Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Xinjiang terrorism and separatism'

Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, September 2007.
Thesis Advisor(s): Croissant, Aurel S. ; Twoney, Christopher P. "September 2007." Description based on title screen as viewed on October 22, 2007. Includes bibliographical references (p.65-68). Also available in print.

This study intends to examine China’s use of religious violence and antiterrorism when constructing a narrative of the situation in Xinjiang. While the tensions in Xinjiang are not a new occurrence, their intensity has undoubtedly increased. Human Rights Watch has described it as a “cultural genocide” and several international actors have condemned Chinas treatment of the minority group Uyghurs. While China seems to portray the tensions as a result of several acts of religious terror, there are traces of a more complicated conflict. Furthermore, the study shows that the conflict was rarely described as the result of terrorism before the September 11 terrorist attacks, despite the conflict starting in the early 1990s. At the same time, researchers have claimed that Islamic fundamentalists have been adopted as something of a global antagonist, and the fear of religious violence has been recognized as a threat that needs to be stopped, even if it demands more violence. Thus, this study is concerned with studying how this has been acknowledged in a global setting and used by global actors as a strategic tool to vindicate controversial actions. The study illustrates how religious violence and antiterrorism have been used in the creation of a strategic narrative by China. Strategic narratives have been described as the soft power in the 21st century and a well-suited methodological tool to form a deeper understanding of soft power in international relations. The study is done through a text- and narrative analysis of China’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs’ testimony of Xinjiang. The results show that extremist religion and terrorists have been pointed out as a main threat in Xinjiang, while separatist also has been linked to these two. By doing this China has managed to acknowledge its measures against the Uyghur separatist movement as a part of the global war against terror.

The diffusion of episodes of terrorism and political violence around the world has heightened the need for states to design effective counterterrorist measures. Orthodox studies on terrorism hold that the frequency and intensity of terrorist attacks determine the levels of assertiveness maintained by counterterrorist measures. This research builds on this assumption by developing the link between terrorism and counterterrorism policy through two unit-level variables. Besides the frequency and intensity of terrorist attacks, this study examines the political orientation of states’ elites, and states’ integration in multilateral security frameworks. The research tests for these factors by studying counterterrorist authoritarian regimes, and questions the notion that their political orientation makes state terrorism a measure of choice. In empirical terms, this study investigates the making of China’s counterterrorism policy in Xinjiang from 1996 to 2017. The period is analysed by comparing three within-cases, bookended by pre identified critical junctures. China’s counterterrorist measures in Xinjiang have experienced a revival since President Xi came into power in 2013, and the country has been quick to adopt a counterterrorism policy that has come to resemble state terrorism. Yet, no substantial variation in the opposition to the country’s elite nor exceptionally violent terrorist attacks have been recorded in the region. This study relies upon qualitative data, such as political discourse and documents, news media and scholarly writings, and aggregated data is examined to complement the qualitative sources. Methodologically, this thesis supplements process tracing with qualitative content analysis. The evidence provides support for a theory of ‘multi-causal counterterrorism’, according to which counterterrorism policy depends on the combination of systemic and domestic factors. Other than the incidence of terrorist attacks, states choose their counterterrorism policy in the context of ever-changing power relationships at the international and domestic levels. It is concluded that these power relationships impose constraints on states’ decision-making abilities.

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This thesis explores the ongoing Malay-Muslim separatist insurgency in southern Thailand. In particular, it argues that historically-rooted structural factors, to include relative economic deprivation, limited political integration, and struggle for the maintenance of ethnic-religious identity, are at the root of this insurgency. The year 2001 produced two catalysts for the renewal of this insurgency, one internal and one external. The internal catalyst was a newly elected suppressive government regime under the leadership of Prime Minister Thaksin and the Thai Rak Thai Party. The external catalyst was the growing, increasingly radicalized Islamist movement, largely defined through terrorist violence, that expressed itself in the 9/11 attacks. The combination of these has produced rekindled secessionist violence of a previously unknown level in the Thai provinces of Pattani, Narathiwat, and Yala. Given the deeply ingrained structural cause of this insurgency, as well as a government administration whose policies and conflict mismanagement continually fuels the violence, the prospect for conflict resolution is not promising. Nonetheless, it remains in the best interests of the United States that this conflict is soon resolved. Should the insurgency continue growing, the situation may reach a point of drastic consequences for Thailand as well as the United States.
Captain, United States Air Force

This thesis examines how the ‘terrorist’ label affects those that are labelled by this designation, particularly with reference on a subsequent choice to use violence in the context of an ethno-nationalist conflict. Drawing on the PKK as a case study, the study asks: what effect did the labelling of the PKK as a ‘terrorist organisation’ by the Turkish government have on the use of violence by Kurds in the Turkish-Kurdish ethno-nationalist conflict? The invocation of the label terrorist in any conflict often means both the labeller and the labelled are predisposed to use violence. This study argues that this process of labelling leads the labeller and the labelled to frame one another as an existential threat. To date, the effects of using the label ‘terrorist’ in an ethno-nationalist conflict context remain relatively understudied in both social and political sciences. The period under analysis extends from 1992 to 2015, corresponding to the period during which the Turkish government continuously designated the PKK as ‘terrorist’. In conflict discourse, belligerents use demeaning labels against each other to gather support, legitimacy or simply to increase combatants’ morale. The study argues that the label terrorist is a constituent element of the conflict. The Turkish government uses the label terrorist as a tool to securitise the Kurdish-Turkish ethno-nationalist conflict. The Turkish government’s labelling of the PKK as ‘terrorist’ places the Kurdish issue in the broader framework of securitisation, a theory in International Relations. While securitising the Kurdish issue has bestowed more powers to the Turkish government to combat violence described as ‘terrorist’, the resolution of the ethno-nationalist conflict became increasingly more complex leading to protracted waves of violence. Analysing data collected through semi-structured qualitative interviews with Kurds from Turkey, the study reveals that the impact of the label terrorist is far more complex than previously assumed in the existing academic literature. The specific effects of the label terrorist on any given conflict, however, are the subject of an empirical question to be settled through rigorous research. Drawing on the Labelling Theory of Deviance fathered by Howard S. Becker and complemented by discourse analysis, this study finds that the application of the label terrorist against the PKK increases the perception of victimization among its wider Kurdish community. Secondly, the research demonstrates that the invocation of the label terrorist against the PKK places the group’s actors and sympathizers in a situation that makes it harder for them to engage in peaceful means of resolving the conflict. The interplay between these two consequential effects of victimisation and political exclusion leads to the conclusion that there is an indirect relationship between designating an ethno-nationalist armed group ‘terrorist’ and the choice to use violence.

Scholars have extensively detailed China’s conflation of the Uyghur issue in Xinjiang with the international war on terror following September 11, 2001. Less studied is how the U.S. responded to China’s framing of the Uyghur as terrorists, and of the Chinese government’s characterization of Xinjiang as a region fraught with violence and extremism. On the whole, scholars who have addressed this latter issue conclude that China successfully coopted the U.S., and consequently cracked down on Xinjiang without substantial international outrage. On the basis of a review of official U.S. documents before and after 9/11, I argue that the U.S. response to China’s framing of the Uyghur is not as clear-cut, and that multiple and conflicting U.S. responses emerged to the Uyghur-terrorist discourse. Specifically, the U.S. shifted from purely framing the Uyghur as victims of human rights abuses to projecting three new frames onto the Uyghur: victims of the war on terror; a minority group that may resort to violent methods of protest; and suspected terrorists. This new interpretation holds important ramifications for how scholars should understand China’s treatment of the Uyghur, as well as for Sino-U.S. relations.

碩士
國立中山大學
大陸研究所
87
Xinjiang Uygur''s autonomous region has been named "window of nations","source of riots"and its number of nations is at most in mainland China. It is also the effect of indicator for the PRC''s policy of native at province level. Besides various kinds of nation, Xinjiang has large territory, vast nature resources and importance of geographical position. These elements make Xinjiang''s development play a key role on China''s stability. Especially after dissolution of the former Soviet and China''s uneven national and economics policy, both of them make a new impact on affairs of politics and nation problems, and influence the interactive relation between central and local government. About nation''s affairs, there are 48 native nations in Xinjiang Uygur''s autonomous region, issue of nation is the key problems of local stability and development. In other words, the clash of nation is potential variables to area stability and would influence to economics development, social stability and nation interaction. In the further, issue of separate actions would be the key problem to influence relation between Xinjiang Uygur''s autonomous region and central government. To resolute measures for this problem is relative to practicably autonomous system and success of economics development which is important issues for the PRC central.

碩士
國立中正大學
戰略暨國際事務研究所
104
In China, Xinjiang's stability will inevitably related to the stability of the whole of China. With the rise of China, China proposed a new national security concept of "mutual trust, mutual benefit, equality and cooperation," In order to obtain China's internal stability, but also to actively participate in international organizations and international cooperation, and strengthen interaction between the major powers relationship with the surrounding, as well as ways to practice the new security concept of participation in the international diplomacy of actions such as counter-terrorism. China on counter-terrorism efforts in its position made is absolutely obvious to all, including the implementation of maintenance of stability, promote the use of anti-terrorist legislation and to promote the SCO anti-terror drill, and even mobilize its internal use of all anti-terrorism tools available to fight the so-called the three forces expansion, in addition to its usual expression of resolute attitude against terrorism, as in the policies and actions on, but there is a gesture ahead of other major powers. But It seems that China is nothing more than to be proactive in the fight against terrorism between countries to obtain confrontation in which separatist forces of convenience; more visible Chinese ambitions in fact is the use of "terrorism" that a sharp blade, thereby attempt avoid human rights considerations to solve the problem of ethnic separatism in Xinjiang. This paper studies the dispute and anti-terrorism deal with the reality of China's Xinjiang Uygur on, as well as its unfair treatment of ethnic minorities in Xinjiang, it is desirable to allow everyone to better understand the real China anti-terrorism purposes.

碩士
國立政治大學
國家安全與大陸研究碩士在職專班
104
Xinjiang becomes one of the most strategically important region in Mainland China after the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) implemented the One Belt One Road (OBOR) Policy. However, the East Turkestan independence movement in Xinjiang is still a destabilizing factor. How to coordinate the independence movement both domestically and internationally becomes an urgent problem. Domestically, CCP announces the movement as a terrorist group, prevents social demonstration, controls information, and promotes its benignity. Despite these actions, the turmoil still remains. Internationally, the independence movement draws attention and attract foreign interventions. As countermeasures, CCP takes joint actions with Central Asian countries in the name of counter-terrorism, in the meanwhile using the carrot and stick method to expand its regional influences. On general, CCP’s counter-terrorism policy is for domestic stability and international influence.

碩士
國立中興大學
國際政治研究所
99
“What is terrorism to someone is heroism to others.” Terrorism itself is to resort to violence in order to achieve political goal. Since 1990, The East Turkestan organization have launched violent activities in Xinjiang in order to establish East Turkestan Republic. China has regarded East Turkestan organization as a terrorist organization. When United States launched the global counter-terrorism war, East Turkestan organization was listed in the terrorist organizations by the United Nations. Shanghai Cooperation Organization(SCO) is the first regional organization which China participated. China established SCO and participated in international counter-terrorism. It is the important strategic position that Central Asian region is located in the heart of Eurasia. Central Asian region is more important for China from the aspects of national security and energy . The United States sent troops to Afghanistan and expanded its strategic space in Central Asia by the war in Afghanistan. China faced challenge to actively promote the Shanghai Cooperation Organization in Central Asia.

Dissertação de mestrado de Relações Internacionais
Sob o regime comunista, a região de Xinjiang passou por períodos de estabilidade e por momentos de maiores tensões étnicas. No contexto do pós-11 de setembro e da Guerra Global contra o Terror, o Estado chinês associou momentos de instabilidade social e movimentos de autodeterminação da etnia Uigur, fossem violentos ou não, à luta contra o terrorismo internacional. A associação do terrorismo por parte do Estado chinês acentuou a deterioração da sociedade de Xinjiang. O principal objetivo desta dissertação é compreender como é que a Narrativa Estratégica, desenvolvida pelo Estado chinês, transformou a região de Xinjiang, a partir da utilização da terminologia do terrorismo. O Estado chinês considera o terrorismo como a principal ameaça à estabilidade da região, em que o extremismo religioso é um potencializador do terrorismo. Para analisar este estudo de caso, utilizamos o Construtivismo, em particular as correntes do Terrorismo Crítico e das Narrativas Estratégicas. Considerando que o sistema internacional é socialmente construído, o fenómeno do terrorismo é influenciado pela interpretação dos atores, com capacidade de influência. As Narrativas Estratégicas permitem analisar a perspetiva chinesa do terrorismo em Xinjiang, em particular, a ligação entre a etnia Uigur e o terrorismo. A narrativa do Estado chinês de Xinjiang têm consequências tanto a nível interno, como a nível internacional. A campanha de de-extremification e o internamento em massa são componentes das políticas chinesas que demostram o caráter holístico e repressivo da luta contra o terrorismo em Xinjiang. As políticas chinesas têm contribuído para a desumanização da etnia Uigur, assim como a assimilação da mesma na sociedade chinesa. A luta chinesa contra o terrorismo uigur pode ter contribuído para o desenvolvimento de movimentos terroristas uigures fora de Xinjiang, que podem, potencialmente, influenciar a realidade doméstica de Xinjiang.
Under the communist regime, the region of Xinjiang went through instances of stability and moments of higher ethnic tensions. In the setting of 9/11 and the Global War against Terror, the Chinese State associated moments of social instability and self-determination movements of the Uighur ethnicity, even if they weren’t violent, to the struggle against international terrorism. The association of terrorism by the Chinese State accentuated the deterioration of the society in Xinjiang. The main objective of this dissertation is understanding how the Strategic Narrative, developed by the Chinese State, transformed the region of Xinjiang, with the terrorism terminology. The Chinese State regards terrorism as the main threat to the region’s stability, where religious extremism is an enhancer of terrorism. In order to analyse this case study, we utilize Constructivism, particularly the currents of Critical Terrorism and Strategic Narratives. Considering that the international system is socially constructed, the phenomenon of terrorism is influenced by the interpretation of the actors, that have power to influence. Strategic Narratives allow us to analyse the Chinese terrorism perspective in Xinjiang, particularly, the connection between Uighur ethnicity and terrorism. The narrative of the Chinese State has consequences domestically and internationally. The de-extremification campaign and the mass internment are elements of the Chinese politics that show the holistic and repressive characteristics of the struggle against terrorism in Xinjiang. The Chinese politics have contributed to the dehumanization of the Uighur ethnicity, as well as the assimilation of Uighurs in the Chinese society. The Chinese struggle against Uighur terrorism may have contributed to the development of Uighur terrorist movements outside of Xinjiang, that can potentially influence Xinjiang’s domestic reality.

The thesis is focused on the process of demise and disintegration of nationalist terrorist groups. The case studies of terrorism in Northern Ireland and Basque region in Spain demonstrate and analyze the development of local terrorist organizations from the beginning to the cessation of violent actions. An emphasis is put especially on the end of armed campaign and transformation of nationalist activities within a legal framework. In the case of Northern Ireland, the focus is put on the activities of the Provisional Irish Republican Army (PIRA) from the beginning of the Troubles to the Belfast Agreement in 1998. The research in this thesis includes the influence of affiliated political parties - Sinn Féin in this case - on the process of negotiations and the continuation of Northern Irish nationalism after the end of armed campaign. The Basque case is devoted to the development of Basque nationalism since the beginning of the 20th century, the creation and development of Euskadi Ta Askatasuna (ETA) and its terrorist campaign within both the Francoist regime and Spanish democracy. An emphasis is put on the development of the organization until its official dissolution in 2018, activities of the political parties of the Nationalist Left affiliated to ETA and the attitude of Spanish authorities to...