Journal articles: 'Xinjiang terrorism and separatism'

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Hashmat Ullah Khan and Gohar Rehman. "China’s Role in War on Terror." Central Asia 86, Summer (November 28, 2020): 51–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.54418/ca-86.71.

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Terrorism being the primary threat to China's national security therefore counter terrorism has turned out to be the main point of China’s domestic and foreign policy. The major terrorist threat that China faces is posed by Uyghur separatist fighters of Xinjiang. They claim and fight for a separate independent state called “East Turkistan”. The Xinjiang issue is the major anxiety and the focal point of China’s war on terror. To stop extremism and terrorism in Xinjiang China has adopted a multi-dimensional approach i.e. Strike Hard Campaign, diplomatic actions to isolate terrorists and get the help of other countries, religious, economic and social anti-terrorist policies to eradicate the roots of terrorism from society. China is also cooperating with the countries including US, Afghanistan, Pakistan, Central Asian Republics, and many others in fighting against terrorism. From the platform of Shanghai Cooperation Organization China is also playing important role in counterterrorism. China major interest in war on terror is to stop the spread of extremism and terrorism within her borders particularly in Xinjiang province, as well as to make sure that neighbouring countries not become safe haven and base camp for the Uyghur militants. The main objective of this paper is to analyses the phenomena of terrorism in Xinjiang and China’s role in war on terror.

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YIN, WEIWEN. "Rooted in Poverty?: The Political Economy of Terrorism in Xinjiang." Japanese Journal of Political Science 18, no. 1 (February 14, 2017): 41–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109916000311.

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AbstractIt has been one of the most debated puzzles in the study of political economy of terrorism whether economic development can curb terrorism. In Xinjiang, a multi-ethnic region in West China, it is widely believed that higher income levels can decrease the likelihood of terrorism conducted by Uyghur separatists or Islamic extremists. However, the county-level data for the year of 2013 show that better economic performance may not work as is expected. Instead, empirical evidence indicates that income is positively associated with the probability of terrorist attacks, and the effect is statistically significant. Projects that are aimed at boosting local economic growth result in a flood of migrants, and the local Uyghurs are disadvantaged in the employment market. Consequently, economic grievances will be generated. Some, but not all, Uyghurs have a shared motivation to resist, but tight social control in the region constrains the form of resistance, in the sense that neither mass protests nor armed rebellion are feasible. Terrorist attacks that come at a lower cost become a preferable choice. In addition to economic grievances and tight control, external factors also help to boost terrorist activities in Xinjiang, but more empirical and field research is needed before we could clarify how external factors, such as the international jihadist movement, interact with local conditions and result in terrorism in the region.

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Purbrick, Martin. "MAINTAINING A UNITARY STATE: COUNTER-TERRORISM, SEPARATISM, AND EXTREMISM IN XINJIANG AND CHINA." Asian Affairs 48, no. 2 (April 3, 2017): 236–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03068374.2017.1313595.

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Soloshcheva, Maria A. "The Uyghur Terrorism: Phenomenon and Genesis." Iran and the Caucasus 21, no. 4 (December 23, 2017): 415–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1573384x-20170408.

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The aim of this paper is 1) to analyse the historical and political roots of the current situation in Xinjiang; 2) to identify the boundaries that separate the legal opposition from what is usually called non-system opposition; and 3) to study a set of preconditions that have affected the emergence of the phenomenon of the Uyghur terrorism. In a broader sense, the engagement of the Uyghur population in separatist activities under the slogan of the most radical Islamic religious-political movements (Jabhat an-Nusra (alias Jabhat Fateh al-Sham), ISIL, Al Qaeda, the Taliban, etc.) is addressed. Generally, the author tries to answer the following questions: What are the motives and methods of Uyghur terrorists? What dynamics of their violent acts may we consider in the People’s Republic of China and abroad? What legal and terrorist organisations have Chinese Uyghurs as members? And what distinguishes legal and the so called non-system Uyghur opposition?

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Buyarov, Dmitry. "Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region in China's international relations: A part of the New Silk Road or a hotbed of conflict?" Asia and Africa Today, no. 7 (2022): 31. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s032150750016491-2.

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The article examines the place and role of the Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region of the People's Republic of China in the economic project of the New Silk Road in the context of China's international relations. The importance of the XUAR for China at the beginning of the XXI century increases due to its economic and geostrategic characteristics. China's economic strategy contributes to its strengthening in the Central Asian region and strengthens its position in comparison with the capabilities of Russia and the United States. For China, this is not only a desire to achieve foreign economic goals, but also an opportunity to reduce the risks of the terrorist threat. Xinjiang is becoming not only a springboard for China's new economic policy in Central Asia, but also a link between the important route of goods, raw materials and investments from the Pacific Ocean to Europe. At the same time, the XUAR is a zone of long-term instability, which is expressed in the development of separatism, terrorism and extremism. The actions of the Chinese authorities are aimed at stabilizing the situation in the autonomous region. But sometimes this is achieved by force and contradicts the ethno-religious traditions of the local population. Thus, XUAR, which is part of the New Silk Road, is characterized not only as a promisingly developing region, but also represents a hotbed of significant risk.

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Volodin, Ivan. "The New Silk Road Project as a Fuse for Separatism in the Xinjiang-Uyghur Autonomous Region." Історико-політичні проблеми сучасного світу, no. 40 (December 15, 2019): 42–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mhpi2019.40.42-49.

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This article is about Chinese politics in Xinjiang-Uyghur Autonomous Region in the context of implementation of the “New Silk Road” strategy. Focus on stress factors that exist between the Uyghurs and Chinese government. The caused and motivation of Uyghur separatism are analyzed. Uyghur separatism express itself in different ways: terrorist attacks or international activity, contacts with Islamic organization or relations with Uyghur diasporas of the world. Although there is no new information about ethnic or religious confrontation, but the situation in XUAR does not disappear from the field of view of Beijing. Interest in supporting security in this region has only increased. Particular attention is paid to the “New Silk Road” which will pass through in Xinjiang-Uyghur Autonomous Region. Natural resources and geographic location of this region provide opportunities for economic improvement in western areas of China. XUAR used to be a raw material base, but after start of the project “New Silk Road” new enterprises began to open, infrastructure is actively developing, foreign investment is being attracted. All this changed perception of XUAR from the border land to important section of the “New Silk Road”. The new Chinese concept also reduces the relevance of the Uyghur issue in international relations. Neighboring countries interested in joining to the “New Silk Road” and Chinese investment. Because of this these countries are not so active in the Uyghur issue, which the Uyghur diasporas are trying to support. It should also be noted increased pressure on terrorist organization. Thatʼs why their connection with the East Turkestan Islamic movement has weakened. Keywords: China, “New Silk Road”, Xinjiang-Uyghur Autonomous Region, XUAR, Uyghur, separatism.

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Hoh, Anchi. "Xinjiang as Portrayed in Qing’s Historical Gazetteers Housed at the Library of Congress." Comparative Islamic Studies 7, no. 1-2 (September 20, 2012): 23–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/cis.v7i1-2.23.

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The author argues that to study the relationship between China and the Middle East it is unavoidable to form an understanding of the Xinjiang region as a bridge between the regions. Focusing on the expansion of China control of Xinjiang and the bordering regions of Central Asia during the Qianlong period (1736-95) and the signification of these regions from the 18th century to the present, this article demonstrates the fervent relationship between East Asia and the Middle East. Due to current political considerations, many contemporary studies focus only on the more recent separatist movements in the region and Xinjiang’s possible ties to terrorism. Hoh shows that it is essential to delve into the historical roots and landscape for any meaningful assessment of contemporary politics and society. Moreover, in dealing with the current Chinese government on Xinjiang related issues, it is imperative to study the relevant historical documents in order to form a full understanding of the current Chinese thinking. As an attempt to bridge this gap, this article emphasizes on Xinjiang’s regional development during the Qing dynasty, as well as the Qing’s attitude toward Xinjiang’s bordering countries in the historical Chinese documents. The views expressed in this article are the author’s own and do not necessarily represent those of the Library of Congress.

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Ashraf, Muhammad Imran, Iqra Jathol, and Aftab Alam. "China's Xinjiang and Pakistan's Baluchistan: CPEC Perspective." Global Pakistan Studies Research Review I, no. I (December 30, 2018): 1–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gpsrr.2018(i-i).01.

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The events of 9/11 have radically altered the entire discussion of Minorities – especially Muslim ones – and the issue of terrorism. As real as is the threat of al-Qaida and its international connections, many regimes of the world have seized on the US Global War against Terrorism to legitimize their own repression of Muslim and even Non-Muslim minorities. We have witnessed this in both friendly state, China and Pakistan. Most of the heterogeneous populated states consist of different ethnic communities. Each ethnic identity has different voices and demands, for the accomplishment of which, a continuous struggle is going on, influencing the national politics. Pakistan and China like other developing states of the world is also in front of identity crisis almost in there important federating units, Pakistan in Baluchistan and China in Xinjiang, with different concerns. These concerns are sometimes ethno-nationality, decentralization of powers, provincial autonomy and economic discrepancies. After the dismemberment of East Pakistan, the most sensitive and hot issue is the case of Baluchistan's ethno-national movement which sometimes in different occasions seem to be transformed to a militant or an insurgent group for fulfillment of their objectives. And same problem in china's Xinjiang in the case of the Uyghur. This sense of ethnic difference has to a large extent formed the basis of longstanding anti-Han sentiment among the Xinjiang Uyghur's. The Chinese leadership has also for decades perceived these sentiments as the presence of a separatist movement in Xinjiang. The Uyghur's' situation is complicated by the fact that Xinjiang – a vast oil- and gas-rich swath of territory in China's northwest occupying one-sixth of the country's area – is of great strategic value. The Chinese government has repeatedly emphasized the importance of interethnic harmony in Xinjiang and rapid integration of the Uyghur's into the Han-dominated Chinese society. Yet, many Uyghur's see policies intended to promote these goals as attempts to suppress their culture and religion. Xinxiang conflict is one of the most danger threats to the relation of both the countries.

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Chung, Chien-peng. "The Shanghai Co-operation Organization: China's Changing Influence in Central Asia." China Quarterly 180 (December 2004): 989–1009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741004000712.

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China, Russia and the Central Asian states of Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan and Uzbekistan formed the Shanghai Co-operation Organization (SCO) in 2001. China's backing for an SCO charter, permanent secretariat and anti-terrorism centre for the past three years reflects its desire to strengthen the SCO in countering United States influence in Central Asia. Diplomatically, China fears that the American presence means that regional states will be less accommodating to China's political demands. Economically, China worries that the United States' support for American petroleum companies will compromise Chinese efforts to wrest concessions from Central Asian governments. Security-wise, with bases close to China's western borders, Washington can assist Beijing in flushing out Xinjiang separatists operating in Central Asia, or put military pressure on China, should it be perceived as a threat. The American presence and resurgent Russian involvement in Central Asia seem to have put China's influence in the region on the defensive.

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Yuyan, Zhang. "FROM PAN-TURKISM TO XINJIANG SEPARATISM: AN ANALYSIS OF TURKIC FACTOR." Вестник Пермского университета. Политология 16, no. 1 (2022): 94–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.17072/2218-1067-2022-1-94-105.

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The conflict caused by cultural differences is one of the reasons for the emergence and development of Pan-Turkism and Xinjiang separatism, and there is a clear connection between them. This article aims to answer two questions: what is the common ground for the association between Pan-Turkism and Xinjiang separatism and for the cultural differences that drive the emergence and development of the two? The research shows the "Turkic factor" to be a common foundation. The author argues that the Turkic factor is the socio-cultural basis that promotes the emergence and development of both Pan-Turkism and Xinjiang separatism. First, the Turkic factor is the premise and condition for the emergence, spread and three transformations in the Ottoman Empire and Turkey of Pan-Turkism. Second, the Turkic factor is the cultural basis of Xinjiang separatism, and it is constantly politicized and instrumentalized by Xinjiang separatism. Third, the Uyghurization of Turkic factor and Pan-Turkism is no doubt an inevitable consequence of the development of separatism, however, they are clearly different in the process, causes, methods, and results of Uyghurization. Finally, after being shaped by Xinjiang separatist forces, the content of the Turkic factor has been divided into two parts in Xinjiang.

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Shichor, Yitzhak. "Separatism: Sino‐Muslim conflict in Xinjiang." Pacifica Review: Peace, Security & Global Change 6, no. 2 (November 1994): 71–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14781159408412784.

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Steele, Liza, and Raymond Kuo. "Terrorism in Xinjiang?" Ethnopolitics 6, no. 1 (March 2007): 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17449050600917072.

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Davis, Elizabeth Van Wie. "Uyghur Muslim Ethnic Separatism in Xinjiang, China." Asian Affairs: An American Review 35, no. 1 (April 2008): 15–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.3200/aafs.35.1.15-30.

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Pokalova, Elena. "Framing Separatism as Terrorism: Lessons from Kosovo." Studies in Conflict & Terrorism 33, no. 5 (April 9, 2010): 429–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10576101003691564.

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Mikhailov, Sergey A. "“Golden triangle of separatism” - problems of the relevant cooperation of countries of the region." RUDN Journal of World History 14, no. 2 (April 29, 2022): 144–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2312-8127-2022-14-2-144-157.

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This article attempts to analyze the situation in North-East India (NER) and the entire region in the light of existing and potential interaction between countries of South, South East and East Asia for solving the serious problem of the local separatism and terrorism. The author states that even a superficial glance at the situation demonstrates a very contradictory approaches and actions of the different countries in this field. The relevance of the research implies the possibilities of practical application of the potential of cooperation between countries of this region (using examples of the positive interaction between India and some of its neighbors) to choose the best ways to solve the problem of separatism and terrorism.

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Korenkov, Oleksandr, Olena Balatska, and Yuliya Rashchupkina. "Separatism and Jihadism: Interaction in the Context of Terrorist Activity." Studia Polityczne 50, no. 2 (October 28, 2022): 111–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.35757/stp.2022.50.2.05.

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According to the well-known concept of consequential waves of terrorism, proposed by American researcher David C. Rapoport, since 1979, the world has encountered a wave of religious terrorism. Religiously motivated terrorists are the most dangerous and cruel terrorists who continue to lead the world. All four terrorist groups responsible for 55 per cent of total deaths in 2019 are jihadists (Global Terrorism Index 2020). The Taliban, Boko Haram, ISIL, and Al-Shabaab all fight for the establishment of their own quasi-state entities within the borders of existent sovereign states. This political objective associates the jihadists with another ideological movement – separatist-terrorists – in Rapoport’s model. Despite apparent distinctions in ideological foundations and political agendas, these two movements are similar in their struggle for self-determination within the borders of sovereign states. In this article, we use data from the Global Terrorism Database to compare how these two ideological movements with similar political objectives influence each other in the area of terrorist activity. Having analysed and reviewed information about 3,617 terrorist organisations that committed at least one terrorist attack from 1970 to 2018, we check how jihadist and separatist-terrorist activities were interrelated and how this interrelation manifested itself in different countries.

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MARINOV, Petar. "THE ESSENCE OF MODERN TERRORISM AND THE DEVELOPMENT OF COMPREHENSION OF THE NATURE OF TERRORISM." STRATEGIES XXI - Command and Staff College 17, no. 1 (July 20, 2021): 155–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.53477/2668-2028-21-18.

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Abstract: Terrorism as a phenomenon has a complex structure in which ideological, social, religious, ethnic, psychological and other elements are intertwined. Modern terrorism is a complex and dynamic phenomenon that successfully adapts to the political and economic situation. Effective counteraction is beyond the power of any independent specialized institution or individual country. Understanding of the concept of terrorism is linked to the analysis of the common features of modern terrorism. Based on the content of ideology and motivation, as well as the specifics of the methods of action, there are differences between terrorism based on left and right ideologies, on nationalism and separatism, and with different religious motivations.

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Hong, Ji Yeon, and Wenhui Yang. "Conditional cross-border effects of terrorism in China." Conflict Management and Peace Science 39, no. 3 (December 27, 2021): 266–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/07388942211062840.

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This paper explores whether the cross-border effect of ethnic violence is contingent on internal factors, such as domestic security measures, distribution of religious sites, availability of communication tools, and proximity to turbulent neighboring countries. Using county-level data from Xinjiang (1995–2012), our analyses show no support for direct violence-enhancing effects of outside terrorism in Xinjiang. When terrorist attacks increase globally or in neighboring countries, overall violence in Xinjiang diminishes. We attribute this to increased security measures by the government. However, the reduction in violence is highly conditional on local factors. We find that historical religiosity and geographic proximity to the border reduce the subsident effects of external terrorism.

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Mackerras, Colin. "Xinjiang at the turn of the century: The causes of separatism." Central Asian Survey 20, no. 3 (September 2001): 289–303. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02634930120095321.

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Mikhailov, Sergey A. "Economic and social measures of Narendra Modi’s government to solve the problem of separatism in North - Eastern India (NER)." RUDN Journal of World History 12, no. 1 (December 15, 2020): 47–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2312-8127-2020-12-1-47-59.

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This article attempts to analyze the current economic development of North - Eastern India (NER) in the light of solving problems related to separatism in this region. This problem is extremely relevant, because it is impossible to achieve the economic breakthrough and prosperity of the region without the final eradication of separatism and terrorism in NER. The used sources are mainly up-to-date analysis of Indian ministries and departments (Ministry of development of NER, NEC / North Eastern Council and some others), as well as Internet materials from Indian and international sources (Deutsche Welle).

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Singh, Satyavir. "Terrorism and Counter-Terrorism in South Asia : Challenges and Policy Options." India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs 58, no. 3-4 (July 2002): 145–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/097492840205800306.

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Threats from the cross-border terrorism and separatism nexus between narcotic mafias and terrorist and insurgent groups, religious and political extremism, and aggressive nationalism pose new challenges to the viability of large multi-ethnic, multi-lingual, multicultural and multi-religious states of the South Asia Region (SAR) and there is an urgent need to combat these challenges through democracy, secularism, tolerance, regional co-operation and rule of law. The largest drug producing areas of the world Golden Crescent and Golden Triangle lie within the geographic proximity of the SAR. These geographical links are exacerbated by the connection between narcotics and arms, with the sea routes of the Arabian Sea and the Bay of Bengal providing ideal conduits for supply of both arms and narcotics. This resulted in the lethal cocktail of narco-terrorism and such a nexus can encourage ‘maritime terrorism’, in the coastal and island states of the SAR.

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Nuriyeva, Irada Tofiq. "ARMENIAN SEPARATISM IS AN INTEGRAL PART OF THE INTERNATIONAL TERRORISM." Theoretical & Applied Science 49, no. 05 (May 30, 2017): 32–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.15863/tas.2017.05.49.7.

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Drugov, Aleksey. "The Separatism Problem in Indonesian Papua." South East Asia Actual problems of Development, no. 3 (52) (2021): 65–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2072-8271-2021-3-3-52-065-089.

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Armed separatist movement and terrorism are showing further growth in Indonesian provinces Papua and West Papua at the western part of New Guinea island. The source of the movement as acknowledged by several Indonesian experts and politicians аre the disbalance in the economic, social and cultural development, marginalization of the region of the region compared with other provinces, which is aggravated by ethnic, confessional and racial differences. Besides military suppression of the armed terrorists, the Indonesian government takes measures to overcome the conflict situation, including “The Act on Special Autonomy for Papua and West Papua” providing several economic, financial and social privileges for native population. But some politicians and experts argue that these measures are not sufficiently politically and psychologically oriented to overcome the heavy heritage of the last decades.

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Paisley, James. "Religious Liberty in Xinjiang." Undergraduate Research Journal for the Humanities 1, no. 1 (September 1, 2016): 17–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.17161/1808.21356.

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Xinjiang Province, the far western province of China, has noted an increase in domestic terrorism as a result Uighurs that are radicalized through feelings of religious and ethnic oppression. China is also not evenly implementing its laws on religious protections. This paper suggests a change in Beijing’s policy towards Xinjiang that promotes religious liberty for Uighur Muslims, which will be more conductive to Beijing’s ultimate goals for peace, stability, and unity in the region.

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Gladney, Dru C. "The Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region as an example of separatism in China." Kulturní studia 2021, no. 1 (May 1, 2021): 85–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.7160/ks.2021.150105.

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Though often called a “heaven on Earth” New Zealand suffers from a serious problem with gangs. Ethnic gangs have dominated the New Zealand gang scene since the 70s when many Maoris left traditional rural areas and migrated in search of work to the cities but ended up in poverty because of lack of skills and poorly-paid jobs. Maori urbanization and the dual pressures of acculturation and discrimination resulted in a breakdown of the traditional Maori social structures and alienated many from their culture. Maoris who have been unable to maintain their ethnic and cultural identity through their genealogical ties and involvement in Maori culture attempt to find it elsewhere. For many of those that have lost contact with their cultural and ethnic links gangs have replaced families and community and provides individuals with a sense of belonging and safety. The aim of this article is to demonstrate the role of gangs in Maori ethnic and cultural identity development. This paper demonstrates the impact of gang environment on individual identity development and provides evidence that cultural engagement initiatives can enhance Maori identities, which in turn could increase psychological and socio-economic wellbeing.

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Vieira, Victor Carneiro Corrêa. "PANTURQUISMO EM XINJIANG E NA ÁSIA CENTRAL: ENTRE O SEPARATISMO E A INTEGRAÇÃO." Lua Nova: Revista de Cultura e Política, no. 109 (April 2020): 269–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/0102-269301/109.

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Resumo A manutenção da estabilidade social tem sido considerada pelo Partido Comunista Chinês (PCCh) condição primordial para a manutenção de sua hegemonia nacional, porém, a repressão à minoria étnica uigur tem alimentado pleitos separatistas. Este artigo analisa o desenvolvimento do movimento radical islâmico na China e sua interação com outros grupos da Ásia Central e com a repressão estatal. Primeiro aborda o desenvolvimento da atuação extremista de grupos islâmicos na Ásia Central para, na segunda parte, analisar sua interação com o movimento separatista uigur; e, na terceira e quarta partes, discute as estratégias de desenvolvimento e repressão empregadas pelo PCCh para a dissuasão do ímpeto separatista. Conclui-se que o radicalismo islâmico da Ásia Central e os conflitos étnicos são fontes de instabilidade que podem ameaçar a integridade territorial e os projetos de integração chineses. Contudo, reprimir a cultura, religião e costumes uigures e banalizar o conceito de terrorismo pode provocar um efeito reverso ao esperado por parte do PCCh, estimulando a radicalização dos grupos separatistas.

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SHAN, Wei, and Xiaojuan PING. "Rising Terrorism and China's New Policy in Xinjiang." East Asian Policy 06, no. 04 (October 2014): 113–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930514000397.

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Since May 2014 Beijing has started to push its two-pronged new policy plans in anti-terrorism and social development in Xinjiang after a series of Uighur-initiated violent terrorist attacks. One involves heavy-handed tactics and fierce crackdown campaign. The other is the announcement of a new social and economic policy package, including promoting Chinese national “consciousness” among ethnic minorities, boosting employment with a “one household, one job” policy and promoting bilingualism in Xinjiang's education policy.

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DEREVYANKO, Bogdan, and Evgeniy ZOZULYA. "Controversy in Deprivation of Citizenship on Charges of Terrorism and Separatism." Journal of Advanced Research in Law and Economics 8, no. 7 (June 8, 2018): 2103. http://dx.doi.org/10.14505//jarle.v8.7(29).06.

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The manuscript deals with the issues of reasonability of involuntary loss of citizenship of Ukraine and presentation of conclusions to the public, including politicians and legislators. Research was conducted using normative, sociological approaches, methods of induction and deduction, analysis and synthesis, comparison and contrast to compare the penalty of deprivation of citizenship (allegiance) in modern world with the exile from tribe at the time of primitive society and from the state in ancient times; the manuscript provides a list of benefits and privileges (with focus on civil, political, social, economic, humanitarian rights and freedoms) of the citizens of Ukraine, which, accordingly, may be lost in the event of involuntary loss of citizenship of terrorism and separatism suspects. Such measure would have a serious effect of punishment if the state guaranteed fundamental rights and freedoms of citizens of Ukraine to the extent defined by internationally recognized standards, significant economic benefits for the citizens of Ukraine, or inability to obtain citizenship of another state. Conclusion was made about the inexpediency of introduction of such penalties at the current stage of development of the economy and civil society in Ukraine.

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DEREVYANKO, Bogdan, and Evgeniy ZOZULYA. "Controversy in Deprivation of Citizenship on Charges of Terrorism and Separatism." Journal of Advanced Research in Law and Economics 8, no. 7 (December 30, 2017): 2103. http://dx.doi.org/10.14505/jarle.v8.7(29).06.

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The manuscript deals with the issues of reasonability of involuntary loss of citizenship of Ukraine and presentation of conclusions to the public, including politicians and legislators. Research was conducted using normative, sociological approaches, methods of induction and deduction, analysis and synthesis, comparison and contrast to compare the penalty of deprivation of citizenship (allegiance) in modern world with the exile from tribe at the time of primitive society and from the state in ancient times; the manuscript provides a list of benefits and privileges (with focus on civil, political, social, economic, humanitarian rights and freedoms) of the citizens of Ukraine, which, accordingly, may be lost in the event of involuntary loss of citizenship of terrorism and separatism suspects. Such measure would have a serious effect of punishment if the state guaranteed fundamental rights and freedoms of citizens of Ukraine to the extent defined by internationally recognized standards, significant economic benefits for the citizens of Ukraine, or inability to obtain citizenship of another state. Conclusion was made about the inexpediency of introduction of such penalties at the current stage of development of the economy and civil society in Ukraine.

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Harris, Lillian Craig. "Xinjiang, Central Asia and the Implications for China's Policy in the Islamic World." China Quarterly 133 (March 1993): 111–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s030574100001821x.

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Until the collapse of the Soviet Union ignited an explosion of interest in Central Asia, most outsiders considered the region a political backwater, an amorphous place of exotic peoples whose time of greatest power had long passed and whose future could have little impact on international affairs. This perception began to change during the 1980s when China's concern over the stirrings of ethnic separatism in Xinjiang helped focus international attention on Islamic revivalism in Central Asia.

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Mikołajczyk, Szymon. "„Dziki Zachód” Państwa Środka – bezpieczeństwo i gospodarka w chińskiej polityce wobec prowincji Xinjiang." Refleksje. Pismo naukowe studentów i doktorantów WNPiD UAM, no. 5 (October 31, 2018): 47–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/r.2012.5.3.

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The main purpose of the article is to present the key elements of Chinese policy in Xinjiang. This western province represents 1/6 of China’s landmass and plays a significant role in Chinese security and economic policy. This study tries to show the complexity of challenges that Chinese have to face in their attitude to Xinjiang. For years, Xinjiang was known as a primary front in Chinese war on terrorism. That is why, a question whether the government uses the threat of terrorism as an excuse to violate minority rights is raised. Recently, China has been implementing a new policy, which is more concerned on economic development and improvement of living standards and could be a first step in a long way to stabilize the situation in the province.

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McGrath, Derek, and Jonathan Matusitz. "Understanding Uighur Terrorism: The Human Needs Theory." Asian Journal of Interdisciplinary Research 3, no. 4 (October 19, 2020): 48–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.34256/ajir2045.

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This paper applies the Human Needs Theory to Uighur terrorism. The theory posits that people become violent when their basic human needs are unfulfilled, denied, or taken away from them. Also referred to as the East Turkestan Islamic Movement (ETIM), Uighur terrorists are a minority group of Muslim extremists in the western Chinese Autonomous Region of Xinjiang. Until the mid-1700s, they were considered a peaceful group, but when they lost their autonomy during the Qing dynasty rule (until 1910), and faced oppression by their new government, they resorted to violence. In this case, the Uighurs’ human need “stolen” by the Chinese was their identity. Not only is the Uighur issue underrepresented in the media; it has also received such negligible attention that most governments and scholars believe that the Autonomous Region of Xinjiang is mostly occupied by terrorists.

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SHKHAGAPSOEV, ZAURBI, and RUSLAN KARDANOV. "THE PROBLEM OF SEPARATISM IN THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION (BY THE EXAMPLE OF THE REGIONS OF THE NORTH CAUCASUS)." Sociopolitical Sciences 12, no. 3 (June 28, 2022): 82–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.33693/2223-0092-2022-12-3-82-85.

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Separatism is aimed at undermining the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the state. Separatist ideas are especially pronounced in the border areas. Geographic characteristics, the degree of economic development, the demographic picture of the regions and a number of other factors determine the uniqueness of each of the constituent entities of the Russian Federation. As an example, the authors consider the North Caucasus, which, by its characteristics and level of regional development, is one of the most problematic regions in terms of the development of ideas of extremism, terrorism and separatism. The ethno-confessional factor is one of the key reasons for the emergence of pockets of separatism in the regions of the North Caucasus Federal District, since in the conditions of a poly-religious and multi-ethnic society, any potentially significant conflict that had nothing to do with religion or national issues can develop into an ethno-confessional problem. The author comes to the conclusion that ethno-confessional conflicts in the conditions of the North Caucasus can quickly become the reason for the intensification of the development of separatist ideas.

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Cuthbert, Ross. "Beijing Rides the Bandwagon." American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences 23, no. 3 (July 1, 2018): 71–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajiss.v23i3.444.

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This paper offers a critical assessment of the Chinese Communist Party’s post-9/11 efforts to build international support for its security activities in its Xinjiang province. Xinjiang has traditionally presented the party with a particular challenge. It is remote and relatively underdeveloped, has borders with seven countries, and, most importantly, is inhabited by a large, concentrated, and restive Islamic minority known as the Uygurs. The party is very concerned about the presence of separatist elements among the Uygur population. Beijing’s activities to control such elements have traditionally been quite secretive. However, after 9/11, a Beijing-released report claimed that Xinjiang’s separatist activity is Islamist in nature and that groups operating within the region have ties to al-Qaeda and the Taliban. I argue that inconsistencies surrounding this report tend to undermine the party’s position. Furthermore, given the nature of Islamic practice in Xinjiang and the historical development of Uygur-Han relations in the region, it is more likely that the primary motivations for separatism are rooted in ethno-nationalist, rather than religious, considerations.

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Cuthbert, Ross. "Beijing Rides the Bandwagon." American Journal of Islam and Society 23, no. 3 (July 1, 2018): 71–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v23i3.444.

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This paper offers a critical assessment of the Chinese Communist Party’s post-9/11 efforts to build international support for its security activities in its Xinjiang province. Xinjiang has traditionally presented the party with a particular challenge. It is remote and relatively underdeveloped, has borders with seven countries, and, most importantly, is inhabited by a large, concentrated, and restive Islamic minority known as the Uygurs. The party is very concerned about the presence of separatist elements among the Uygur population. Beijing’s activities to control such elements have traditionally been quite secretive. However, after 9/11, a Beijing-released report claimed that Xinjiang’s separatist activity is Islamist in nature and that groups operating within the region have ties to al-Qaeda and the Taliban. I argue that inconsistencies surrounding this report tend to undermine the party’s position. Furthermore, given the nature of Islamic practice in Xinjiang and the historical development of Uygur-Han relations in the region, it is more likely that the primary motivations for separatism are rooted in ethno-nationalist, rather than religious, considerations.

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Smith, Joanne N. "Xinjiang: China's Muslim Far Northwest. By Michael Dillon. [London and New York: RoutledgeCurzon, 2003. ix+201 pp. £65.00. ISBN 0-415-32051-8.]." China Quarterly 178 (June 2004): 519–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741004280298.

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Xinjiang: China's Muslim Far Northwest is, as the preface notes, primarily a work of synthesis. The author gathers together an impressive amount of documentary data from a range of sources, including domestic Chinese and world news media, Han Chinese scholarship, and, to a lesser extent, reports by Uighur émigré organizations. These data are employed to illustrate patterns of separatist opposition and state reaction in Xinjiang, particularly since the 1990 Baren riots, identified as the ‘turning point’ in regional state-minority relations. In this, the book might be characterized as the extension of Dillon's earlier paper “Xinjiang: ethnicity, separatism and control in Chinese Central Asia’ (1995).Part one, an introduction to Xinjiang, is the section that most closely approaches the stated goal of providing an updated ‘survey of breadth and depth’ in the style of Owen Lattimore's celebrated Pivot of Asia (1950). In it, the author sketches a broad outline of Xinjiang's geography, history, ethnic make-up, and economy. As he forewarns, the result of his attempt to cover such a wealth of topics may disappoint the specialist. It nonetheless provides a timely snapshot of a rapidly developing society and political economy in a region of growing strategic importance; this is likely to be of interest to non-specialists from a wide range of disciplines.

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Gladney, Dru C. "Islam in China: Accommodation or Separatism?" China Quarterly 174 (June 2003): 451–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009443903000275.

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Many of the challenges China's Muslims confront remain the same as they have for the last 1,400 years of continuous interaction with Chinese society, but some are new as a result of China's transformed and increasingly globalized society, and especially since the watershed events of the 11 September terrorist attacks and the subsequent “war on terrorism.” Muslims in China live as minority communities, but many such communities have survived in rather inhospitable circumstances for over a millennium. This article examines Islam and Muslim minority identity in China, not only because it is where this author has conducted most of his research, but also because with the largest Muslim minority in East Asia, China's Muslims are clearly the most threatened in terms of self-preservation and Islamic identity. I argue that successful Muslim accommodation to minority status in China can be seen to be a measure of the extent to which Muslim groups allow the reconciliation of the dictates of Islamic culture to their host culture. This goes against the opposite view that can be found in the writings of some analysts, that Islam in the region is almost unavoidably rebellious and that Muslims as minorities are inherently problematic to a non-Muslim state. The history of Islam in China suggests that both within each Muslim community, as well as between Muslim nationalities, there are many alternatives to either complete accommodation or separatism.

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Mavlonova, A. S. "THE INFLUENCE OF EXTERNAL FACTORS ON THE DEVELOPMENT OF SEPARATISM IN XINJIANG OF PRC." Vestnik RUDN International Relations 17, no. 4 (2017): 770–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2017-17-4-770-780.

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Choudhary, L. K. "Islamic Militancy and Terrorism in Xinjiang: China's Anxieties and Concerns." India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs 58, no. 2 (April 2002): 69–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/097492840205800205.

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40

Dikarev, A. D. "Separatism in the Philippines: Islamist Terrorism, National Liberation or the Struggle for Resources?" Journal of International Analytics, no. 4 (December 28, 2017): 46–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2587-8476-2017-0-4-46-52.

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The article highlights the history of separatist activities in the territory of Philippines, the struggle of Muslim minority inhabiting southern regions of the country, for autonomy and independence. This struggle has a constant trend to turn into military clashes with government troops and terrorist actions. The differences in the programs and actions of various political organizations of local Muslims are elucidated as well as ongoing attempts of the Philippine government to create Autonomous Region of the Muslim Mindanao, and most recently – larger Bangsamoro autonomy what will evidently demand changes in the constitution of the Unitarian republic in the direction of federalization. In conclusion the article briefly describes the aggravation of situation in the South of Philippines due to the growing importance of “Islamic factor” and activities of international terrorism in the modern world.

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Tambunan, Amirsyah. "ISLAM WASATHIYAH TO BUILD A DIGNIFIED INDONESIA (EFFORTS TO PREVENT RADICAL - TERRORISM)." ADI Journal on Recent Innovation (AJRI) 1, no. 1 (September 3, 2019): 54–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.34306/ajri.v1i1.15.

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Muslims in Indonesia in Indonesia face global challenges in the form of liberalism in various dimensions of life. Therefore, Muslims can express their aspirations through the known 411 action, 212 in a peaceful manner. Various parties respect Muslims, because they are able to prove Muslims who agree in Indonesia. Carrying out Islam wasathiyah (moderate), so as not to cause anarchy. However important prevention efforts that promote Islam as a religion of mercy to all the worlds (Islam rahmata lil 'alamin) through understanding of Islam washatiyah, to avoid understanding the extreme form of terrorism, anarchism, separatism and other forms of destructive life of society, nation and state.

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Clarke, Michael. "China's “War on Terror” in Xinjiang: Human Security and the Causes of Violent Uighur Separatism." Terrorism and Political Violence 20, no. 2 (April 9, 2008): 271–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09546550801920865.

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43

Hutomo, Arifin, Rudy A. G. Gultom, and Susilo Adi Purwantoro. "PENGGUNAAN GEOINT PADA OPERASI MILITER DALAM PENANGGULANGAN KKB PAPUA DENGAN OPERABILITAS PADA SISTEM K4IPP." Citizen : Jurnal Ilmiah Multidisiplin Indonesia 2, no. 1 (February 16, 2022): 153–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.53866/jimi.v2i1.44.

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National defense is influenced by the development of a dynamic strategic environment. Complex and multidimensional threats including terrorism, radicalism, separatism, armed rebellion, territorial violations to cyber attacks are challenges that affect the implementation of national defense. In handling the case of the Papuan Armed Criminal Group (KKB), the TNI must use methods and technology in carrying out its operations. By applying Geospatial Intelligence (Geoint) to obtain information and combined with the Computer Communication Control Command for Observation and Reconnaissance Intelligence (C4ISR) it will facilitate the leadership in making strategic decisions on the operation

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Basysta, Iryna. "Certain problems in understanding, investigating and litigation of criminal proceedings on separatism and terrorism." Scientific and informational bulletin of Ivano-Frankivsk University of Law named after King Danylo Halytskyi, no. 9(21) (October 2, 2020): 86–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.33098/2078-6670.2020.9.21.86-95.

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Objective. The publication is the author's attempt to present to the scholarly community the objective problems of the researchers’ and legal practitioners’ understanding of such closely related phenomena as separatism and terrorism, to cover some particular problems of pre-trial investigation (which emerge due to impossibility of conducting urgent investigative actions right on the crime site, to interrogate the military personnel witnesses according to the general rules, to conduct covert investigation procedures in compliance with the current requirements, to commission and conduct the necessary expert investigations or to officially add the evidentiary items to the case, etc.) and of litigation (being caused by absence of proper regulatory mechanism for recovering the lost materials) for the criminal proceedings of the category mentioned above. It also strives to develop proposals to help reduce the number and urgency of the outlined problems. Methodology. Analysis and synthesis of the scholarly work of several researchers, study of the state of the regulatory support, outlining the author’s own conclusions. The structural and systemic methods, analysis and synthesis, functional and other methods were used in the course of this study. Results. This article introduces arguments that provide grounds for the following conclusions: - the Code of Criminal Procedure of Ukraine needs to be amended with a separate procedure for taking the procedural actions (as it is often impossible to conduct urgent investigative actions right on the crime site, to interrogate the military personnel witnesses according to the general rules, to conduct covert investigation procedures in compliance with the current requirements, to commission and conduct the necessary expert investigations or to officially add the evidentiary items to the case, etc.), not just stipulating obtaining consent for conducting them, as it is now set out in Article 615 of the Code of Criminal Procedure of Ukraine; - the procedure for restoring the lost materials of criminal proceedings of the specified category should differ from the current general one, currently regulated in the Code of Criminal Procedure of Ukraine (this includes both criminal proceedings that are still at the stage of the pretrial investigation with no procedural judgment yet and that have already received the judgment of the courts of the first instance, courts of appeal, courts of cassation, or the European Court of Human Rights); - the guidelines should be developed to help mitigate and alleviate the psychological component when evaluating evidence in the criminal proceedings of the specified category; - another urgent issue is resolving the problem of investigative units being overloaded. Academic novelty. Terrorism and separatism are now manifesting in many countries, and, unfortunately, Ukraine is one of them. Based on the available scholarly opinions, practice, and on my expertise, I attempt to outline the urgent issues and to articulate recommendation that can be useful in the regulatory and practical activities on investigation and litigation of this category of criminal proceedings. Practical importance. The study results can be used in the regulatory and law-enforcement activity in the course of investigation of criminal offences connected to separatism and terrorism.

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Tschantret, Joshua. "Repression, opportunity, and innovation: The evolution of terrorism in Xinjiang, China." Terrorism and Political Violence 30, no. 4 (June 16, 2016): 569–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09546553.2016.1182911.

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Clarke, Michael. "Settler Colonialism and the Path toward Cultural Genocide in Xinjiang." Global Responsibility to Protect 13, no. 1 (February 16, 2021): 9–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1875-984x-13010002.

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Abstract The Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region (xuar) is the site of the largest mass repression of an ethnic and/or religious minority in the world today characterised by extra-judicial detention of Uyghurs in ‘re-education’ centres, pervasive surveillance, and repression of Uyghur ethnic identity. While Beijing frames such draconian measures as necessary ‘counter-terrorism’ measures, the intersection between concern for the ‘welfare’ of subject populations and the desire to eradicate ‘defective’ elements of cultural identity central to the ‘re-education’ system in Xinjiang betray the fundamentally colonial nature of the Chinese Communist Party’s (ccp) endeavours in the region.

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Knyazeva, Eklaterina A., Natalia A. Knyazeva, Alexey A. Shirshov, and Nguyen Hung. "Features of the manifestations of terrorism in the Asian-Pacific Region." LAPLAGE EM REVISTA 7, Extra-A (April 28, 2021): 179–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.24115/s2446-622020217extra-a791p.179-192.

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The target of research is discussing the terrorism and its manifestation in some countries of the Asia-Pacific region. The authors used the following research methods: systemic, complex, historical, logical-legal, statistical, etc. The main conclusions of the study are: 1. after the end of the cold war, problems of ethnicity, religion and separatism emerged again. 2. The restructuring of power institutions on a global scale, as well as the expansion of international socio-political and democratic life are one of the main reasons that led to ethnic and religious conflicts around the world, as well as in the Asia-Pacific region. The novelty of the study lies in the fact that the analysis concerning the features of manifestation of terrorism in the countries of the Asia-Pacific region was carried out by studying ethnic, religious, interethnic and separatist conflicts in the APR countries, their causes and impact on the terrorist situation in the region.

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Tambunan, Amirsyah. "ISLAM WASATHIYAH TO BUILD A DIGNIFIED INDONESIA." ADI Journal on Recent Innovation (AJRI) 1, no. 1 (September 18, 2019): 54–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.34306/ajri.v1i1.108.

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Muslims in Indonesia in Indonesia face global challenges in the form of liberalism in various dimensions of life. Therefore, Muslims can express their aspirations through the known 411 action, 212 in a peaceful manner. Various parties respect Muslims, because they are able to prove Muslims who agree in Indonesia. Carrying out Islam wasathiyah (moderate), so as not to cause anarchy. However important prevention efforts that promote Islam as a religion of mercy to all the worlds (Islam rahmata lil 'alamin) through understanding of Islam washatiyah, to avoid understanding the extreme form of terrorism, anarchism, separatism and other forms of destructive life of society, nation and state.

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Kolegova, O. Y. "SCO as an Effective Tool of Regional Integration: Problems of Expansion." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 1(28) (February 28, 2013): 249–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2013-1-28-249-253.

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The article focuses on the formation and subsequent development of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO), which was a response of the association’ states-founders to a dangerous increase the threat of terrorism, separatism and extremism in the post-Cold War period. According to the author, during the last decade, the SCO has demonstrated its potential as an effective tool for regional integration, able to ensure the implementation of its member countries’ key interests. The author shows the evolution of approaches to the question of the organization’ expansion with the inevitable in this case internal problems of growth and the need to strengthen its institutional framework.

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Shichor, Yitzhak. "Blow Up: Internal and External Challenges of Uyghur Separatism and Islamic Radicalism to Chinese Rule in Xinjiang." Asian Affairs: An American Review 32, no. 2 (July 2005): 119–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.3200/aafs.32.2.119-136.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Xinjiang terrorism and separatism'

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