Academic literature on the topic 'Yolngu people'

Abstract Did you know that a Bathurst Islander captured the first Japanese prisoner of war on Australian soil? Or that a crucifix saved the life of a crashed American pilot in the Gulf of Carpentaria? These are excerpts from the rich array of oral histories of Aboriginal participation in World War II. This paper presents “highlights” from Yolngu oral histories of World War II in Arnhem Land, Northern Territory. Using these stories, the paper begins to explore some of the following questions: Why did Yolngu participate in the war effort? How did Yolngu see their role in relation to white Australia? In what ways did Yolngu contribute to the security of Australia? How integral was Yolngu assistance to defence of Australia? Although the answers to these questions are not finite, this paper aims to survey some of the Yolngu history of World War II.

The Indigenous peoples of north east Arnhem Land in Australia (Yolngu) overlay their culture with the customs and social behaviour of other societies to achieve positive outcomes and autonomy. Passing down cultural knowledge is intrinsic to the cultural identity of Yolngu. The paper discusses the recently completed Garma Cultural Knowledge Centre and examines the cultural knowledge conveyed through the medium of contemporary architecture design. The paper finds that the Garma Cultural Knowledge Centre combined aspects of non-Aboriginal and Aboriginal cultures to form a coherent whole with multi-facetted meanings. © 2016. The Authors. Published for AMER ABRA by e-International Publishing House, Ltd., UK. Peer–review under responsibility of AMER (Association of Malaysian Environment-Behaviour Researchers), ABRA (Association of Behavioural Researchers on Asians) and cE-Bs (Centre for Environment-Behaviour Studies, Faculty of Architecture, Planning & Surveying, Universiti Teknologi MARA, Malaysia.Keywords: People and environments; cultural knowledge; architecture; indigenous architecture

Bees, with their ability to make sweet tasting honey, have been highly valued across many human cultures spanning thousands of years. In relation to western husbandry techniques, honeybees (Apidae) have been domesticated by humans to produce honey in large quantities for human consumption. The focus of this paper is not on the well-known, widespread honeybee but a close family relative of the Apidae, the smaller, stingless bee (Meliponidae). For Yolngu living on country, in the homeland communities of northeast Arnhem Land, Australia the relationship with these local, endemic bees is quite different from the large-scale beekeeping industry used to pollinate major agricultural crops. A highly anticipated activity is sugarbag season where Yolngu men, women and children undertake excursions into the bush in search of these tiny bees to extract honey. The bee is celebrated through “Sugarbag Dreaming”: in song, dance, painting and ceremony. This paper examines some of the ways that people and bees converge in Arnhem Land. Through the many layers of meaning, the paper aims to demonstrate how Yolngu philosophy recognises bees as being an integral part of an interconnected and complex ecology.

In the musical traditions of the Yolngu of northeast Arnhem Land, in northern Australia, the evocation of ancestrally-significant places is of primary ideological and aesthetic importance. This is primarily done through song texts, when a singer “paints a picture” of a place in the mind's eye of the audience; when done with great skill, such evocation can produce strong feelings of nostalgia as listeners recall those places and the personal and ancestral events which took place there. Musical instruments can also be used in this way, either through tropes in the song texts, which make reference to the instrument and its ancestral significance, or through the actual sound of the instrument as an enacted trope during the musical performance itself. In either case, the mention or use of musical instruments can resonate powerfully with ideas about ancestors, people and places, making musical instruments important symbols in Yolngu culture.

ABSTRACTMost statements about the treatment and fortunes of elderly Australian Aborigines have emphasised their wisdom and sanctity and the respect and affection due to elderly relatives. Ethnographic research among the Yolngu (Murngin) of Arnhem Land suggests that the actual situation of an old person depends on an interplay of structural, situational and individual factors, including personal qualities, family support, seniority, sex, ecology and land use patterns and the effects of white colonisation and social change. Cases are presented and discussed to illustrate the variable fortunes of old Aborigines and their determinants.

Despite commitment by the Australian Government to improve the economic independence of Indigenous people Aboriginals and Torres Strait Islanders they are the most socio economic disadvantaged group relative to other Australians. This commitment manifests in the four main strands of; 1) welfare, 2) installation of the Community Development Employment Projects (CDEP) scheme, 3) legislation enabling Traditional Land Owners and miners to negotiate agreements for training and employment of Indigenous people, and 4) programmes to encourage Indigenous entrepreneurship. This paper reports an Australian Indigenous entrepreneurial business (furniture making) initiated by the Gumatj clan of the Yolngu people in East Arnhem Land in the Northern Territory (NT) of Australia. These Indigenous people are employed in timber milling and transporting the milled timber to Gunyangara on the Gove Peninsula where it is dried and used to make furniture. Overcoming the literature documented barriers to Australian Indigenous entrepreneurship compelled the Gumatj to develop a business model with potential to foster pathways for other Indigenous small business endeavours.

Aboriginal people are increasingly making use of digitising technologies for their cultural and educational work. However, databases are not innocent objects. They bear within them Western assumptions about the nature of knowledge, and how it is produced, which may inhibit or undermine the intergenerational transmission of Aboriginal knowledge traditions. Words (or text strings), for example, have a particular constitutive function in Aboriginal epistemology, which implies a rethinking of traditional structures and uses of metadata. Knowledge and truth are understood more in terms of performance than content, which implies something about how digital resources are to be configured and represented. This paper looks at collaborative work done developing a database to support the ongoing work done by Yolngu (northeast Arnhem Land Aboriginal) people in keeping their knowledge traditions strong.

Marine turtles regularly migrate hundreds to thousands of kilometres between nesting beaches and home foraging grounds. Effective conservation of marine turtles requires understanding of migration patterns in order to facilitate regional cooperation across the turtles' migratory range. Indigenous Australians maintain traditional rights and responsibilities for marine turtle management across much of the northern Australian coast. To better understand turtle migrations and identify with whom the Aboriginal people of north-east Arnhem Land (Yolngu) share turtles, we used satellite telemetry to track the migration routes of 20 green turtles (Chelonia mydas) departing from a nesting beach ~45 km south of Nhulunbuy, north-east Arnhem Land, Northern Territory, Australia. All tracked turtles remained within the Gulf of Carpentaria. These results suggest that the foraging habitat for adults of this nesting population may be largely confined to the Gulf, offering an optimistic scenario for green turtle conservation. Given these results and the critical role indigenous people play in conserving and managing marine turtles, we recommend that a formal network of indigenous communities be established as the foundation of a community-based turtle-management strategy for the Gulf of Carpentaria region.

The maintenance, or in some cases revival, of Aboriginal languages has become an important issue to Aboriginal people, and should be an important issue in Aboriginal schools if local people show concern about it. There is good reason for this concern. Predictions vary among linguists about how vulnerable Aboriginal languages are. There are about fifty Aboriginal languages spoken today. One informed estimate is that by the year 2000 a dozen of these will still be naturally reproducing themselves, that is, still spoken spontaneously by young children. Another informed estimate is that by that time only about three languages will be vigorous and spoken by children. These three are the related Yolngu languages in North East Arnhem Land, the related Western Desert languages of which Pitjantjatjara is the best known, and Kriol which is a new Aboriginal language and the largest, and growing rapidly.Our assumption that there is a best way to go about language maintenance is not supported by a well established theory that can be applied in all contexts. Even though a good deal is known about language shift there is not agreement among linguists about what causes it in different situations. For example, it is assumed that isolation would help Aboriginal languages to stay strong, and that closeness to a large town would cause an Aboriginal language to weaken under pressure from English. But linguists have pointed out that some really isolated Aboriginal communities seem to be losing their language and that the language of some groups living near towns is staying stronger. It has also been assumed that if a community has one dominant Aboriginal language then it will remain stronger than those languages in a community where there are a number of different languages in use. Again linguists have observed that that is not always the case.

This PhD research journey describes my personal and professional involvement with the Yolngu, Nyoongar and Wongi peoples, where I consistently observed Aboriginal parents and Aboriginal teachers express dissatisfaction with the way mainstream Anglo-Celtic education was delivered in their schools and communities. This disparity never sat well with me and I had always wanted to write about the unacceptable inequity.As a consequence this doctoral research deploys a critical auto/ethnographic research design within an interpretive paradigm where “the writing process and the writing product are deeply intertwined”. The research became the site of exploration about the struggle for culturally-sensitive educational pathways for Aboriginal adolescent girls.The investigation took place at a metropolitan Aboriginal secondary school, where staff developed an emergent curriculum framework known as the Yorgas Program to re-engage Aboriginal learners in their schooling, through a sporting program known as the “Girls‟ Academy”. As a consequence of the Yorgas Program there were observable improvements in the girls behaviour leading to regular attendance, improved personal hygiene, greater commitment to study, self-regulation and willingness to defer risk-taking social behaviours resulting in a significantly larger number of Year 12 graduates completing their studies with the majority of students going on to traineeships or further studies.

This thesis is a work of Christian theology. Its purpose is twofold: firstly to develop an adequate understanding of reconciliation at the level of peoples and nations; and secondly to make a practical contribution to resolving the problems in Australia for the welfare of all the peoples, and of the land itself. The history of the relationships between the Indigenous and non-Indigenous peoples in Australia has left many problems, and no matter what the non-Indigenous people try to do, the Indigenous peoples of Australia continue to experience themselves as being in a state of siege. Trying to understand what is happening, and what can be done to resolve the problems for the peoples of Australia and the land, have been the implicit drivers for the theological development in this thesis. This thesis argues that the present generation in any trans-generational dispute is likely to continue to sin in ways that are shaped by the sins of the past, which explains why Indigenous peoples in Australia find themselves in a stage of siege, even when the non-Indigenous peoples are trying to pursue policies which they believe are for the welfare of all. The only way to resolve this is for the peoples of Australia to seek reconciliation. In particular, the non-Indigenous peoples need to repent, both of their own sins, and the sins of their forebears. Reconciliation processes have become part of the international political landscape. However, there are real concerns about the justice of pursuing reconciliation. An important part of the theological development of this thesis is therefore to show that pursuing reconciliation establishes justice. It is shown that the nature of justice, and of repentance, can only be established by pursuing reconciliation. Reconciliation is possible because God has made it possible, and is working in the world to bring reconciliation. Because land is an essential part of Indigenous identity in Australia, the history of land in court cases and legislation in Australia over the past half century forms an important case study in this work. It is shown that, although there was significant repentance within the non-Indigenous legal system in Australia, the degree of repentance available through that legal system is inherently limited, and so a more radical approach is needed in order to seek reconciliation in Australia. A final chapter considers what the non-Indigenous people of Australia need to do in order to repent.

This thesis is first and foremost a descriptive ethnography of the cosmology of the Yolnu people who live in the North East Arnhem Land region of the Northern Territory of Australia. Supplementary to that description it explores the relationship between the Yolnu presupposition of changelessness, the rapidly changing world in which they live and their cosmology. The thesis is divided into four sections. The first briefly explores the theoretical frameworks to which it relates in terms of the literature on cosmology and world view, presupposition and the taken-for-granted, and extends into an introductory discussion of the Yolnu understandings of the area of thought frequently referred to in English as the spiritual, the metaphysical, or the supernatural. The second section examines human relationships, first from a diachronic perspective and secondly from a synchronic one. The third examines two conceptual areas which relate most closely to Western notions of cosmology in an examination of the Yolnu notions of space and time. Finally the various themes of the thesis are drawn together in two ways. First in an examination of their application in a myth-ritual complex called Banumbirr (the Morning Star) and last of all in an analysis of the ways in which the Morning Star complex, together with the perceptions of relationships, of space, of time and of the supernatural combine to present a corporate model of a cosmos which, while seen to be not changing is structured in such a way as to be able to incorporate change within changelessness. This is an examination of cosmology in a changing world, presuppositions of changelessness, and the present Yolnu responses to change. In examining these, it provides as a by-product, a foundation for the study of the effects of future change on cosmology and presuppositions, and a means by which these may be assessed.

The background to this thesis was in work undertaken by the author in 1982/83 in collaboration with Dr. Paul Jorion, then of the Department of Social Anthropology at Cambridge University. This work entailed the development of techniques for the computer analysis of genealogies, looking specifically for genealogical relationships between spouses, and so a detailed analysis of an extensive body of genealogical data provided a logical topic for thesis research.

Music is ubiquitous in the social life of the Yolngu people of northeast Arnhem Land in northern Australia. Not only does it accompany virtually every phase of ritual, including dance, painting, and the production of sacred objects, but it is frequently performed in non-ritual contexts as well, purely for the enjoyment of performers and listeners alike. As such, an understanding of music provides a unique and privileged point of entry into the study of Yolngu culture as a whole. The ethnomusicologist Anthony Seeger has written that an anthropology of music examines the ways in which music is an integral part of culture, while in contrast a musical anthropology examines the ways in which culture is musical and aspects of culture are created and re-created through musical performance. This dissertation is a work of musical anthropology. I provide a detailed examination of the form, content, and meaning of the songs of one particular group of Yolngu, the Dhalwangu people of the community of Gapuwiyak, N.T. I then employ this understanding of Dhalwangu songs to examine three aspects of Yolngu culture which have been subject to intense scrutiny in the Arnhem Land ethnographic literature: sociality, connections to country, and social change. I will demonstrate that musical structures and musical performances contribute significantly to the production and reproduction of these and other aspects of Dhalwangu culture. Yolngu culture is indeed musical, and a Yolngu musical anthropology enables a greater understanding of Yolngu culture in all its beauty, variety, and complexity.

Text in English with abstracts and keywords in English, Sepedi, isiXhosa and isiZulu
Protected areas in South Africa are often surrounded by impoverished communities. Biodiversity must be conserved while improving community wellbeing. An increased understanding of key influences on pro-conservation attitudes and behaviour is essential for the future of successful conservation and the creation of realistic solutions for poor communities. Knowledge gaps exist regarding intangible benefits and losses, as well as the relationship between benefits, losses and pro-conservation attitudes and behaviour. Furthermore, there are less qualitative studies in this field than quantitative, nor are there many that include the perspective of park staff. This research followed a novel comparative multiple-method qualitative approach, using contrasting case studies and borrowing from grounded theory. Three nature reserves were selected, each involving two constituencies – (i) the local community and (ii) protected area staff. Individual interviews, focus group interviews, mapping, and adapted nominal grouping technique were used to collect data. The data were first analysed question-by-question for each case study, followed by cross-case analysis which resulted in meta-themes for each research objective. In each case study, benefits and losses were ranked to indicate their level of importance. Key tangible benefits were employment, access to natural resources and support for schools. Intangible benefits drew less focus, but comprise key influences, such as visiting the park, environmental education, information dissemination, and involvement. These benefits emerged again as aspects that would drew less focus, but comprise key influences, such as visiting the park, environmental education, information dissemination, and involvement. These benefits emerged again as aspects that would improve future positivity if more of each could be provided. Key losses were lack of/limited access to the reserve as visitors, insufficient employment, fear of wild animals and lack of involvement/interaction. Findings indicate that communities have a range of responsibilities towards the reserve (some of which are self-imposed), and a strong sense of custodianship. Exclusion from responsibility led to negative attitudes. Good relationships resulted in fewer poaching incidents, although locals are hesitant to report subsistence poaching. Areas of non-alignment between the perceptions of both constituencies highlight areas for rectification, such as parks acknowledging the losses perceived by communities; knowing which benefits are most important to communities; and highlighting benefits not mentioned by communities. The meta-themes were used to construct a data-derived ‘Theory of Influences on Pro-conservation Attitudes and Behaviour’, which indicates how relationship is shaped by benefits, losses, detractors and facilitators; and includes solutions to increase positive attitudes. To drive practical application of the theory, recommendations for park managers and local communities are provided. Finally, this study was integrated with existing literature to develop the ‘People-Parks Win-Win Framework’ – a comprehensive representation of the influences on people-park relationships – which has not been done before. The study makes methodological, theoretical and practical contributions. Its findings can facilitate people-park win-wins, aiding both biodiversity conservation and community wellbeing.
Mafelo ao a šireleditšwego ka Afrika Borwa gantši a dikaneditšwe ke ditšhaba tšeo di hlokago. Diphedi tšeo di fapafapanego di swanetše go babalelwa mola ka go le lengwe re kaonafatša go phela gabotse ga ditšhaba. Kwešišo ye e oketšegilego ya dilo tše bohlokwa tše di huetšago maikutlo ao a thekgago pabalelo ya diphedi le maitshwaro e bohlokwa go bokamoso bja pabalelo ye e atlegilego le go hloma ditharollo tše di kwagalago go ditšhaba tše di hlokago. Tlhokego ya tsebo e gona mabapi le dikholego le ditahlegelo tšeo di sa bonagalego, gammogo le kamano magareng ga dikholego, ditahlegelo le maikutlo ao a thekgago pabalelo ya diphedi le maitshwaro. Godimo ga fao, go na le dinyakišišo tše mmalwa ka ga boleng ka mo lefapheng le go fetwa ke dinyakišišo ka ga bontši, ebile ga go na le tše ntši tšeo di akaretšago maikutlo a bašomi ba ka dirapeng tša diphoofolo. Dinyakišišo tše di latetše mokgwa wa papetšo wa mekgwa ye mentši ya dinyakišišo ka ga boleng, ka go šomiša dinyakišišo tša seemo tšeo di thulanago le go adima go teori yeo e tlogago e theilwe ka mabaka. Mafelo a pabalelo ya diphedi a mararo a kgethilwe, le lengwe le le lengwe le akaretša bakgathatema ba babedi ka go lona – (i) setšhaba sa kgauswi le (ii) bašomi ba lefelo leo le šireleditšwego. Batho ka o tee ka o tee ba ile ba botšišwa dipotšišo, dihlopha tše di nepišitšwego le tšona di ile tša botšišwa dipotšišo, go hlaola, le mokgwa wo o fetošitšwego wa go hlopha ka maina di šomišitšwe go kgoboketša tshedimošo. Tshedimošo e thomile ka go sekasekwa go ya ka potšišo ye e botšišitšwego go dinyakišišo tša seemo, gwa latela tshekatsheko ya dinyakišišo tše di fapafapanego yeo e feleleditšego ka merero ye megolo go maikemišetšo a mangwe le a mangwe a dinyakišišo. Ka go dinyakišišo tše dingwe le tše dingwe tša seemo, dikholego le ditahlegelo di ile tša bewa ka maemo go laetša maemo a bohlokwa bja tšona. Dikholego tše bohlokwa tšeo di bonagalago di ile tša dirišwa, gwa ba le phihlelelo go methopo ya tlhago le thekgo ya dikolo. Dikholego tšeo di sa bonagalego di ile tša ba le šedi ye nnyane, eupša tša ba le dikhuetšo tše bohlokwa, tša go swana le go etela serapeng sa diphoofolo, thuto ya tikologo, go phatlalatša tshedimošo, le go kgatha tema. Dikholego tše di tšweletše gape bjalo ka dikokwane tšeo di tlago kaonafatša maikutlo a makaone a ka moso ge e le gore tše ntši tša tšona di tla abja. Ditahlegelo tše bohlokwa e bakilwe ke tlhokego ya phihlelelo/phihlelelo ye nnyane ya go tsena ka dirapeng tša diphoofolo ka baeti, tlhokego ya mešomo, go tšhaba diphoofolo tša lešoka le tlhokego ya go kgatha tema/tirišano. Dikutollo di laetša gore ditšhaba di na le maikarabelo a mehutahuta go dirapa tša diphoofolo (a mangwe maikarabelo ke a go ithaopa ga setšhaba), le maikutlo ao a tiilego a go di hlokomela. Go se akaretše ditšhaba go maikarabelo a go feleleditše ka maikutlo ao a sego a loka. Dikamano tše botse di feleleditše ka ditiragalo tše mmalwa tša go bolaya diphoofolo ke bao ba nyakago manaka a tšona, le ge e le gore badudi ba dikadika go bega go bolaya diphoofolo ke bao ba inyakelago nama ya tšona. Makala a go se sepelelane magareng ga maikutlo a bakgathatema ka bobedi a laetša fao go swanatšego go phošollwa gona, go swana le ge dirapa tša diphoofolo di dumela ditahlegelo tšeo di bonwago ke ditšhaba; di tseba gore ke dikholego dife tše di lego bohlokwa kudu go ditšhaba; le go laetša dikholego tše di sego tša bolelwa ke ditšhaba. Mereo ye megolo e ile ya šomišwa go hlama ‘Teori ya dikhuetšo ye e tšwago tshedimošong ka ga Maikutlo le Maitshwaro ao a Thekgago Pabalelo ya diphedi’, yeo e laetšago ka fao kamano e bopšago ke dikholego, ditahlegelo, disenyi le basepediši; ebile e akaretšago ditharollo tša go oketša maikutlo a makaone. Go tšwetša pele tirišo ye e phathagatšwago ya teori ye, balaodi ba dirapa tša diphoofolo le ditšhaba ba ile ba fiwa ditšhišinyo. Mafelelong, dinyakišišo tše di ile tša tsenywa ka gare ga dingwalwa tšeo di lego gona ka nepo ya go hlama ‘Melawanatheo ya Dirapa tša Diphoofolo tša go Thekgwa ke Batho tšeo di Holago Bohle’ – e lego kemedi ye e akaretšago bohle ka ga dikhuetšo tša dikamano tša dirapa tša diphoofolo tša go thekgwa ke batho – e lego seo se sego sa ka sa dirwa mo nakong ye e fetilego. Dinyakišišo tše tsenya letsogo ka ga mekgwa, teori le tirišo. Dikutollo tša tšona di ka nolofatša kholego ya bohle go dirapa tša diphoofolo tša go thekgwa ke batho, tša thuša bobedi pabalelo ya diphedi tšeo di fapafapanego le go phela gabotse ga setšhaba.
Imimandla ekhuselekileyo eMzantsi Afrika ikholisa ukungqongwa yimiphakathi ehluphekileyo. Indalo esingqongileyo kufuneka ilondolozwe lo gama kuphuculwa intlalontle yoluntu. Kubaluleke kakhulu ukwanda kokuqonda imiba enefuthe kwiindlela zokucinga nokuziphatha malunga nolondolozo lwendalo ukuze kubekho impumelelo ekulondolozeni indalo, kudaleke nezisombululo ezisebenzayo kwimiphakathi ehluphekileyo. Kukho izikhewu kulwazi olumalunga noncedo nelahleko, kwanolwalamano phakathi koncedo, ilahleko neendlela zokucinga nokuziphatha. Ngaphaya koko, zimbalwa izifundo ezingqiyame kakhulu kwingxoxo nengcaciso kunezifundo ezingqiyame kumanani, kwaye zimbalwa eziqwalasela izimvo zabasebenzi bamaziko ekugcinwa kuwo indalo. Olu phando lunesimbo esitsha esiqhutywa ngokuthelekisa iindlela zophando eziliqela, kusetyenziswa izifundo ezisekelwe kumava neengcingane/iithiyori ezaziwayo. Kukhethwe amaziko endalo amathathu apho kubandakanywe amacandelo amabini kwiziko ngalinye – (i) uluntu lwendawo kunye (ii) nabaqeshwa bommandla okhuselweyo. Ulwazi okanye idatha luqokelelwe ngezi ndlela zilandelayo: Kwaqhutywa udliwano ndlebe nabantu bengabanye, bengamaqela ekugxininiswe kuwo, kwalandeliswa ngokuthelekisa okuqikelelweyo nokwenzekileyo kunye nokudibanisa amaqela ukuze axukushe imiba ekuphandwa ngayo. Iinkcukacha zolwazi eziqokelelweyo zahlalutywa ngokuthi kuqwalaselwe iimpendulo zombuzo ngamnye kule yemizekelo yamava omntu ngamnye, kwalandeliswa ngokuthelekisa iimeko namava abantu ngabantu, nto leyo eyaveza imixholo ebanzi kwinjongo nganye yesifundo sophando. Kwisifundo samava ngasinye kwalandelelaniswa uncedo nelahleko ngokokubaluleka kwazo. Izinto eziluncedo ezaqwalaselwayo yaba yimpangelo, ukufikelela kwimithombo yendalo nenkxaso yezikolo. Uncedo olungabambekiyo zange luqwalaselwe ngokungamandla kodwa lunefuthe eliphambili njengokutyelela amaziko endalo, ukufundiswa ngokusingqongileyo, ukusasazwa kolwazi nokuthatha inxaxheba. Ezi ndidi zoncedo zaphinda zavela njengamanqanaba aya kuphucula ukuzijonga ngethemba izinto xa kunokwenziwa ukuba zibe khona. Ilahleko yaba kukunqongophala kwendlela yokufikelela kwiziko njengeendwendwe, ukunqaba kwamathuba empangelo, ukoyika izilo zasendle nokungabikho kwamathuba okuthatha inxaxheba. Okufunyanisiweyo kudiza ukuba uluntu lunoxanduva oluziindidi ezahlukeneyo kwiziko (olunye uxanduva bazinike ngokwabo), kwaye luzibona lungabagcini bendawo. Ukunganikwa uxanduva kwakhokelela ekucingeni gwenxa. Intsebenziswano yakhokelela ekuncipheni kweziganeko zokuzingela ngokungekho mthethweni, nangona abahlali bendawo bemathidala ukuxela abantu abazingelela ukuzondla. Iindawo zokuhlabana kwezimvo zamacala omabini zidulisa amanqanaba afanele ukulungiswa, njengokuba amaziko endalo ayiqonde imeko ebonwa njengelahleko luluntu lwendawo; aqonde nokuba zeziphi izinto ezibalulekileyo nezibonwa njengoncedo luluntu; acacise nezinto eziluncedo ezingabalulwanga luluntu lwendawo. Imixholo ebanzi (meta-themes) yasetyenziselwa ukuqweba ‘Ingcingane Yefuthe Elenzeka Kwiimbono Nokuziphatha’ (‘Theory of Influences on Pro-conservation Attitudes and Behaviour’), nebonakalisa ukuba izinto eziluncedo, ilahleko, iziphazamiso nabaququzeleli zilubumba njani ulwalamano. Kwakhona, le ngcingane iquka izisombululo zokwandisa iingcinga ezintle. Kunikwe iingcebiso kubaphathi beziko lendalo nakuluntu lwendawo ukuze kuphuhliswe iindlela ezibonakalayo zokusebenzisa le ngcingane. Okokugqibela, esi sifundo sixutywe noncwadi oselukho ngenjongo yokuphuhlisa ‘Isakhelo Sempumelelo Yentsebenziswano Kuluntu Namaziko Endalo’ (‘People-Parks Win-Win Framework’) – lo ngumbhalo oveza ifuthe lentsebenziswano yoluntu namaziko endalo – nto leyo ingazange ibekho ngaphambili. Esi sifundo sifaka igxalaba ngobuchule, ngengcingane nangomsebenzi ophathekayo. Okufunyaniswe apha kunakho ukudala impumelelo kwintsebenziswano yokuntu namaziko endalo, sincede ulondolozo lwendalo nentlalontle yoluntu.
Izindawo ezivikelekile eNingizimu Afrika kaningi zihaqwe yimiphakathi entulayo. Izinto ezahlukahlukene eziphilayo kufanele zilondolozwe kanti ngakolunye uhlangothi sibe sesifafaza ivangeli lempilo ephephile emiphakathini. Ulwazi oluningi lwemithelela esemqoka emayelana nommoya kanye nemikhuba yokulondoloza kwemvelo kubalulekile kwikusasa lokwakha uhlelo olluyimpumelelo lokulondoloza kwemvelo kanye nokwakha amasu empilo yangempela okusiza imiphakathi edla imbuya ngothi. Kukhona ukwedlulana okumayelana nezinzuzo ezingabonakali ngamehlo kanye nokulahlekelwa, kanye nobudlelwano obuphakathi kwezinzuzo, kokulahlekelwa kanye nemmoya kanye nemikhuba ehlose ukulondoloza imvelo. Ngaphezu kwalokho, kunezifundo ezincane zocwaningo olugxile kwizingxoxo kulo mkhakha, uma seziqhathaniswa nezifundo zocwaningo olugxile kumanani, kanti kunjalo-nje izifundo zocwaningo eziningi azixubi umqondo wabasebenzi. Lolu cwaningo luye lwalandela indlela embaxaningi yokuqhathanisa egxile kwizingxoxo, ngokusebenzisa izifundo zocwaningolotho eziphikisanayo futhi ziye zaqhubeka nokuboleka amasu kwimiqondo egxilile. . Kuye kwakhethwa iziqiwu zokulonda izilwane ezintathu, esinye nesinye isiqiwu sinezakhamuzi zendawo – (i) umphakathi oyizakhamuzi kanye (ii) nendawo evikelekile yabasebenzi. Kuye kwasetshenziswa izinhlelo zenhlolovo yomuntu ngamunye, ukumepha, kanye nezindlela zemibuzo eshicilelwe zemibono yamaqembu, konke lokhu kuye kwasetshenziswa ukuqoqa idatha. Okokuqala idatha iye yahlaziywa ngokwemibuzo ngamunye kolunye nolunye ucwaningolotho, okuye kwalandelwa yindlela yokuhlaziya eyaziwa phecelezi ngecross-case analysis okuyindlela edale ukuba kube nezindikimba ezibizwa ngemeta-themes zenhloso enye nenye yocwaningo. Kolunye nolunye ucwaningo, izinzuzo kanye nokulahlekelwa kuye kwabekwa ngokulandelana ukuze kuvezwe amazing okubaluleka. Izinzuzo ezisemqoka eziphathekayo kuye kwaba ukusebenza, ukwazi ukuthola imithombo yemvelo kanye nokuxhaswa kwezikole. Izinzuzo ezingaphathekiyo akugxilwanga kakhulu kuzo, kodwa nazo ziqukethe imithelela esemqoka, enjengokuvakashela izindawo zokungcebeleka, ukuhlinzekwa ngemfundo yezemvelo, ukusakazwa kolwazi kanye nokubandakanyeka. Lezi zinzuzo ziye zavela futhi njengezinto ezizothuthukisa ikusasa eliqhakazile uma ngabe konke lokhu kuyalandelwa. Ukulahlekelwa okuphawulekayo kuye kwaba ukusweleka/ukufinyeleleka kancane kwezivakashi esiqiwini sezilwane, ukuqashwa kwabasebenzi benani eliphansi, ukwesaba izilwane zasendle kanye nezinga lokusweleka kokubandakanyeka/nokungahlangani. Ulwazi olutholakele luveza ukuthi imiphakathi inezindima eziningi okufanele iziidlale kwiziqiwu ezilondoloza imvelo (ezinye izindima yilezo ezizibeke phezu kwamahlombe omphakathi) kanye nokuba nesasasa lokunakekela imvelo. Kanti ukungabandakanywa komphakathi kuye kwaholela ekutheni umphakathi ube nommoya ongemuhle kulezi ziqiwu. Ubudlelwano obuhle buye baholela ekutheni kube nenani eliphansi lezehlakalo zokubulawa kwezilwane, yize abantu bezindawo ezisondelene neziqiwu beba nokuthandabuza uma kufanele babike izehlakalo zokubulawa kwezilwane. Ukungasebenzisani phakathi kwezinhlanga ezimbili, izakhamuzi kanye namalungu eziqiwu zezilwane kuveza amaphutha okufanele alungiswe, anjengokuthi iziqiwu lezi zibe nolwazi ngokulahlekelwa komphakathi; zazi ukuthi ngiziphi izinzuzo ezibalulekile emphakathini; futhi ziveze izinzuzo ezingavezwanga wumphakathi. Izinhlaka phecelezi ezingama meta-themes zisetshenzisiwe ukwakha ithiyori esuselwe kwidatha, phecelezi ‘Theory of Influences on Pro-conservation Attitudes and Behaviour’, okuveza indlela ubudlelwano obakhiwa ngayo yizinzuzo, ukulahlekelwa, yizihibhe kanye nabancedisi; kanti lokhu kuxuba izixazululo eziqonde ukwengeza ummoya omuhle. Ukuze kusetshenziswe imiqondo ngendlela ebonakalayo , kuye kwalandelwa izincomo zabaphathi beziqiwi kanye nezakhamuzi eziseduze neziqiwu. Okokugcina, lolu cwaningo luye lwahlanganiswa nombhalo wobuciko obevele ukhona ukwakha phecelezi ‘People-Parks Win-Win Framework’ – uhlelo olubanzi oluxuba zonke izinhlaka olunemithelela yemibono yezinhlelo zobudlelwano babantu kanye neziqiwu zezilwane – okuyinto engakaze yenziwe ngaphambilini. Ucwaningo luye lwaba negalelo kwindlela yokucwaningo (methodological), kwimiqondo kanye namagalelo abonakalayo. Okutholwe wucwaningo kunganceda ukuhlela uhlelo lapho kuzuza abantu kanye neziqiwu, lokhu kunganceda zombili izinhlaka ukulondolozwa ephilayo ehlukahlukene kanti futhi kungadala inhlalakahle emphakathini.
Environmental Sciences
Ph. D. (Environmental Management)

This study has three main aims: 1. to develop software for an indigenous kinship database and genealogy using a crossplatform Java engine; 2. to contribute to a kinship study, which will serve as a fieldwork support tool for anthropologists; and 3. to assess the importance and potential of the kinship database and genealogy in IT-based indigenous knowledge management. Regarding the third aim, we would like to emphasize the importance of kinship data in the post-colonial era, and the need for kinship data in land rights issues and the recognition of indigenous identity, as well as the possibility of the autonomous use of this visualized kinship database by indigenous peoples in the future. The Alliance Project, which is named after the alliance theory by C. Levi-Strauss (1969), started as the management of a kinship study for the Yolngu people of Eastern Arnhem Land, Northern Territory, Australia, and was later extended to the study of kinship in general.

One of the key elements of success in any festival is its authenticity. This is often more easily achieved in generically specific celebrations of dance, theatre, opera, food, film – anything where the context allows for a deep exploration of the genre, rather than the cherry-picking approach which a large multi-arts festival demands. But authenticity can also be achieved through a serious engagement of the host city, town or region. There are festivals whose programs, at first sight, live and breathe a sense of place: you want to be there, to experience a program which will allow you to understand the cultural depth of a place. Many religious festivals demand pilgrimage, and those arts festivals that necessitate getting you off the beaten track already have a head start in generating excitement and devotion. This isn’t a travel pitch, but the business of getting there, arriving and grabbing as much as you can while you’re there, including serious engagement with the local culture and creating the possibility of collaboration or exchange, is central to the experience. You don’t go to these places to slow down, but to be informed and re-invigorated by a socio-geographic and cultural environment which you may never have expected to discover. East Arnhem Land sits at the top of Australia’s Northern Territory. It is the traditional land of the Yolgnu people who have been there for tens of thousands of years. Each year, the GARMA festival takes place on this land. Attendance is by invitation only, though that can be extended to you by application. Its defining agenda is Indigenous cultural exchange.