ranks in Estonia. The law implementing the abolition was adopted a year later, in June of 1920. The school headmaster Jakob Westholm, a member of the People’s Party, and Villem Ernits, a social democrat, proposed that the Committee should include a provision concerning education. Their original proposal was scaled back by omitting the duration of mandatory elementary education and by deleting the right to free secondary and university education for talented students. The Preliminary Constitution eventually stipulated (§ 5) that education is compulsory for school age children and is free in elementary schools, and that every citizen is entitled to education in his/her mother tongue. The Committee combined civil and political rights, which were originally in two separate provisions in the Uluots draft, into one section (§ 6) stipulating that the inviolability of the person and home, secrecy of correspondence, freedom of conscience, religion, expression, language, press, assembly, association, and movement can only be restricted in accordance with the law. There were no disputes over the provision in the Committee or at the plenary session. The Committee preferred the proposal made by Kruus as the basis for further discussions on social security: “Every citizen will be guaranteed a decent standard of living according to which every citizen will have the right to receive the goods and support necessary for the satisfaction of his/her basic needs before less urgent needs of other citizens are satisfied. For that purpose, citizens must be guaranteed the obtaining of employment, the protection of motherhood and work safety, and necessary state support in the case of youth, old age, work disability and accidents.” While the last part of Kruus’ proposal was similar to Uluots’ draft and the term “decent standard of living” resembled the German menschenwürdiges Dasein (later adopted in Article 151 of the Weimar Constitution), the origin of the middle part of the provision remains unclear. The social security provision was by far the most extensively debated provision of the Chapter. The main issue was the state’s ability to fulfil its promises and whether social security should take the form of direct allowances or mandatory insurance.Views diverged even within the same parliamentary groups. The Committee replaced “will be guaranteed” with the less imperative “must be guaranteed in accordance with the law”. As a compromise, it deleted the middle part guaranteeing satisfaction of basic needs since it was deemed ‘too communist’ for many members. The plenary session supported adding the right to acquire land for cultivation and dwelling in the second sentence of the provision (§ 7) just before the adoption of the Bill. The last section in the Chapter (§ 8) provided that extraordinary restrictions of the rights and freedoms of citizens and the imposition of burdens come into force in the event of the proclamation of a state of emergency on the basis and within the limits of the corresponding laws. In the course of the discussions led by the lawyer and member of the Labour Party, Lui Olesk, the Committee turned the original general limitations clause into an emergency powers clause resembling similar provisions in the Russian Constitution of 1906 (Article 83) and the Austrian Basic Law on the General Rights of Nationals of 1867 (Article 20). Uluots urged the Committee to include protection of private property in the Bill as a safeguard against tyranny. The provision caused long and heated debates on the limits to nationalisation of private property, especially the principle of fair compensation. The provision was rejected by the majority of both the Committee and the plenary session. In anticipation of land reform, the deputies did not want to narrow down legal options for the expropriation of large estates owned mostly by the German nobility. After their defeat on the protection of private property, the right-wing members wished to protect freedom to choose an occupation and engage in business, trade, industry and agriculture. The majority refused again, arguing that during the war, there had been too much profiteering, and speculators do not deserve protection, and also that the government should have free hands to regulate industry. Without any long deliberations, the Committee also rejected the proposal to allow citizens to sue civil servants in criminal courts. Jans defended his proposal by pointing out the high level of corruption among officials and the need to provide the people with a means for self-defence. His opponents argued that Estonia had already set up administrative courts in February of 1919, providing citizens with an avenue for challenging the corrupt practices of officials. Committee and Assembly members also discussed the legal nature of the fundamental rights and freedoms included in the Bill. Some social democrats deemed it important to craft the provisions as guarantees that citizens can enforce against the state (Jans), but the majority deemed the provisions as political guidance for the legislator. Supporters of the latter view were afraid that direct enforceability of the Civil Rights Chapter would saddle the government with an unsurmountable economic burden. The state’s only directly binding obligation was probably the right to free elementary education.

In the course of my research in archives – in search of documents about the history of the Art Foundation of the People’s Republic (from 1968 Art Fund) – while leafing through the sea of files in the National Archives of Hungary (MNL OL) year after year, I came across so-far unknown documents on the life and fate of Béla Kondor which had been overlooked by the special literature so far.Some reflected the character of the period from summer of 1956 to spring 1957, more precisely to the opening of the Spring Exhibition. In that spring, after relieving Rákosi of his office, the HWP (Hungarian Workers’ Party, Hun. MDP) cared less for “providing guidance for the arts”, as they were preoccupied with other, more troublesome problems. In the winter/spring after the revolution started on 23 October and crushed on 4 November the echelon of the HSWP (Hungarian Socialist Workers’ Party, Hun. MSzMP) had not decided yet whether to strike a league with extreme leftist artistic groups or to pay heed to Memos Makris (Hun. Makrisz Agamemnon), the ministerial commissioner designing the reform of the artists’ association and organizing the Spring Exhibition and to leave the artists – so-far forced into the strait-jacket of socialist realism – alone. I found some documents which shed bright light on the narrow-mindedness of the dogmatic artistic policy trying to bend the artists toward its goals now with the whip, now with milk cake.I start the series of recovered documents with a ministerial file dated summer 1956 on the decision to purchase Kondor’s diploma work (the Dózsa cycle). The next piece of good news is a record of the committee meeting in February 1957 awarding Kondor a Derkovits scholarship. This is followed by ministerial letters – mirrors of the new artistic policy – by a changed, truly partyist scholarship committee which apparently revel in lecturing talented Kondor who was not willing to give up his sovereignty, so his works were often refused to be bought on state funds for museums.In addition to whip-lashing documents, I also present a few which offered some milk cake: a letter inviting him to a book illustrating competition called by the Petőfi Literary Museum and one commissioning him to make the sheets on the Heves county part of a “liberation album”.Next, I put forth a group of illumining documents – long known but never published in details: the files revealing the story of the large panels designed for the walls of the “Uranium city” kindergarten in Pécs and those revealing the preparations for the exhibition in Fényes Adolf gallery in 1960 and the causes of the concurrent tensions – including texts on decisions to hinder the publication of Lajos Németh’s catalogue introduction.The last group includes futile efforts by architects to get Kondor commissions for murals. They give information on three possible works. Another for Pécs again (this time with Tibor Csernus), for works for a “men’s hostel” and on the failure of the possibility. The other is about works for Kecskemét’s Aranyhomok Hotel, another failure. The third is about a glass window competition for a new modern hotel to be built in Salgótarján, to which Kondor was also invited, but the jury did not find his work satisfactory in spite of the fact that the officials representing the city’s “party and council” organs, and the powerful head of the county and town, the president of the county committee of the HSWP all were in favour of commissioning him.Mind you, the architects’ efforts to provide the handful of modern artists with orders for “abstract” works caused headache for the masterminds of controlled art policy, too. On the one hand, they also tried to get rid of the rigidity of the ideologically dogmatic period in line with “who is not against us, is with us”, the motto spreading with political détente, and to give room to these genres qualified as “decoration”. On the other hand, they did not want to give up the figurative works of socialist contents, which the architects wanted to keep away from their modern buildings. A compromise was born: Cultural Affairs and the Art Fund remained supporters of figurative works, and the “decorative” modern murals, mosaics and sculptures were allowed inside the buildings at the cost of the builders.Apart from architects, naturally there were other spokesmen in favour of Kondor (and Csernus and the rest of the shelved artists). In an essay in Új Irás in summer 1961 Lajos Németh simply branded it a waste to deprive Kondor of all channels except book illustration, while anonymous colleagues of the National Gallery guided an American curator to him who organized an exhibition of Kondor’s graphic works he had packed into his suitcase in the Museum of Modern Art in Miami.From the early 1963 – as the rest of the explored documents reveal – better times began in Hungarian internal and cultural politics, hence in Béla Kondor’s life, too. The beginning is marked by a – still “exclusive” – exhibition he could hold in the Young Artists’ Studio in January, followed by a long propitiatory article urging for publicity for Kondor by a young journalist of Magyar Nemzet, Attila Kristóf. Then, in December Kondor became the Grand Prix winner of the second Graphic Biennial of Miskolc.From then on, the documents are no longer about incomprehensible prohibitions or at time self-satisfying wickedness, but about exhibitions (the first in King Stephen Museum, Székesfehérvár), prizes (including the Munkácsy Prize in April 1965), purchases, the marvellous panel for the Grand Hotel on Margaret Island, the preparations for the Venice Biennale of 1968, the exhibition in Art Hall/Műcsarnok in 1970 and its success, and Kondor’s second Munkácsy Prize.Finally, I chanced upon a group of startling and sofar wholly unknown notes which reveals that Béla Kondor was being among the nominees for the 1973 Kossuth Prize. News of his death on 12 December 1972, documents about the museum deposition of his posthumous works and the above group of files close the account of his life.I wrote a detailed study to accompany the documents. My intention was not to explain them – as they speak for themselves – but to insert them in the life-story of Kondor, trying to find out which and how, to what extent contributed to the veering of his life-course and to possibilities of publicity for his works. I obviously included several further facts, partly in the main body of the text, and partly in footnotes. Without presenting them here, let me just pick one or two.Events around the 1960 exhibition kindled the attention not only of the deputy minister of culture György Aczél, but also of the Ministry of the Interior: as Anikó B. Nagy dug out, they asked for an agent’s report on who Kondor was, what role he was playing among young writers, architects, artists, the circle around Vigilia and the intellectuals in general. Also: what role did human cowardice play in banning the panels for the Pécs kindergarten, and how wicked it was – with regulations cited – to ask back the advance money from an artist already hardly making a living with the termination of the Der ko vits scholarship. Again: what turn did modern Hungarian architecture undergo in the early sixties to dare and challenge the still prevalent culture political red tape? It was also a special experience to track down and describe the preparations for the Hungarian exhibition of the Venice Biennial of 1968 and to see how much caution and manoeuvring was needed even in those milder years to get permission for Béla Kondor (in the company of Tibor Vilt and Ignác Kokas) to feature in the pavilion. Finally, it was informative to follow the routes of Kondor’s estate as state acquisitions and museum deposits after his death which foiled his Kossuth Prize.

AbstractEmbedding mental health and wellbeing programs within youth sports development programs can help provide more young people with mental health support. However, delivering such programs in multiple locations across metropolitan, regional, and rural areas requires novel solutions to overcome geographic and logistical barriers. We examined the delivery of an integrated system delivered within an Australian junior rugby league program. The program included online assessment and feedback about youth mental health, as well as connection with evidence-informed resources and referral sources via parent telephone and email support. There were four methods of delivering player workshops during training sessions: (a) In-person Delivery Only, (b) In-person + Remote Real-time (video-conferenced), (c) In-person + Remote Prerecorded (video-recorded), and (d) Remote Delivery Only (video-conferenced and/or video-recorded). In-person delivered player workshops were facilitated by local rugby league personnel. Remote delivered workshops were facilitated by psychologists from the mental health research team. Participants were 671 boys (12–15 years; M age = 13.35; SD = 0.35) in 21 metropolitan, regional and rural locations. Regardless of delivery condition, players with elevated anxiety, depression and behavioural problems reported significant declines in symptoms from pre- to post-program, and those within healthy ranges did not change from pre- to post-program. Player workshop enjoyment ratings were higher in the In-person + Remote Real-time condition and the Remote Delivery Only condition than the In-person Delivery Only condition. However, non-completion of the post-program assessment across all conditions was higher than in prior studies and a comparison group of players who did not complete the program was not included. Mental health benefits may be observed across in-person and remote modes of delivering mental health workshops within youth sports programs. However, the involvement of mental health personnel, whether in-person or remotely, and mixed delivery modes, may be important for young people’s retention and satisfaction.

Some tensions remained painfully unresolved between Turkey and the Allies at the end of World War I, even after the peace treaty that was signed in 1923 at Lausanne. This article aims to unpack these tensions by examining descriptions and manifestations of xenophobia in post-Lausanne Turkey. It focuses on Anglo-Turkish encounters over employment in Istanbul in 1926, within a timeframe that extends from the Young Turk Revolution in 1908 to Turkey’s entrance into the League of Nations in 1932. The article traces the politics of employment in light of the traumatic impacts of the capitulations, encounters involving specific institutions, as well as broader geopolitical dynamics. It approaches Anglo-Turkish relations in the 1920s as a particularly revealing window onto postwar international politics and stresses the link that was “internationally” drawn in this decade between peoples’ “ability” and sovereignty. Through this emphasis, the article argues that competing projections about Muslim Turks’ ability “to stand by themselves” were central to descriptions and manifestations of xenophobia in post-Lausanne Turkey

Whilst there is a reasonable research evidence base concerning the experiences of visually impaired young people during their compulsory education and in terms of their subsequent employment prospects, there is a paucity of evidence examining the transitions between these two elements of the lived experience of these young people, including their perceptions of their levels of independence and self-identity during transition. A sociocultural framework was utilised to explore the experiences of five young people with a visual impairment who had experienced challenges during their respective transition journeys from compulsory education into further education, training, employment and unemployment. Following in-depth semi-structured interviews with the participants themes were identified relating to the young people’s transition experiences, feelings of independence and sense of identity during the transition process and were explored using interpretative phenomenological analysis. Findings suggested that the young people participating in this research were largely content with the support that they received during their compulsory education but felt in need of greater levels of support in terms of developing resilience, self-advocacy skills, problem-solving and assertiveness in achieving a successful transition into further education, vocational training and employment and avoiding becoming not in education, employment or training (NEET). This research is set within a social and political context of high levels of unemployment amongst young people in the United Kingdom and even higher levels of unemployment amongst young people with disabilities and specifically those with a visual impairment.

The Chinese Communist Youth League is the largest youth political organization in the world, with over 80 million members. Former Chinese President Hu Jintao was a firm supporter of the League, and believed that it could play a bigger role in winning the hearts and minds of Chinese youth by actively engaging with their interests and demands. Accordingly, he provided the League with a new youth work mandate to increase its capacity for responsiveness under the slogan 'keep the Party assured and the youth satisfied'. This original investigation of the hitherto-unexamined organization uses a combination of interviews, surveys and ethnography to explore how the League implemented Hu's mandate at both local and national levels, exposing the contradictory nature of some of its campaigns. By doing so, it also sheds light on the reasons for Xi Jinping's turn against the League during his first term in office. The Chinese Communist Youth League: Juniority and Responsiveness in a Party Youth Organization develops the original concept of 'juniority' to capture the complex ways that generational power is institutionalized, alienating young people from official political processes, with significant implications for China's political development. The book will be of interest to researchers and students of Chinese politics, as well as to scholars of comparative youth politics and sociology.

Abstract Since 2011, millions of Syrian people have had to leave their country and seek shelter in neighbouring countries and in Europe. Forced migration or displacement creates multiple vulnerabilities while trying to settle in a new environment. Socioeconomic, cultural and psychological vulnerabilities hinder them from participating actively in society. Higher education is one of the main ways that refugees and displaced people cling to hope for a better life. Their access to and participation in higher education has been a challenging route for many reasons both for themselves and also for the higher education systems and universities in their host countries. Turkey has a unique place in regard to Syrian refugees. It hosts the largest refugee population in the world with 3.6 million Syrians and 500,000 asylum seekers from other countries, such as Iraq, Iran, Afghanistan and Pakistan. Turkey has a young population with the 5–17 age group comprising 21% of the population, but the Syrian population is much younger as its rate is 30%. Turkey is also the country with the largest student population in the European Higher Education Area. The incomparable magnitude of the situation, among others, plays a crucial role in developing new integration policies. In spite of the ongoing difficulties and challenges, the past nine years proved a success story in protection, social cohesion and integration of these newcomers. Turkey has been suffering from some challenges, such as a supply and demand imbalance in higher education. Demographic factors, shortcomings of the higher education system and the unemployment rate among university graduates have been some long-term challenges for Turkish higher education. Moreover, a common misconception in public opinion, that Syrian refugees are admitted to Turkish universities without fulfilling the requirements, adds new challenges for future policies. Both the sheer number of migrants and also the emergency of the situation during this migration flow necessitated some action to be taken in the area of higher education. In a country like Turkey, where there is high competition between students to pass the nationwide university selection exam each year, encouraging Syrian students to access higher education seems to be an area for discussion. This paper is based on the fieldwork of research conducted in the context of the Hopes-MADAD project entitled “Elite Dialogue II- Dialogue with Syrian Refugees in Turkey through Syrian Academics and Students” in 2019. The main research subject is which types of vulnerabilities Syrian university students face, and how they can integrate into society in Turkey. New approaches and definitions are needed to touch the actual needs of the refugees to be actively involved into society. Nevertheless, research on the higher education practices of vulnerable groups in general, and of Syrian students in particular, is largely missing.

AbstractGender equality is an increasingly topical issue, but it has deep historical roots. The principle of gender equality found its legitimacy, even if limited to salary, in the 1957 Treaty of Rome, establishing the European Economic Community (EEC). This treaty, in Article 119, sanctioned the principle of equal pay between male and female workers. The EEC continued to protect women’s rights in the 1970s through equal opportunity policies. These policies referred, first, to the principle of equal treatment between men and women regarding education, access to work, professional promotion, and working conditions (Directive 75/117/EEC); second, to the principle of equal pay for male and female workers (Directive 76/207/EEC); and finally, enshrined the principle of equal treatment between men and women in matters of social security (Directive 79/7/EEC). Since the 1980s, several positive action programmes have been developed to support the role of women in European society. Between 1982 and 2000, four multiyear action programmes were implemented for equal opportunities. The first action programme (1982–1985) called on the Member States, through recommendations and resolutions by the Commission, to disseminate greater knowledge of the types of careers available to women, encourage the presence of women in decision-making areas, and take measures to reconcile family and working life. The second action programme (1986–1990) proposed interventions related to the employment of women in activities related to new technologies and interventions in favour of the equal distribution of professional, family, and social responsibilities (Sarcina, 2010). The third action programme (1991–1995) provided an improvement in the condition of women in society by raising public awareness of gender equality, the image of women in mass media, and the participation of women in the decision-making process at all levels in all areas of society. The fourth action programme (1996–2000) strengthened the existing regulatory framework and focused on the principle of gender mainstreaming, a strategy that involves bringing the gender dimension into all community policies, which requires all actors in the political process to adopt a gender perspective. The strategy of gender mainstreaming has several benefits: it places women and men at the heart of policies, involves both sexes in the policymaking process, leads to better governance, makes gender equality issues visible in mainstream society, and, finally, considers the diversity among women and men. Among the relevant interventions of the 1990s, it is necessary to recall the Treaty of Maastricht (1992) which guaranteed the protection of women in the Agreement on Social Policy signed by all Member States (except for Great Britain), and the Treaty of Amsterdam (1997), which formally recognised gender mainstreaming. The Treaty of Amsterdam includes gender equality among the objectives of the European Union (Article 2) and equal opportunity policies among the activities of the European Commission (Article 3). Article 13 introduces the principle of non-discrimination based on gender, race, ethnicity, religion, or handicaps. Finally, Article 141 amends Article 119 of the EEC on equal treatment between men and women in the workplace. The Charter of Fundamental Rights of the Nice Union of 2000 reaffirms the prohibition of ‘any discrimination based on any ground such as sex’ (Art. 21.1). The Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union also recognises, in Article 23, the principle of equality between women and men in all areas, including employment, work, and pay. Another important intervention of the 2000s is the Lisbon strategy, also known as the Lisbon Agenda or Lisbon Process. It is a reform programme approved in Lisbon by the heads of state and governments of the member countries of the EU. The goal of the Lisbon strategy was to make the EU the most competitive and dynamic knowledge-based economy by 2010. To achieve this goal, the strategy defines fields in which action is needed, including equal opportunities for female work. Another treaty that must be mentioned is that of Lisbon in 2009, thanks to which previous treaties, specifically the Treaty of Maastricht and the Treaty of Rome, were amended and brought together in a single document: the Treaty on European Union (TEU) and the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union (TFEU). Thanks to the Lisbon Treaty, the Charter of Fundamental Rights has assumed a legally binding character (Article 6, paragraph 1 of the TEU) both for European institutions and for Member States when implementing EU law. The Treaty of Lisbon affirms the principle of equality between men and women several times in the text and places it among the values and objectives of the union (Articles 2 and 3 of the TEU). Furthermore, the Treaty, in Art. 8 of the TFEU, states that the Union’s actions are aimed at eliminating inequalities, as well as promoting equality between men and women, while Article 10 of the TFEU provides that the Union aims to ‘combat discrimination based on sex, racial or ethnic origin, religion or belief, disability, age, or sexual orientation’. Concerning the principle of gender equality in the workplace, the Treaty, in Article 153 of the TFEU, asserts that the Union pursues the objective of equality between men and women regarding labour market opportunities and treatment at work. On the other hand, Article 157 of the TFEU confirms the principle of equal pay for male and female workers ‘for equal work or work of equal value’. On these issues, through ordinary procedures, the European Parliament and the Council may adopt appropriate measures aimed at defending the principle of equal opportunities and equal treatment for men and women. The Lisbon Treaty also includes provisions relating to the fight against trafficking in human beings, particularly women and children (Article 79 of the TFEU), the problem of domestic violence against women (Article 8 of the TFEU), and the right to paid maternity leave (Article 33). Among the important documents concerning gender equality is the Roadmap (2006–2010). In 2006, the European Commission proposed the Roadmap for equality between women and men, in addition to the priorities on the agenda, the objectives, and tools necessary to achieve full gender equality. The Roadmap defines six priority areas, each of which is associated with a set of objectives and actions that makes it easier to achieve them. The priorities include equal economic independence for women and men, reconciliation of private and professional life, equal representation in the decision-making process, eradication of all forms of gender-based violence, elimination of stereotypes related to gender, and promotion of gender equality in external and development policies. The Commission took charge of the commitments included in the Roadmap, which were indirectly implemented by the Member States through the principle of subsidiarity and the competencies provided for in the Treaties (Gottardi, 2013). The 2006–2010 strategy of the European Commission is based on a dual approach: on the one hand, the integration of the gender dimension in all community policies and actions (gender mainstreaming), and on the other, the implementation of specific measures in favour of women aimed at eliminating inequalities. In 2006, the European Council approved the European Pact for Gender Equality which originated from the Roadmap. The European Pact for Gender Equality identified three macro areas of intervention: measures to close gender gaps and combat gender stereotypes in the labour market, measures to promote a better work–life balance for both women and men, and measures to strengthen governance through the integration of the gender perspective into all policies. In 2006, Directive 2006/54/EC of the European Parliament and Council regulated equal opportunities and equal treatment between male and female workers. Specifically, the Directive aims to implement the principle of equal treatment related to access to employment, professional training, and promotion; working conditions, including pay; and occupational social security approaches. On 21 September 2010, the European Commission adopted a new strategy to ensure equality between women and men (2010–2015). This new strategy is based on the experience of Roadmap (2006–2010) and resumes the priority areas identified by the Women’s Charter: equal economic independence, equal pay, equality in decision-making, the eradication of all forms of violence against women, and the promotion of gender equality and women’s empowerment beyond the union. The 2010–2015 Strategic Plan aims to improve the position of women in the labour market, but also in society, both within the EU and beyond its borders. The new strategy affirms the principle that gender equality is essential to supporting the economic growth and sustainable development of each country. In 2010, the validity of the Lisbon Strategy ended, the objectives of which were only partially achieved due to the economic crisis. To overcome this crisis, the Commission proposed a new strategy called Europe 2020, in March 2010. The main aim of this strategy is to ensure that the EU’s economic recovery is accompanied by a series of reforms that will increase growth and job creation by 2020. Specifically, Europe’s 2020 strategy must support smart, sustainable, and inclusive growth. To this end, the EU has established five goals to be achieved by 2020 and has articulated the different types of growth (smart, sustainable, and inclusive) in seven flagship initiatives. Among the latter, the initiative ‘an agenda for new skills and jobs’, in the context of inclusive growth, is the one most closely linked to gender policies and equal opportunities; in fact, it substantially aims to increase employment rates for women, young, and elderly people. The strategic plan for 2010–2015 was followed by a strategic commitment in favour of gender equality 2016–2019, which again emphasises the five priority areas defined by the previous plan. Strategic commitment, which contributes to the European Pact for Gender Equality (2011–2020), identifies the key actions necessary to achieve objectives for each priority area. In March 2020, the Commission presented a new strategic plan for equality between women and men for 2020–2025. This strategy defines a series of political objectives and key actions aimed at achieving a ‘union of equality’ by 2025. The main objectives are to put an end to gender-based violence and combat sexist stereotypes, ensure equal opportunities in the labour market and equal participation in all sectors of the economy and political life, solve the problem of the pay and pension gap, and achieve gender equality in decision-making and politics. From the summary of the regulatory framework presented, for the European Economic Community first, then for the European Community, and finally for the European Union, gender equality has always been a fundamental value. Interest in the issues of the condition of women and equal opportunities has grown over time and during the process of European integration, moving from a perspective aimed at improving the working conditions of women to a new dimension to improve the life of the woman as a person, trying to protect her not only professionally but also socially, and in general in all those areas in which gender inequality may occur. The approach is extensive and based on legislation, the integration of the gender dimension into all policies, and specific measures in favour of women. From the non-exhaustive list of the various legislative interventions, it is possible to note a continuous repetition of the same thematic priorities which highlights, on the one hand, the poor results achieved by the implementation of the policies, but, on the other hand, the Commission’s willingness to pursue the path initially taken. Among the achievements in the field of gender equality obtained by the EU, there is certainly an increase in the number of women in the labour market and the acquisition of better education and training. Despite progress, gender inequalities have persisted. Even though women surpass men in terms of educational attainment, gender gaps still exist in employment, entrepreneurship, and public life (OECD, 2017). For example, in the labour market, women continue to be overrepresented in the lowest-paid sectors and underrepresented in top positions (according to the data released in the main companies of the European Union, women represent only 8% of CEOs).

Since the mid-1990s, the Ella Baker Center of Oakland has been creating a society based on restorative justice and law enforcement accountability, not the punishment economy. It does what Ella Baker called “spadework”: building youth community organizers who know that a fundamental element of democracy is to spend time and energy developing people at the base as their own leaders—one person at a time, as members of the body politic. Leadership models of Van Jones, Nona Perry, Darris Young and Lanise Frazier are examined.

Abstract Music is a difficult business. Many players compete for a small number of positions. Yet, this circumstance does not and should not deter legions of young people every year from applying to music schools for study. Each of these young people has a dream—usually to play in a professional symphony orchestra—that will probably not be realized. But it is not such an unlikely dream—it is not like dreaming of walking on the moon; it is like wanting to play major league baseball or to sing on Broadway. These are ambitious goals, but hundreds of people do sing on Broadway and hundreds do play in the major leagues. So the difference between the music profession and many other professions is that the music profession really only has room for good people. The student’s job is to become one of those good people.

This chapter presents the alternative care policies in the research cities — Beijing, Taiyuan, Datong, Urumqi, and Nanning. The institutions' policies and practices during the children's childhood and when they reach late teenage years affect the quality of the transition of young people out of care, such as whether they are required to leave, are supported to leave, have the capacity to leave and understand the benefits of leaving. The policies and practices affect the expectations and capacity of young people to achieve social inclusion in their young adulthood and to experience their rights to transition towards independent living in the same way as their peers in their communities, as well as support them to avoid the risks of social exclusion.

This chapter studies how family legacies affect young people's strategies and decisions around finding work and moving into independent living. Where one comes from has always affected young people's job opportunities and paths out of school. These effects are becoming increasingly polarised both within and across European societies along a variety of dimensions that cannot simply be read off in terms of ethnicity, class, gender, the original nationality of one's parents, or even the society that young people from different backgrounds find themselves in. Understanding the long-term implications of these social divisions is central to knowing which kinds of policy interventions might be most effective in addressing current levels of youth unemployment. The chapter then looks at what happens to young people who leave home and/or set up their own families, and whether the recent recession has increased the risk of them returning to their parental home.

This chapter explores practice implications for youth workers attempting to support the mental health and well-being of young people as they leave care and transition to the adult system. Young people in care are more likely to experience suicidality and mental health concerns, with the transition out of care accentuating such concerns. Access to youth mental health services may also reach an expiration date, at which time young people are expected to transition to the adult mental health system at a predetermined chronological age. Specifically, this chapter examines the current research regarding mental health issues and suicidality within the youth-in-care population and the impact of transitioning out of care on the well-being of young people, and it discusses practical strategies for youth workers to enhance young people’s literacies in mental health that can lead to more positive outcomes.

This chapter utilizes the social exclusion framework to analyse the housing pathways of young people in state care who were trying to leave care at the time of the research. It considers their exclusion from the market, policy, and society, and the interrelationship between these three aspects of exclusion due to their isolated childhood housing experience. It also explores how the state manages their right to independent housing during their transition to adulthood and how their housing status affects other aspects of their adult life. The chapter shows young people's expectations for future social relationships, their place in the community and their contribution to it, can be stymied by their lack of housing options.

This chapter talks about the economic security of young people with and without disabilities leaving state care as they reach adulthood. It examines the effect of the scarce policies, including the impact on the economic independence of the young people. Some of these reasons were due to the exclusionary childhood experiences in state care. Other reasons were due to the inadequate responses to their needs and preferences in this transition stage of their young adult lives, which had the effect of continuing to exclude them from the economic and social opportunities expected of other young people. In the worst cases, irrespective of their personal capacity, it would seem unlikely that some of these young people will ever leave state care, suspending them in the status of never becoming independent adults.

Background: The youth of Ukraine faced many problems as a result of the beginning of the war. The work of social workers is now important for improving the lives of young people. The social condition of young people who were forced to change their place of residence is very disturbed. That is why the problem of social work with forced migrants and their families is not only political, but also social, and requires complex socio-pedagogical work with the use of special resources for its solution, in particular, easing the social situation of forced migrants and their families. Purpose: to analyze the importance of social work with internally displaced youth. Methods: method of analysis, method of theoretical research of social work and projects for youth. Results: Social work is important for the adaptation of young people. Young people have benefits and financial assistance from the state. However, we need more projects that will improve the social condition of young Ukrainians who have moved. Conclusion: Therefore, it is worth understanding that such social work is necessary for internally displaced youth no less than financial assistance from the state. It is important for young people who have been forced to leave places where hostilities are taking place to feel social security and to be included in the life of the community. There is a need to create a safe environment for living, studying, working, entrepreneurial initiatives and realizing their own potential of young people who now live in other communities in unfamiliar realities. The projects created in Ukraine help to ensure a psychologically stable state of young people and reduce the level of anxiety among young people. Keywords:social work, benefits, youth of Ukraine, war, social adaptation.

Background: Studying the attitudes and expectations of Ukrainian youth regarding higher education, as well as the plans of future entrants regarding educational emigration, will allow to adjust the strategic vision of problems and challenges arising in the field of higher education in wartime conditions and will help increase the effectiveness of the functioning of the higher education system in Ukraine. Purpose: Describe the changes in young people's attitudes regarding higher education that have changed by the war. Methods: In the research, we used general scientific methods of comparative analysis; synthesis, the SWOT analysis method, and the sociological survey method. Results: The obtained results indicate that 20% of the surveyed young people aged 14-18 years have decided to leave Ukraine to study, 18% have decided to stay in Ukraine for higher education, and 62% are hesitating about the decision. At the same time, the majority of respondents indicated love for the Motherland as the main reason why they are ready to stay at home to study. Conclusion: The conducted research allows us to assume that, provided the war ends and the situation in the country stabilizes, educational emigration from our country will not become massive, and Ukrainian youth will remain in Ukraine to study and live. Keywords: higher education, youth, expectations, attitudes, war, institution of higher education.

There are many causes of the ‘drop in the attractiveness’ of small and medium-sized towns. Nevertheless, the key problems are the urban sprawl beyond the town limits, changes in the social and economic structure, and degradation of urban space. Irrational spatial management is reflected in empty, undeveloped areas in towns, and in the dispersion of development to the outskirts of towns. Other issues of towns, relating to the aesthetics, the quality of urban spaces are unclarified ownership-related legal issues, which translates into ‘empty’ uninhabited townhouses in good locations in towns. Each city, each small and medium-sized town, is a system consisting of two related and cooperating elements: the spatial environment, and the social environment. Relations between the spatial and social environment lead to processes which have their effect on the quality of life and residence of man. Discernible changes in the social structure of town inhabitants (such towns are usually inhabited by older people, the young tend to leave) are caused – among other things – by unemployment, low income, as well as people’s habits. Poor material condition of town residents, a lack of any external capital, largely reduce its ‘attractiveness’. There are stimulators that improve attractiveness, and these are e.g. planning, economic, and cultural stimulators.

Purpose: In recent years, the employment market in major cities has become more competitive than ever before. Observation shows that an increasing number of university students chose to leave the big cities only to return to their hometowns in search of employment opportunities. Based on the theory of population migration and the employment policy of Chinese university students, this research uses interview methods to explore the factors influencing young people who choose to return to their hometown City A, Jilin Province for employment after graduation. Research Methods: Research method: Semi-structured interview through a video call Survey period: July 1st to July 30th, 2020

"The problem of motivation is one of the most important in determining the driving mechanisms that force a person to learn, work, master something new. Motivation to work is one of the key elements of challenging yourself on the way to self-development. Motivation has deep psychological and moral roots and is a complex multifaceted phenomenon that often defies logical comprehension. In addition, it is an ephemeral, elusive thing; it is not a permanent feature of a person in one or another area of his activity. Accordingly, it is the problem of origin, retention, and in a good scenario of strengthening the motivation that is in one of the first place among the tasks that modern teachers face. Rapid scientific and technological development and progress in various fields of knowledge, new scientific and technical discoveries and the need for new high-tech developments require specialists with a high level of education and high-quality professional training. This applies not only to scientific and technical spheres, but also to natural-applied and humanitarian areas. All this makes higher education today a prestigious and extremely attractive goal for most young people, making young people use their studies at a university as a social lift for further personal development and career development. At the same time, a situation is observed when entering universities, many young people are faced with a serious problem of lack of motivation to learn, or they are demotivated in the learning process, which often leads to a very low level of quality of their studies, and sometimes makes them interrupt study for academic leave or give it up completely. Pedagogical science has accumulated a wealth of experience in studying this problem, however, the modern challenges of a changing world require pedagogy to constantly monitor changes and search for new approaches to solving the problems that students have in the course of obtaining higher education. The authors study this problem, taking as an example Russia, which is a country at the crossroads of Europe and Asia, where features of European and Eastern culture are combined in people. The authors approached the issue from several important angles. The article analyzes the socio-economic and political characteristics that affect the motivation for learning among young people. Particular attention is paid to the state of the current Russian society, spiritual and moral guidelines of young people, their goals and views on life and their own future. The authors emphasize the importance of family, religion and spiritual and moral development in the issue of motivation to work and study. The authors come to the conclusion that the problem of lack of motivation is based on a combination of reasons, but its root is primarily in the family upbringing of the student, as well as in his moral component and emotional and psychological maturity of the individual. The article provides an overview and some of the changes in student motivation associated with the COVID-19 pandemic and online learning. It is important to note that in the course of their research, the authors relied on their many years of experience in teaching at higher educational institutions in Russia."

Albania appears to provoke a new problem. The desire of young people to leave the country, as well as the strong focus on EU membership of the country as the greatest answer for their future and that of the country, has drawn academics to the topic. According to studies, young Albanians' trust in national institutions has fallen significantly. Based on these findings, the purpose of this study is to examine the factors, such as: perceived political situation, trust in the national situation and EU education programme, that contribute to a high degree of trust in EU institutions. From a methodological standpoint, the paper is based on the quantity approach, and the survey is the technique of data gathering. The survey was established as part of this research, and the categories for the analyses were determined by the theoretical foundation. A total of 212 people responded to the survey. The analytical model of the paper is based on authors Fukuyama and Putnam. They define trust as an expectation that evolves in a community as a result of regular and societal changes in common norms. This declaration served as the foundation for the entire project. Following the examination and processing of the data, as well as running a multiple linear regression, it was determined that a negative perception of the political situation, low level of trust in national institutions and high level of trust in the EU education programme contribute to the high degree of trust towards EU institutions.

ABSTRACT There is general agreement among scholars and policy makers that Early School Leaving (ESL) represents a serious social phenomenon that has many negative consequences on the individual, economic development, and on society as a whole. ESL is considered a serious social problem, as well as an important phenomenon on the public agenda and education policies of Romania. As part of the Erasmus+ project Orienta4YEL, a multidimensional study was conducted and the data shows that Romania also experiences unpreparedness of school and community to embrace the whole spectrum of early school leaving. The study design employed individual interviews for members of school leadership team and administration (N=9), focus groups for general and vocational secondary schools and high schools teachers/trainers (N=63), and focus groups for young people representatives (N=91) as data collection tools. The empirical findings of the study revealed that in Romania there is a convergence of opinion on the most relevant factors that cause young people to leave school before completing compulsory education. Therefore, personal challenges are the one that contribute the most to the risk of early leaving, followed closely by family reasons and institutional factors. Therefore, this paper explores the challenges that are aimed at improvements in the early school leaving rate. Specifically, the analysis will shed light on the prevention strategies that have been developed and implemented, as well as on the deficit perspective on early school leaving within institutional and national policies. By addressing the existing supporting educational actions in areas where economic and social conditions are an obstacle for pupils, this paper will furthermore particularly analyse the potential barriers which arise on the system’s ways of reducing the early leaving rate in order to better identify, prepare for, and respond to this phenomenon. Keywords: early school leaving, risk factors, support strategies, education policy

In agriculture, globalisation over the past decades has put pressure on prices, which have also reduced farmers' incomes. Given that agriculture is an economic activity, the responses of farm owners to these developments are both economic and sociological. The economic response is to reduce the purchase price per product, which is solved by shortening sales chains, direct sales and optimising technological processes and costs, while the sociological response is to leave farms without successors and, consequently, to abandon cultivation. Crop abandonment is problematic in the hilly areas of Slovenia, where there is also a lack of interest in renting farmland. As a result, rural impoverishment and urban in-migration are on the increase. These challenges can be addressed in the future by alternative forms of business, started by entrepreneurial entrepreneurs or other family members as start-ups, which then grow into complementary activities on the farm or other familiar legal forms of business (s.p. , z.o.o.). A prerequisite for this is the establishment of a business ecosystem, an enabling environment to encourage young people to innovate throughout the food chain. The outcome of our research work is a business model of a creative/innovative hatchery that could be put into practice with the help of various institutions.

This article reviews recent literature concerning the Europa 2020 strategy. Using data from Eurostat and Eurydyce database , I performed analyses and made estimates regarding aims at formal, non-formal, ICT education or informal education for all levels, from pre-school to adult vocational training. I have also performed analyses and compared the objectives of the strategy for Romania and the E.U countries about the integration in a proportion of over 95% of the preschoolers in the educational system, the decrease below 15% of the number of the 15-year-olds who do not have sufficient knowledge of reading, mathematics and sciences, the decreases of the weight of the 18-24-year-olds who leave school early with 3.9% starting from a value of 13.9% in 2010 and targeting a value of 10%. As for the indicator regarding the increase in the number of persons with higher education for those between the ages of 30 and 34, the EU has a target of 40% for 2020, starting with a value of 33.8% in the year 2010. Increasing the participation of adults in lifelong learning activities by 15%, and attending part of the study or professional training program in another country, for students (reaching a minimum of 20%), and for young people aged 18- 24 years minimum 6%.Empirical and secondary data are used to support the claim that each country applied aims of the Europa 2020 strategy and how each of them trough support and knowledge of ICT succeeded in using and putting them into practice.