Academic literature on the topic 'Yezidis – Crimes against – Iraq'

Even though almost three years have passed since the black banners of the terror organisation, calling themselves the “Islamic State of Iraq and Syria” (ISIS) were first hoisted throughout the Yezidi heartland of Sinjar, the Yezidi community continues to be targeted by ISIS, militias. 300,000 vegetate in camps as Internally Displaced Persons (IDP) in Iraqi Kurdistan; thousands of others have been killed, are missing, or remain in captivity where they are subjected to unspeakable sexual and physical abuse. With deference for these victims of violence, and without detracting from the collective suffering and trauma of the entire Yezidi community of Sinjar (families, women, men, and children alike), the authors have chosen to focus the present article on the plight and misery of the females; who were, and still are, facing despicable sexual abuses, unfathomable atrocities, and unfettered human rights violations. In doing so, they highlight the views of the fundamentalist Islam practiced by ISIS that encourages sex-slavery, while elaborating on the complacent acceptance of ISIS terror tactics by the local Sunni population of the territories they control. The work goes on to describe how survivors escaped, as well as how they are received and treated by the Yezidi community and state authorities. This discussion includes an overview of the national and international mechanisms available for prosecuting ISIS members for their crimes of genocide against the Yezidi people. The authors further stress that the genocide has contributed to, and even accelerated the process of the Yezidi selfidentification as a unique ethno-religious entity; which, in turn, has produced changes to their religious traditions. These changes will be briefly covered by examining a new approach to the institution of the Kerāfat.

Given the basic tenets of just war theory and those of United States law regarding compensatory justice, it is argued that the U.S. invasion of Iraq from 2003-present is morally unjust and that the U.S. owes substantial reparations to Iraq.

The failure of the United Nations to effect a ‘responsibility to protect’ in Syria and Iraq has provoked acrimonious debates over how the international community should respond to mass atrocities in the contemporary international order. Moreover, the fact that the International Criminal Court and other United Nations (un) agencies remain unable to investigate in Syria and Iraq, has reinvigorated debate on the mechanisms available to bring those most responsible for humanities gravest crimes to account. This article examines the Commission for International Justice and Accountability (cija). As non-state actors, cija conduct their investigations outside the United Nations system, with the aim of investigating and preparing case briefs for the most senior leaders suspected of war crimes and crimes against humanity in Syria; and war crimes, crimes against humanity and allegations of genocide in Iraq. This article argues that in preparing case briefs for individual criminal liability for a future prosecution, cija have attempted to extend the system of international criminal law, and in so doing, pose a challenge to traditional notions of the state in relation to the concept of war and the law, and the relationship between power and law in the international system. The article concludes by the asking the question: does the international community have a ‘responsibility to prosecute’ those suspected of criminal misconduct?

Several questions remain unanswered in light of the heinous crimes against women committed by ISIS in Iraq. This article will examine Iraq's current criminal framework to see if prosecutions for these violations were appropriate in light of international criminal law principles and the security council measures taken after ISIS took control of Mosul and other areas in Iraq in 2014. As an illustration of the kinds of topics we will cover in this paper: Is the Iraqi criminal justice system capable of investigating and holding ISIS accountable? Why did the Iraqi government make a request to the Security Council for help in 2017 if the reaction is positive? In light of what Iraqi women have been subjected to for three years now? While Iraq's criminal framework may have a legislative vacuum or contradiction, why did the Council of Representatives of Iraq not address these issues in its legislative policy, either by amending current legislation or drafting a new law to prosecute crimes like genocide or crimes? Against humanity, in the first place?.

The subject of this study is the activities of the UN Investigative Group established to investigate and uncover the crimes of the international terrorist organization “Islamic State”2.The paper shows the history of the creation of the Investigative Group, the main achievements of its activities are considered. In particular, the Investigation Team has collected indisputable evidence of the commission of numerous crimes by IS members, including the most serious of them: genocide, crimes against humanity and war crimes. At the same time, these activities have not led to the actual indictment of anyone in the national courts of Iraq for the commission of these crimes. This circumstance makes it almost hopeless for the UN Security Council to extend the mandate of the Investigative Group, which makes the prospect of ensuring the inevitability of criminal responsibility and punishment of IS members guilty of the gravest crimes even more uncertain.

The international community remains unwilling to protect vulnerable populations against genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, as evidenced by international oversight of the Bosnian and Rwandan genocides.1 This paper will examine this issue through a case study of the Islamic State’s (IS) persecution, ethnic cleansing, and unrecognized genocide of Shi’a Muslims in Afghanistan, Iraq, and Syria. While the United Nations Security Council has labeled IS’ attempts to exterminate Iraq’s Christian and Yazidi populations as genocide, little efort has been made to recognize, investigate, or prosecute IS’ crimes against the Shi’a. As I argue, the Islamic State’s systematic killing and cultural destruction of Shi’a Muslims in Afghanistan, Iraq, and Syria constitutes genocidal conduct under the Genocide Convention. As such, the International Criminal Court (ICC) has an obligation to recognize and investigate such activities through the creation of an international criminal tribunal dedicated to prosecuting members of IS for atrocities committed against the Shi’a. I further argue that use of veto power by permanent members of the Security Council should be restricted in the face of genocide, crimes against humanity, and war crimes to ensure that the UN fulflls its guiding principles to prevent and punish atrocity crimes. I will also explain the legal signifcance of prosecuting a non-state actor for genocide at the ICC and the impact that this recognition would have on humanitarian policy, the integrity of early warning models for genocide, and justice for the Shi’a victims of the Islamic State’s brutality.

After examining the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) resolutions referred to the foreign fighters who joined the ranks of ISIS in Iraq and Syria andthe UN Investigative Team to support domestic efforts to hold ISIS accountable for war crimes, crimes against humanity and genocide committed in Iraq (UNITAD or the Investigative Team) this article brings both contents together in order to ascertain whether there may be gaps or problems which should be addressed, since both developments were prompted by the UNSC. It is explored whether there may be certain inconsistencies, such as the one relating to the emphasis placed on different crimes, depending on the resolutions in question. Thus, those related to FTFs focus on terrorism crimes, while those related to UNITAD refer to atrocity crimes. Hereinafter the action and evolution of UNITAD is examined, in order to determine whether it might be helpful to overcome some existing barriers and avoid impunity for atrocity crimes. It will be concluded that UNITAD may provide substantial support, not only in relation to trials in Iraq, but also in third States, by providing useful tools or evidence to prosecute FTFs. Seizing this opportunity will require further action, which will be crucial to promote accountability and justice.

Since 2014, Daesh has been perpetrating mass atrocities against the population of Syria and Iraq, and beyond, and especially, crimes targeting religious minorities in Syria and Iraq. These included atrocities specifically targeting women and girls, including, rape, sexual abuse, and sexual slavery, and many more. Nonetheless, Daesh fighters are not being prosecuted for such crimes against women and girls and their (few) prosecutions are being conducted for terror-related offences only. The paper explores the use by Daesh of rape and sexual violence against minority women and girls. It considers some of the evidence of the use of rape and sexual violence in conflict, and most specifically, in the case study regarding the genocide committed by Daesh. It further examines the necessary changes that need to happen to address the issue. This includes an analysis of what legal measures have been taken to date to bring the Daesh perpetrators to justice, and specifically, for their atrocities perpetrated against women and girls.

Abstract The conflicts in Syria and Iraq, being some of the most documented in history, have also led to one of the largest influxes of refugees to Europe in recent years. Many of the asylum seekers arriving in European cities identified themselves, or have been identified, as victims, witnesses or perpetrators of atrocities. Consequently, criminal investigations have been initiated by the local police with the aim of prosecuting those responsible for genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity committed in Syria and Iraq. With an increasing number of war crimes prosecutions in European domestic courts relating to the atrocities committed, documented and shared by returning fighters, domestic authorities are compelled to find ways to effectively collect, process, analyse and share the user-generated data. This article discusses the ways in which digital evidence related to the conflicts in Syria and Iraq, particularly online open source materials, are being litigated and judicially evaluated in the domestic jurisdictions of Germany, Finland, Sweden and the Netherlands. Finding parallels between these approaches, with the aim of distilling best practices in evidence collection, processing and analysis, should inform future prosecutions of international crimes in domestic jurisdictions worldwide.

Thesis (MPhil (Journalism))--University of Stellenbosch, 2006.
Abstract: This study analyses the reporting of the Iraqi prisoner abuse issue at Abu Ghraib as reported upon by two South African newspapers from an ethical point of view. The focus falls on the issue of accuracy. Accuracy in war reporting of geographically distant conflicts as exemplified with this case study is a delicate and important matter, the media often being the only window for the public to learn of and about a conflict. In this case study, the two South African newspapers Cape Times and Mail&Guardian will be analysed to show the extent of their adherence to codes of conduct and exemplify the problematic practicalities in ethical reporting on international news. With the main focus of the study being on the ethical issues concerning accuracy, other relevant topics, such as ‘objectivity’, balance, fairness and truth telling, as well as more practical concerns will also be partially considered. The selected case studies are contextualized within the South African media environment so as to yield a better insight into the choices made on an editorial and/or newsroom level. As case studies, selected articles from the Cape Times and the Mail&Guardian during a three-month time-span are analysed using Day’s Situation/Analysis/Decision (SAD) model. Each article will further be analysed from the point of view of the newspaper’s own code of conduct and overarching ethical codes such as the South African Press Ombudsman’s Code of Conduct as well as in terms of the South African laws relevant to the media industry.

This chapter covers the trials and convictions of leaders for crimes against peace in Nuremberg and Tokyo after the Second World War. It also examines the reparations regimes set up with regard to Iraq in 1991 and the Eritrea-Ethiopia conflict in 1998. The chapter explains how the crime of aggression operates in the Statute of the International Criminal Court. It describes possibilities to demand various forms of accountability for breaching other rules of international law that are considered war crimes, crimes against humanity or genocide. There is an almost complete listing of war crimes as well as an explanation of the significance of some war crimes being grave breaches of the Geneva Conventions and Protocol I. The Chapter ends with a look at other forms of accountability beyond criminal prosecution, including the use of belligerent reprisals.

The concluding chapter critiques current scholarly trends to discuss crimes against humanity based on the feelings of horror they create and argues that an analysis of the power politics waged through their discursive mobilization requires analytical scrutiny. The conclusion therefore appraises the difference between hegemonic and counterhegemonic deployments of crimes against humanity in the twentieth and twenty-first centuries. The twenty-first-century deployments comprise the designation of slavery and apartheid as crimes against humanity (a designation that resulted from international political activities by actors from the Global South) as well as the denunciation of the 2003 US-led military campaign in Iraq as a crime against humanity (by transnational social movements). The chapter closes with a critique of debates on the Anthropocene that posit humanity as an undifferentiated, totalizing geological force and argues that, once again, scrutiny of the concrete, differential power positions structuring humanity is imperative for assessing the social causes of climate devastation.

This chapter considers the violent legacies of empire, for imperialism (in its colonial and postcolonial forms) has been central to the political construction of ‘Southern-ness’. Military domination of Southern lands is frequently associated with a brutal violence exercised against Indigenous peoples, while in more recent times the task of domestic pacification has increasingly fallen to police agencies and their paramilitary partners. In this chapter a line is drawn between the history of imperial massacres, the police killings at Marikana mine, South Africa, and the war crimes and human rights abuses perpetrated by coalition troops during military operations in Iraq and Afghanistan as the coalition forces pursued goals of regime change, peace-building and the reconstruction of domestic political order. Unfortunately, but perhaps predictably, the goals of neoliberal internationalism have been found seriously wanting as practised by military liberal interventionism, raising once again the myth and paradox of ‘liberal empire’.

This introductory chapter offers a short history of the eight-year conflict in Syria, covering the arrival of the Arab Spring, the transformation of a long-overdue revolution into a full-scale armed conflict, and the evolution of the situation on the ground to date. This chapter prefaces the contemporary violence with a few historical events, surfacing atrocities committed in the 1980s that have never been the subject of any genuine accountability process as well as the entrenchment of authoritarianism under the House of Assad. It describes how the arrival of the Arab Spring reawakened long-dormant revolutionary impulses, which amplified the government’s repression. This, in turn, provoked an armed resistance and a full-scale conflict, which opened space for the arrival of the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIL). The chapter recounts this history with reference to several key events and factors: the response of the international community, the opposition’s perpetual rearrangements, the appearance of ISIL, the commission of war crimes and crimes against humanity (including the infringement of the taboo against chemical weapons), the humanitarian catastrophe that ensued, forms of foreign intervention (aid, arms, and air strikes), and failed peace processes. In addition to recounting the involvement of major Western powers in the Syrian battlespace, it also touches upon the impact of spillover conflicts in the subregion. Others will write the definitive history of this tragedy; the goal here is to touch upon key milestones as this conflict unfolded and to set the scene for the efforts to promote justice and accountability for the atrocities underway.

Abstract This chapter analyzes the UN Security Council jus ad Bellum decision in Libya highlighting the substantial differences with the decisions adopted in Afghanistan and Iraq. It also presents the Office of the Prosecutor reevaluation of “the interest of justice,” confirming that the situation was admissible. The prosecution presented to the UN Security Council its plans to request arrest warrants receiving strong support. The chapter summarizes the request and the pre-trial chamber’s decision to issue three arrest warrants. The court was able to act decisively before the conflict ended. The Gaddafi regime collapsed. A group of rebels executed Muammar Gaddafi. Al-Sennusi escaped, was arrested in Mauritania, and extradited to Libya, where he was prosecuted. Saif Gaddafi tried to escape, but a Zintan militia arrested him. Libya challenged the admissibility of both cases before the ICC. The court accepted Libya’s position in the Al-Sennusi case and rejected it in the case against Saif Al-Islam Gaddafi. For the first time in the history of the court, an admissibility challenge was successful. In 2014, a new civil war started, and a separate Congress was established in Tobruk. It provided a general amnesty in 2015, and the Zintan militia released Saif Gaddafi. He challenged his case’s admissibility before the ICC, arguing that he was already prosecuted and convicted in absentia for the same crimes. The chambers rejected his arguments because there was not a final judgment of conviction. The 2011 UN Security Council’s jus ad Curiam and jus ad Bellum decisions were implemented. Still, Libya’s national political system could not manage the new conflicts, and new actors committed more crimes. Highlights Muammar Gaddafi forces that were still advancing to Benghazi after Luis Moreno Ocampo’s jus ad Curiam decision that opened an investigation into Libya. To protect civilians, in March 2011, the UN Security Council adopted a jus ad Bellum decision, which had substantial differences with the decisions adopted in Afghanistan and Iraq. It details how the Office of the Prosecutor had to investigate ongoing crimes committed in Libya in a highly politically charged scenario. The chapter looks at evidence that is collected for protecting witnesses and investigators and re-evaluated for the interest of justice, confirming that the situation was admissible. It recounts how Luis Moreno Ocampo warned the UN Security Council about planning to request arrest warrants during the briefing and was able to receive strong support.

"Abstract: This research focus on the protection right of children in armed conflict. Some time, children recruited and used in hostilities as a fighter by armed forces or armed groups. For instance, Islamic State in Iraq and Syria (ISIS) has recruited thousands of children to commit international crimes like genocide, war crime and crime against humanity. In addition, the research explains the abusing and trafficking children for sexual purposes. For example, in Iraq ISIS forces raped Yezidy girls and then used in armed conflict. Furthermore, during armed conflict children face refugee and internal displacement. Moreover, the research analyse the effects of armed conflict on children especially when armed forces attack hospitals and schools and kill them. The research tries to answer the questions, why the children are the purpose? What is the responsibility of children when they participate in hostilities? What is the minimum age of children to participate in hostilities? Is it legal to involve children in armed conflict?"

During the period confined between 2014-2017, the so-called Islamic State in Iraq and the Levant (ISIS) took control of a number of important cities in Iraq, and the organization led a wide campaign of violence and systematic violations of human rights and international law, which amounts to war crimes and crimes against humanity. 0 The Iraqi people were subjected to the largest brutal crime in the history of humanity when these terrorist elements targeted women, children, civilians and minorities, as well as religion and belief, and committed many crimes of genocide against them.

"Abstract On the 3rd of August 2014, ISIS fighters attacked the Sinjar region in northern of Iraq, mostly populated by Yazidis, a religious minority. In almost 3 days, most of the villages in the region were vacated and their residents captured. These events mark the beginning of a campaign of extreme violence that has left men and women apart. Adult men were massacred while girls and women were held for sale as sex slaves. More than 7 years after these events, no prosecution has been brought by International Criminal Court. States are unwilling to try their nationals guilty of crimes of genocide against the Yazidis. This paper aims to analyze the genocide of the Yazidis from the perspective of sexual violence and in particular to determine whether it can be considered to the status of genocide. The origins and legal sources of the genocide are first analyzed. This violence is then examined in the light of certain elements constituting the crime of genocide. Finally, the challenges to be met in the fight against impunity in International Criminal Court are mentioned in the conclusion."

"This work includes talking about the crime of Camp Speicher, in which 1,700 students of the Iraqi army of the Sheea creed were killed by the gangs of the terrorist organization ISIS, with the aim of eliminating the members of this sect because of the misleading ideology carried by those gangs. On 6-12-2014, Iraqi soldiers at Camp Speicher (Speicher Air Base) in Tikrit were subjected to murder and enforced disappearance by terrorist organizations because of their affiliation to the Sheea creed. This crime was among a series of brutal crimes for the genocide of Sheeas in Iraq. This is similar to what happened in the Badoush prison crime in the province of Mosul, which the Iraqi Parliament considered it as a crime of genocide, in which these gangs executed about (400) members of the prison inmates of the Sheea component. After ISIS took control of the city of Tikrit in Iraq, and one day after they took control of the city of Mosul, they captured (2000-2200) soldiers and led them to the presidential palaces in Tikrit, and they shot them there and in other areas and buried some of them alive. This disaster had a negative impact on the families of the victims of the Speicher where they went out in demonstrations demanded that the leaders who handed over the victims of Speicher to ISIS must be prosecuted, and in one of the demonstrations they managed to enter Parliament and demanded that the leaders who handed over Speicher to ISIS be held accountable. After that, many demonstrations took place by the families of the victims, some of which led to the closure of a bridge in Baghdad a few times Protesting the government's delay in clarifying the fate of their children or taking quick measures. The Iraqi parliament and government recently considered the Speicher incident “genocide” in reference to the premeditated murder of Badoush Prison inmates in Nineveh Governorate and the unarmed Speicher military base, the premeditated murder of members of the Albu Nimr, Jabour, al-Lahib, and al-Ubaid tribes, and the killing and displacement of civilians from Kurds, Christians, Yazidis and Shabaks in Sahel Nineveh, Sinjar, deliberate killing and displacement of Turkmens in Tal Afar and Bashir. This decision paves the way for obtaining international recognition from it as a ""genocide"" as stipulated in the Contract of the United Nations in 1948, and Iraq signed it in the fifties of the last century. This study attempts to explain the Al-Ikhnasas Court in looking into the crimes of genocide committed by ISIS against the bereaved students of the Air Force Base (Speicher) due to what this issue raised from the national and international public opinion, especially after the involvement of the Iraqi army leaders in this massacre, according to what witnesses reported in that area and what was reported by soldiers who survived the incident, in addition to the involvement of some members of the Sunni tribes in these crimes with the terrorist organization ISIS. The importance of this study lies in the following aspects: - That ISIS elements were tried according to Anti-Terrorism Law No. 13 of 2005, and from our point of view that the aforementioned law is vague and broader than it should be, and it applies to serious and simple crimes from murder to crimes of sabotage, and the list of crimes punishable by the death penalty according to the aforementioned law is a long list and spacious. - The Iraqi government has embarked on an attempt to develop a legal framework to prosecute ISIS elements, and its mission focused on understanding the procedures and results drawn from those judicial efforts, and its mission also focused on showing the efforts taken by the Iraqi government to address violations in the field of the right to life, including those committed by affiliated forces government as well as other international and domestic actors. The International Criminal Court is specialized in considering specific crimes under Article (5) of its Statute, which are war crimes, aggression and crimes against humanity, which necessitates the adaptation of Speicher's crime within any of the mentioned types of crimes. The assumption of the International Criminal Court in relation to the Speicher crime, includes several positive matters and results at the same time a set of negatives, which must be presented to those positives and negatives in order to give preference between them and the choice of authorizing the court to consider the crime or not. The terrorist organization ISIS has committed serious systematic violations, including war crimes and others, and perhaps those that are not under its control, and that none of these crimes can be addressed within the anti-terrorism law, which cannot address human rights violations. The international community has recognized the heinous violations committed by ISIS against the citizens of Iraq by adopting Resolution (2370) in September of 2017, issued by the Security Council, which authorizes the Security Council to appoint an investigation team to support local efforts to hold ISIS elements accountable by collecting and preserving evidence in Iraq, which can rise to a high level, and it was committed by the elements of the organization. It considers that the decision constitutes a burden and an obligation on Iraq to investigate all allegations of violations committed by government forces for the purpose of holding them accountable, as well as requiring the establishment of special courts and trained judges in relation to ISIS crimes to deal with them. Terrorism is a global curse that has recently spread horizontally to all countries of the world and its effects have been concentrated vertically in some countries, and no one denies that the parties to this phenomenon are increasing (perpetrators and victims) and the United Nations in particular and the international community in general has not succeeded in reducing it despite the fact that the resolutions of the UN Security Council It is increasing, but the proportionality is absent between these decisions and the practical reality. The phenomenon of terrorism is spreading rapidly, and the perpetrators of terrorist acts are on the rise, corresponding to an increase in the victims of terrorism. Also, the circumstances and events that Iraq is going through, especially after 2003, put it at the forefront of countries which suffers from terrorism that has killed the people, using methods and forms that were not previously known and brutal and bloody cruel. ) for the year 2005, and since terrorism was not limited to Iraq, but included many countries, and was not specific to a place or time, nor was it recent in terms of composition. In addition, the aforementioned law cannot be aware of all violations of international and humanitarian law, as we mentioned previously, which requires the necessity of referring the criminals to a competent court. The Court conducts its rule under Article (13) of its Statute when referred to it by a state party to the same system or by the Security Council or when the Public Prosecutor conducts the investigation on his own, and then how does the Court take its measures regarding the aforementioned crime if we take a look Considering that the State of Iraq is not a member of the Statute of the Court. The rule of the court is free from the death penalty, which makes the idea of authorizing the court to consider the crime rejected by most Iraqis, especially the families of the victims. What are the negative aspects of the Iraqi national judiciary’s view of the Speicher crime, and how can it be avoided if the International Criminal Court plays this role? What are the guarantees provided by the court in the event that it proceeds with its procedures regarding this crime? The research on this subject is according to the appropriate method, which is the analytical and comparative method, which works on studying and comparing topics by analyzing ideas and jurisprudential rulings, and the positions of the governments of countries and the United Nations, as well as the resolutions of the Security Council and the General Assembly, and comparing arbitration between Iraqi courts. And the international courts regarding the trial of the perpetrators of the Speicher base crime, and then come up with a set of conclusions and recommendations."

"Halabja: It is an Iraqi city located in the Kurdistan region of Iraq, near the Iranian border, about 8-10 miles away, 150 miles away from Baghdad and located in the southeast of the city of Sulaymaniyah. It is one of the important cities that contains many mosques, shrines and shrines. In 1985, this city was subjected to the former regime's aerial bombardment, where more than 450 Kurdish villages were bombed, 300 citizens executed within one month, and internationally prohibited chemical weapons were used. The Iraqi regime’s violations of human rights continued to reach their climax in 1988, which was known as the Halabja events, which will be the subject of our research, the Halabja massacre, which took place at the end of the first Gulf War or what is known as the Iran-Iraq war from 16-17 March 1988, the killing of Kurdish civilians and the use of chemical weapons against them and the effects of a war The first Gulf and the breach of the international treaty through the use of chemical weapons that are banned internationally, as well as international reports on human rights violations in Halabja, which left about 5,000 martyrs, most of whom are residents of the region, and we will also clarify who is responsible for the events of Halabja, and the truth can be highlighted through documents and evidence The editorial in the Halabja case, where these documents included information about chemical weapons in handwriting and not in a printer to evade responsibility. The document talks about the production and accumulation of chemical agents by the former regime and the intention of the former regime to strike them when necessary, in addition to other documents that we will address through the research, There is also an appendix with the names of a number of companies involved in supplying the government at that time with unconventional weapons, including missile weapons and other weapons Chemical materials and advanced technology, and this is very clear in the violation of human rights by extremely barbaric repressive methods and means, and northern Iraq has become the scene of these crimes that have been circulated between international press agencies and television screens, articles, photos and documentaries expressing the horror of the calamity and the magnitude of the tragedy. Well-known international documents and documents and what Halabja has been exposed to are classified within the concept of genocide wars. This type of war is not attended by all international laws and segments only, but also the simplest rules of behavior and human and civilized interaction between people belonging to the human race. We will also show the issue of Halabja in the corridors of the Iraqi Parliament, which was during the session on 7/3/2011 of the second electoral cycle, the first legislative year, the second legislative term in the Iraqi Council of Representatives, held in Baghdad, by submitting a proposal to the Council of Representatives regarding the position of the House of Representatives regarding the crime of bombing Halabja with chemical weapons. In conclusion, I hope you will like this summary."

"Humanity has known (forced displacement) as one of the inhuman phenomena, and international law considers it a war crime, and the forcibly displaced area is subjected to various types of psychological, physical, cultural and ethnic torture. Khanaqin has been subjected to more displacement compared to the rest of Iraq's cities, and forced displacement is a systematic practice carried out by governments or armed groups intolerant towards groups that differ from them in religion, sect, nationalism, belief, politics, or race, with the aim of evacuating lands and replacing groups other population instead. Forced displacement is either direct, i.e. forcibly removing residents from their areas of residence, or indirect, such as using means of intimidation, persecution, and sometimes murder. This phenomenon varies in the causes and motives that depend on conflicts and wars, and greed, as well as dependence on cruelty in dealing and a tendency to brutality and barbarism. With regard to forced displacement in Iraq before the year 2003 AD, it was a systematic phenomenon according to a presidential law away from punishment, and it does not constitute a crime, as evidenced by the absence of any legal text referring to it in the Iraqi Penal Code, but after the year 2003 AD, criminal judgments were issued against the perpetrators of forced displacement. For the period between 17/7/1967 to 1/5/2003 CE, displacement cases were considered a terrorist crime, and consideration of them would be the jurisdiction of the Iraqi Central Criminal Court. The deportations from the city of Khanaqin were included in the forced displacement, by forcibly transferring the civilian population from the area to which they belong and reside to a second area that differs culturally and socially from the city from which they left. Al-Anbar governorate identified a new home for the displaced residents of Khanaqin, first, and then some of the southern governorates. We find other cases of forced displacement, for example, what happened to the Faili Kurds. They were expelled by a presidential decision, and the decision stated: (They were transferred to Nakra Salman, and then they were deported to Iran). These cases of deportation or displacement have led to the emergence of psychological effects on the displaced, resulting from the feeling of persecution and cultural extermination of the traditions of these people, and the obliteration of their national identity, behavior and practices. After the year 2003 AD, the so-called office for the return of property appeared, and there was a headquarters in every governorate, Except in Diyala governorate, there were two offices, the first for the entire governorate, and the second for Khanaqin district alone, and this indicates the extent of injustice, displacement, deportation, tyranny, and extermination that this city was subjected to. The crimes of forced displacement differ from one case to another according to their causes, origins, goals and causes - as we mentioned - but there are expansive reasons, so that this reason is limited to greed, behavior, cruelty, brutality and barbarism. But if these ideas are impure and adopted by extremists, then they cause calamity, inequality and discrimination, forcing the owners of the land to leave. In modern times, the crime of forced displacement has accompanied colonial campaigns to control other countries, so that displacement has become part of the customs of war, whether in conflicts external or internal. Forced displacement has been criminalized and transformed from an acceptable means of war to a means that is legally and internationally rejected by virtue of international law in the twentieth century, especially after the emergence of the United Nations charter in 1945 AD And the two Additional Protocols attached to the Geneva Conventions of 1977 AD, as well as declarations, , conventions and international conferences that included explicit legal texts criminalizing forced displacement as a universal principle of genocide. My approach in this study is a field-analytical approach, as I present official data and documents issued by the competent authorities and higher government agencies before the year 2003 AD, and indicate the coordinates and modalities of the process of displacement and deportation, as well as an interview with the families of the displaced, taking some information and how to coexist with their new imposed situation. forcibly on them."

There is a big distance between religious inequalities and atrocity crimes. Indeed, religious inequalities do not necessarily lead to atrocity crimes; however, in certain cases they can. Examples of cases that portray this progression are those of Yazidis and Christian minorities in Iraq, and the Rohingya community in Myanmar. In certain situations, analysing religious inequalities can help to identify risk factors of genocidal atrocities, so a question that naturally arises is: can addressing religious inequalities help to mitigate and prevent atrocity crimes based on religion or belief? This paper focuses on the situation of the Uyghur population in China, where they are being persecuted for their religion or belief. It considers the law on freedom of religion or belief and other laws affecting the enjoyment of rights by Uyghurs in China as the foundation of religious inequalities. The paper further considers the deterioration of the Uyghurs’ circumstances by analysing some of the recent reported treatment of them against frameworks relevant to atrocity crimes, namely the UN Framework of Analysis for Atrocity Crimes and the Jacob Blaustein Institute for the Advancement of Human Rights Compilation of Risk Factors and Legal Norms for the Prevention of Genocide.