Relevant bibliographies by topics / Xinjiang terrorism and separatism

Academic literature on the topic 'Xinjiang terrorism and separatism'

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Published: 10 December 2022
Last updated: 28 January 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Xinjiang terrorism and separatism"

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Hashmat Ullah Khan and Gohar Rehman. "China’s Role in War on Terror." Central Asia 86, Summer (November 28, 2020): 51–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.54418/ca-86.71.

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Terrorism being the primary threat to China's national security therefore counter terrorism has turned out to be the main point of China’s domestic and foreign policy. The major terrorist threat that China faces is posed by Uyghur separatist fighters of Xinjiang. They claim and fight for a separate independent state called “East Turkistan”. The Xinjiang issue is the major anxiety and the focal point of China’s war on terror. To stop extremism and terrorism in Xinjiang China has adopted a multi-dimensional approach i.e. Strike Hard Campaign, diplomatic actions to isolate terrorists and get the help of other countries, religious, economic and social anti-terrorist policies to eradicate the roots of terrorism from society. China is also cooperating with the countries including US, Afghanistan, Pakistan, Central Asian Republics, and many others in fighting against terrorism. From the platform of Shanghai Cooperation Organization China is also playing important role in counterterrorism. China major interest in war on terror is to stop the spread of extremism and terrorism within her borders particularly in Xinjiang province, as well as to make sure that neighbouring countries not become safe haven and base camp for the Uyghur militants. The main objective of this paper is to analyses the phenomena of terrorism in Xinjiang and China’s role in war on terror.
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YIN, WEIWEN. "Rooted in Poverty?: The Political Economy of Terrorism in Xinjiang." Japanese Journal of Political Science 18, no. 1 (February 14, 2017): 41–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109916000311.

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AbstractIt has been one of the most debated puzzles in the study of political economy of terrorism whether economic development can curb terrorism. In Xinjiang, a multi-ethnic region in West China, it is widely believed that higher income levels can decrease the likelihood of terrorism conducted by Uyghur separatists or Islamic extremists. However, the county-level data for the year of 2013 show that better economic performance may not work as is expected. Instead, empirical evidence indicates that income is positively associated with the probability of terrorist attacks, and the effect is statistically significant. Projects that are aimed at boosting local economic growth result in a flood of migrants, and the local Uyghurs are disadvantaged in the employment market. Consequently, economic grievances will be generated. Some, but not all, Uyghurs have a shared motivation to resist, but tight social control in the region constrains the form of resistance, in the sense that neither mass protests nor armed rebellion are feasible. Terrorist attacks that come at a lower cost become a preferable choice. In addition to economic grievances and tight control, external factors also help to boost terrorist activities in Xinjiang, but more empirical and field research is needed before we could clarify how external factors, such as the international jihadist movement, interact with local conditions and result in terrorism in the region.
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Purbrick, Martin. "MAINTAINING A UNITARY STATE: COUNTER-TERRORISM, SEPARATISM, AND EXTREMISM IN XINJIANG AND CHINA." Asian Affairs 48, no. 2 (April 3, 2017): 236–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03068374.2017.1313595.

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Soloshcheva, Maria A. "The Uyghur Terrorism: Phenomenon and Genesis." Iran and the Caucasus 21, no. 4 (December 23, 2017): 415–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1573384x-20170408.

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The aim of this paper is 1) to analyse the historical and political roots of the current situation in Xinjiang; 2) to identify the boundaries that separate the legal opposition from what is usually called non-system opposition; and 3) to study a set of preconditions that have affected the emergence of the phenomenon of the Uyghur terrorism. In a broader sense, the engagement of the Uyghur population in separatist activities under the slogan of the most radical Islamic religious-political movements (Jabhat an-Nusra (alias Jabhat Fateh al-Sham), ISIL, Al Qaeda, the Taliban, etc.) is addressed. Generally, the author tries to answer the following questions: What are the motives and methods of Uyghur terrorists? What dynamics of their violent acts may we consider in the People’s Republic of China and abroad? What legal and terrorist organisations have Chinese Uyghurs as members? And what distinguishes legal and the so called non-system Uyghur opposition?
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Buyarov, Dmitry. "Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region in China's international relations: A part of the New Silk Road or a hotbed of conflict?" Asia and Africa Today, no. 7 (2022): 31. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s032150750016491-2.

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The article examines the place and role of the Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region of the People's Republic of China in the economic project of the New Silk Road in the context of China's international relations. The importance of the XUAR for China at the beginning of the XXI century increases due to its economic and geostrategic characteristics. China's economic strategy contributes to its strengthening in the Central Asian region and strengthens its position in comparison with the capabilities of Russia and the United States. For China, this is not only a desire to achieve foreign economic goals, but also an opportunity to reduce the risks of the terrorist threat. Xinjiang is becoming not only a springboard for China's new economic policy in Central Asia, but also a link between the important route of goods, raw materials and investments from the Pacific Ocean to Europe. At the same time, the XUAR is a zone of long-term instability, which is expressed in the development of separatism, terrorism and extremism. The actions of the Chinese authorities are aimed at stabilizing the situation in the autonomous region. But sometimes this is achieved by force and contradicts the ethno-religious traditions of the local population. Thus, XUAR, which is part of the New Silk Road, is characterized not only as a promisingly developing region, but also represents a hotbed of significant risk.
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Volodin, Ivan. "The New Silk Road Project as a Fuse for Separatism in the Xinjiang-Uyghur Autonomous Region." Історико-політичні проблеми сучасного світу, no. 40 (December 15, 2019): 42–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mhpi2019.40.42-49.

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This article is about Chinese politics in Xinjiang-Uyghur Autonomous Region in the context of implementation of the “New Silk Road” strategy. Focus on stress factors that exist between the Uyghurs and Chinese government. The caused and motivation of Uyghur separatism are analyzed. Uyghur separatism express itself in different ways: terrorist attacks or international activity, contacts with Islamic organization or relations with Uyghur diasporas of the world. Although there is no new information about ethnic or religious confrontation, but the situation in XUAR does not disappear from the field of view of Beijing. Interest in supporting security in this region has only increased. Particular attention is paid to the “New Silk Road” which will pass through in Xinjiang-Uyghur Autonomous Region. Natural resources and geographic location of this region provide opportunities for economic improvement in western areas of China. XUAR used to be a raw material base, but after start of the project “New Silk Road” new enterprises began to open, infrastructure is actively developing, foreign investment is being attracted. All this changed perception of XUAR from the border land to important section of the “New Silk Road”. The new Chinese concept also reduces the relevance of the Uyghur issue in international relations. Neighboring countries interested in joining to the “New Silk Road” and Chinese investment. Because of this these countries are not so active in the Uyghur issue, which the Uyghur diasporas are trying to support. It should also be noted increased pressure on terrorist organization. Thatʼs why their connection with the East Turkestan Islamic movement has weakened. Keywords: China, “New Silk Road”, Xinjiang-Uyghur Autonomous Region, XUAR, Uyghur, separatism.
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Hoh, Anchi. "Xinjiang as Portrayed in Qing’s Historical Gazetteers Housed at the Library of Congress." Comparative Islamic Studies 7, no. 1-2 (September 20, 2012): 23–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/cis.v7i1-2.23.

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The author argues that to study the relationship between China and the Middle East it is unavoidable to form an understanding of the Xinjiang region as a bridge between the regions. Focusing on the expansion of China control of Xinjiang and the bordering regions of Central Asia during the Qianlong period (1736-95) and the signification of these regions from the 18th century to the present, this article demonstrates the fervent relationship between East Asia and the Middle East. Due to current political considerations, many contemporary studies focus only on the more recent separatist movements in the region and Xinjiang’s possible ties to terrorism. Hoh shows that it is essential to delve into the historical roots and landscape for any meaningful assessment of contemporary politics and society. Moreover, in dealing with the current Chinese government on Xinjiang related issues, it is imperative to study the relevant historical documents in order to form a full understanding of the current Chinese thinking. As an attempt to bridge this gap, this article emphasizes on Xinjiang’s regional development during the Qing dynasty, as well as the Qing’s attitude toward Xinjiang’s bordering countries in the historical Chinese documents. The views expressed in this article are the author’s own and do not necessarily represent those of the Library of Congress.
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Ashraf, Muhammad Imran, Iqra Jathol, and Aftab Alam. "China's Xinjiang and Pakistan's Baluchistan: CPEC Perspective." Global Pakistan Studies Research Review I, no. I (December 30, 2018): 1–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gpsrr.2018(i-i).01.

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The events of 9/11 have radically altered the entire discussion of Minorities – especially Muslim ones – and the issue of terrorism. As real as is the threat of al-Qaida and its international connections, many regimes of the world have seized on the US Global War against Terrorism to legitimize their own repression of Muslim and even Non-Muslim minorities. We have witnessed this in both friendly state, China and Pakistan. Most of the heterogeneous populated states consist of different ethnic communities. Each ethnic identity has different voices and demands, for the accomplishment of which, a continuous struggle is going on, influencing the national politics. Pakistan and China like other developing states of the world is also in front of identity crisis almost in there important federating units, Pakistan in Baluchistan and China in Xinjiang, with different concerns. These concerns are sometimes ethno-nationality, decentralization of powers, provincial autonomy and economic discrepancies. After the dismemberment of East Pakistan, the most sensitive and hot issue is the case of Baluchistan's ethno-national movement which sometimes in different occasions seem to be transformed to a militant or an insurgent group for fulfillment of their objectives. And same problem in china's Xinjiang in the case of the Uyghur. This sense of ethnic difference has to a large extent formed the basis of longstanding anti-Han sentiment among the Xinjiang Uyghur's. The Chinese leadership has also for decades perceived these sentiments as the presence of a separatist movement in Xinjiang. The Uyghur's' situation is complicated by the fact that Xinjiang – a vast oil- and gas-rich swath of territory in China's northwest occupying one-sixth of the country's area – is of great strategic value. The Chinese government has repeatedly emphasized the importance of interethnic harmony in Xinjiang and rapid integration of the Uyghur's into the Han-dominated Chinese society. Yet, many Uyghur's see policies intended to promote these goals as attempts to suppress their culture and religion. Xinxiang conflict is one of the most danger threats to the relation of both the countries.
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Chung, Chien-peng. "The Shanghai Co-operation Organization: China's Changing Influence in Central Asia." China Quarterly 180 (December 2004): 989–1009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741004000712.

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China, Russia and the Central Asian states of Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan and Uzbekistan formed the Shanghai Co-operation Organization (SCO) in 2001. China's backing for an SCO charter, permanent secretariat and anti-terrorism centre for the past three years reflects its desire to strengthen the SCO in countering United States influence in Central Asia. Diplomatically, China fears that the American presence means that regional states will be less accommodating to China's political demands. Economically, China worries that the United States' support for American petroleum companies will compromise Chinese efforts to wrest concessions from Central Asian governments. Security-wise, with bases close to China's western borders, Washington can assist Beijing in flushing out Xinjiang separatists operating in Central Asia, or put military pressure on China, should it be perceived as a threat. The American presence and resurgent Russian involvement in Central Asia seem to have put China's influence in the region on the defensive.
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Yuyan, Zhang. "FROM PAN-TURKISM TO XINJIANG SEPARATISM: AN ANALYSIS OF TURKIC FACTOR." Вестник Пермского университета. Политология 16, no. 1 (2022): 94–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.17072/2218-1067-2022-1-94-105.

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The conflict caused by cultural differences is one of the reasons for the emergence and development of Pan-Turkism and Xinjiang separatism, and there is a clear connection between them. This article aims to answer two questions: what is the common ground for the association between Pan-Turkism and Xinjiang separatism and for the cultural differences that drive the emergence and development of the two? The research shows the "Turkic factor" to be a common foundation. The author argues that the Turkic factor is the socio-cultural basis that promotes the emergence and development of both Pan-Turkism and Xinjiang separatism. First, the Turkic factor is the premise and condition for the emergence, spread and three transformations in the Ottoman Empire and Turkey of Pan-Turkism. Second, the Turkic factor is the cultural basis of Xinjiang separatism, and it is constantly politicized and instrumentalized by Xinjiang separatism. Third, the Uyghurization of Turkic factor and Pan-Turkism is no doubt an inevitable consequence of the development of separatism, however, they are clearly different in the process, causes, methods, and results of Uyghurization. Finally, after being shaped by Xinjiang separatist forces, the content of the Turkic factor has been divided into two parts in Xinjiang.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Xinjiang terrorism and separatism"

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Pycroft, Dave. "Separatism in Asia: Xinjiang, Aceh and East Timor." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2003. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B26858319.

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Ghini, Anna Lisa. "Barbarians from without : the role of external forces in Xinjiang Uyghur separatism." Thesis, University of Hull, 2011. http://hydra.hull.ac.uk/resources/hull:12644.

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Hitchcock, Bradley D. "The fracturing of China? ethnic separatism and political violence in the Xinjiang Uyghur autonomous region." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Naval Postgraduate School, 2007. http://bosun.nps.edu/uhtbin/hyperion-image.exe/07Sep%5FHitchcock.pdf.

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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, September 2007.
Thesis Advisor(s): Croissant, Aurel S. ; Twoney, Christopher P. "September 2007." Description based on title screen as viewed on October 22, 2007. Includes bibliographical references (p.65-68). Also available in print.
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Söderberg, Elenor. "Ett bekant hot : En studie av hur Kina konstruerat ett strategiskt narrativ kring Xinjiang." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-443616.

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This study intends to examine China’s use of religious violence and antiterrorism when constructing a narrative of the situation in Xinjiang. While the tensions in Xinjiang are not a new occurrence, their intensity has undoubtedly increased. Human Rights Watch has described it as a “cultural genocide” and several international actors have condemned Chinas treatment of the minority group Uyghurs. While China seems to portray the tensions as a result of several acts of religious terror, there are traces of a more complicated conflict. Furthermore, the study shows that the conflict was rarely described as the result of terrorism before the September 11 terrorist attacks, despite the conflict starting in the early 1990s. At the same time, researchers have claimed that Islamic fundamentalists have been adopted as something of a global antagonist, and the fear of religious violence has been recognized as a threat that needs to be stopped, even if it demands more violence. Thus, this study is concerned with studying how this has been acknowledged in a global setting and used by global actors as a strategic tool to vindicate controversial actions. The study illustrates how religious violence and antiterrorism have been used in the creation of a strategic narrative by China. Strategic narratives have been described as the soft power in the 21st century and a well-suited methodological tool to form a deeper understanding of soft power in international relations. The study is done through a text- and narrative analysis of China’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs’ testimony of Xinjiang. The results show that extremist religion and terrorists have been pointed out as a main threat in Xinjiang, while separatist also has been linked to these two. By doing this China has managed to acknowledge its measures against the Uyghur separatist movement as a part of the global war against terror.
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Sciorati, Giulia. ""Rooting Out Resistance in Uyghur Society": The Making of China's Counterterrorism Policy in Xinjiang (1996-2017)." Doctoral thesis, Università degli studi di Trento, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/11572/273479.

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The diffusion of episodes of terrorism and political violence around the world has heightened the need for states to design effective counterterrorist measures. Orthodox studies on terrorism hold that the frequency and intensity of terrorist attacks determine the levels of assertiveness maintained by counterterrorist measures. This research builds on this assumption by developing the link between terrorism and counterterrorism policy through two unit-level variables. Besides the frequency and intensity of terrorist attacks, this study examines the political orientation of states’ elites, and states’ integration in multilateral security frameworks. The research tests for these factors by studying counterterrorist authoritarian regimes, and questions the notion that their political orientation makes state terrorism a measure of choice. In empirical terms, this study investigates the making of China’s counterterrorism policy in Xinjiang from 1996 to 2017. The period is analysed by comparing three within-cases, bookended by pre identified critical junctures. China’s counterterrorist measures in Xinjiang have experienced a revival since President Xi came into power in 2013, and the country has been quick to adopt a counterterrorism policy that has come to resemble state terrorism. Yet, no substantial variation in the opposition to the country’s elite nor exceptionally violent terrorist attacks have been recorded in the region. This study relies upon qualitative data, such as political discourse and documents, news media and scholarly writings, and aggregated data is examined to complement the qualitative sources. Methodologically, this thesis supplements process tracing with qualitative content analysis. The evidence provides support for a theory of ‘multi-causal counterterrorism’, according to which counterterrorism policy depends on the combination of systemic and domestic factors. Other than the incidence of terrorist attacks, states choose their counterterrorism policy in the context of ever-changing power relationships at the international and domestic levels. It is concluded that these power relationships impose constraints on states’ decision-making abilities.
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Snell, Brandon Charles. "The Origins of Ethno/National Separatist Terrorism: A Cross-National Analysis of the Background Conditions of Terrorist Campaigns." Wright State University / OhioLINK, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=wright1244481182.

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Pojar, Daniel J. Jr. "Lessons not learned: the rekindling of Thailand's Pattani problem." Thesis, Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/2236.

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Approved for public release, distribution is unlimited
This thesis explores the ongoing Malay-Muslim separatist insurgency in southern Thailand. In particular, it argues that historically-rooted structural factors, to include relative economic deprivation, limited political integration, and struggle for the maintenance of ethnic-religious identity, are at the root of this insurgency. The year 2001 produced two catalysts for the renewal of this insurgency, one internal and one external. The internal catalyst was a newly elected suppressive government regime under the leadership of Prime Minister Thaksin and the Thai Rak Thai Party. The external catalyst was the growing, increasingly radicalized Islamist movement, largely defined through terrorist violence, that expressed itself in the 9/11 attacks. The combination of these has produced rekindled secessionist violence of a previously unknown level in the Thai provinces of Pattani, Narathiwat, and Yala. Given the deeply ingrained structural cause of this insurgency, as well as a government administration whose policies and conflict mismanagement continually fuels the violence, the prospect for conflict resolution is not promising. Nonetheless, it remains in the best interests of the United States that this conflict is soon resolved. Should the insurgency continue growing, the situation may reach a point of drastic consequences for Thailand as well as the United States.
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Seloom, Muhanad. "The label 'terrorist' : PKK in Turkey." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10871/31146.

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This thesis examines how the ‘terrorist’ label affects those that are labelled by this designation, particularly with reference on a subsequent choice to use violence in the context of an ethno-nationalist conflict. Drawing on the PKK as a case study, the study asks: what effect did the labelling of the PKK as a ‘terrorist organisation’ by the Turkish government have on the use of violence by Kurds in the Turkish-Kurdish ethno-nationalist conflict? The invocation of the label terrorist in any conflict often means both the labeller and the labelled are predisposed to use violence. This study argues that this process of labelling leads the labeller and the labelled to frame one another as an existential threat. To date, the effects of using the label ‘terrorist’ in an ethno-nationalist conflict context remain relatively understudied in both social and political sciences. The period under analysis extends from 1992 to 2015, corresponding to the period during which the Turkish government continuously designated the PKK as ‘terrorist’. In conflict discourse, belligerents use demeaning labels against each other to gather support, legitimacy or simply to increase combatants’ morale. The study argues that the label terrorist is a constituent element of the conflict. The Turkish government uses the label terrorist as a tool to securitise the Kurdish-Turkish ethno-nationalist conflict. The Turkish government’s labelling of the PKK as ‘terrorist’ places the Kurdish issue in the broader framework of securitisation, a theory in International Relations. While securitising the Kurdish issue has bestowed more powers to the Turkish government to combat violence described as ‘terrorist’, the resolution of the ethno-nationalist conflict became increasingly more complex leading to protracted waves of violence. Analysing data collected through semi-structured qualitative interviews with Kurds from Turkey, the study reveals that the impact of the label terrorist is far more complex than previously assumed in the existing academic literature. The specific effects of the label terrorist on any given conflict, however, are the subject of an empirical question to be settled through rigorous research. Drawing on the Labelling Theory of Deviance fathered by Howard S. Becker and complemented by discourse analysis, this study finds that the application of the label terrorist against the PKK increases the perception of victimization among its wider Kurdish community. Secondly, the research demonstrates that the invocation of the label terrorist against the PKK places the group’s actors and sympathizers in a situation that makes it harder for them to engage in peaceful means of resolving the conflict. The interplay between these two consequential effects of victimisation and political exclusion leads to the conclusion that there is an indirect relationship between designating an ethno-nationalist armed group ‘terrorist’ and the choice to use violence.
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Jai, Kehaulani R. "Crackdown and Consent: China’s War on Terror and the Strategic Creation of a Public Discourse in the U.S." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2016. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/741.

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Scholars have extensively detailed China’s conflation of the Uyghur issue in Xinjiang with the international war on terror following September 11, 2001. Less studied is how the U.S. responded to China’s framing of the Uyghur as terrorists, and of the Chinese government’s characterization of Xinjiang as a region fraught with violence and extremism. On the whole, scholars who have addressed this latter issue conclude that China successfully coopted the U.S., and consequently cracked down on Xinjiang without substantial international outrage. On the basis of a review of official U.S. documents before and after 9/11, I argue that the U.S. response to China’s framing of the Uyghur is not as clear-cut, and that multiple and conflicting U.S. responses emerged to the Uyghur-terrorist discourse. Specifically, the U.S. shifted from purely framing the Uyghur as victims of human rights abuses to projecting three new frames onto the Uyghur: victims of the war on terror; a minority group that may resort to violent methods of protest; and suspected terrorists. This new interpretation holds important ramifications for how scholars should understand China’s treatment of the Uyghur, as well as for Sino-U.S. relations.
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Chen, Po Kung, and 陳柏剛. "A study on separatism transforms into terrorism – Take the example of comparing Tibetan autonomous region with Xinjiang Uighur autonomous region." Thesis, 2016. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/32xtzf.

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Books on the topic "Xinjiang terrorism and separatism"

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Violent Separatism in Xinjiang: A Critical Assessment. Washington, DC: East-West Center Washington, 2004.

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Xinjiang kong bu. Xianggang: Nei mu chu ban she, 2014.

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Terrorism and separatism in North-East India. Delhi: Kalpaz Publications, 2004.

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China's forgotten people: Xinjiang, terror and the Chinese state. London: I.B. Tauris & Co. Ltd., 2015.

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Clarke, Michael, ed. Terrorism and Counter-Terrorism in China. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190922610.001.0001.

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China's problem with terrorism has historically been considered an outgrowth of Beijing's efforts to integrate the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region into the People's Republic of China. Since the end of the Cold War, however, this internal dynamic has converged with an evolving external environment, stimulating the development of linkages between Uyghur separatism and terrorism and broader terrorist movements in Central Asia, South Asia and the Middle East. This book brings together some of the leading experts on Chinese terrorism, offering the first systematic, scholarly assessment of the country's approaches to this threat. Four areas of investigation are looked at: the scope and nature of terrorism in China and its connection with developments in other regions; the development of legislative measures to combat terrorism; the institutional evolution of China's counter-terrorism bureaucracy; and Beijing's counter-terrorism cooperation with international partners.
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Dialogue not separatism and terrorism: Documents. 3rd ed. Priština: Media centar, 1998.

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Tokić, Mate Nikola. Croatian Radical Separatism and Diaspora Terrorism During the Cold War. Purdue University Press, 2020.

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Tokić, Mate Nikola. Croatian Radical Separatism and Diaspora Terrorism During the Cold War. Purdue University Press, 2020.

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Tokić, Mate Nikola. Croatian Radical Separatism and Diaspora Terrorism During the Cold War. Purdue University Press, 2020.

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Holdstock, Nick. China's Forgotten People: Xinjiang, Terror and the Chinese State. Bloomsbury Publishing Plc, 2019.

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Book chapters on the topic "Xinjiang terrorism and separatism"

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Hettiarachchi, Malkanthi. "Separatism, terrorism and public safety." In Civil Society Organizations against Terrorism, 79–106. Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2021. | Series: Routledge studies in the politics of disorder and instability: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003150145-4.

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Karamık, İrem. "‘Three Evils’ of Xinjiang: Suppression, Violent Separatism and R2P." In The Responsibility to Protect Twenty Years On, 245–69. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-90731-0_12.

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Mackerras, Colin. "Xinjiang at the Turn of the Century, and the Causes of Separatism." In Silk Road Studies, 19–48. Turnhout: Brepols Publishers, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/m.srs-eb.4.00268.

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Honna, Jun. "Security Challenges and Military Reform in Post-authoritarian Indonesia: The Impact of Separatism, Terrorism, and Communal Violence." In The Politics of Military Reform, 185–99. Berlin, Heidelberg: Springer Berlin Heidelberg, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-642-29624-6_9.

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Clarke, Michael. "“No Cracks, no Blind Spots, no Gaps”: Technologically-Enabled “Preventative” Counterterrorism and Mass Repression in Xinjiang, China." In Advanced Sciences and Technologies for Security Applications, 121–37. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-90221-6_8.

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AbstractThe Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region (XUAR) of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) is now the site of the largest mass repression of an ethnic and/or religious minority in the world today. Researchers estimate that since 2016 over one million people (mostly ethnic Uyghurs) have been detained without trial in the XUAR in a system of “re-education” camps. Outside of the camps, the region’s Turkic Muslim population are subjected to a dense network of hi-tech surveillance systems, checkpoints, and interpersonal monitoring which severely limit all forms of personal freedom penetrating society to the granular level. This chapter argues that the erection of this “carceral state” has been propelled by a “preventative” counterterrorism that has incorporated key practices (e.g. greater reliance on new surveillance technologies) and discourses (e.g. Islamaphobia) of the “global war on terrorism” with the ideology of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) in pursuit of the negation of the very possibility of “terrorism”. As such the contemporary situation in the XUAR represents not only the mass repression of an ethnic and religious minority by an authoritarian regime but also an example of the dystopian potentialities of ostensibly “neutral” technologies.
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Famularo, Julia. "‘Fighting the Enemy with Fists and Daggers’." In Terrorism and Counter-Terrorism in China, 39–74. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190922610.003.0003.

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China’s counterterrorism policy in Xinjiang represents an evolving, complex, and controversial approach to managing ethno-religious tensions. Chinese Communist Party (CCP) General Secretary Xi Jinping is using a spectrum of tactics to combat the ‘three evil forces’ of ethnic separatism, religious extremism, and violent terrorism, ranging from heavy police actions against violent elements to inducements for minorities to enjoy the purported fruits of CCP rule and assimilate into Chinese society. This chapter examines three core aspects of the Xi administration’s counterterrorism policy in Xinjiang: the influence of ideological imperatives in shaping counter-terrorism policy; the “management” of religious affairs; and the use of militarized policing and surveillance.
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Clarke, Michael. "China’s ‘War on Terrorism’." In Terrorism and Counter-Terrorism in China, 17–38. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190922610.003.0002.

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China’s dilemmas with respect to Uyghur terrorism are increasingly transnational in nature, defined by the interpenetration of ‘internal’ and ‘external’ security issues and threats. The chapter argues that this ‘internal-external’ security nexus has conditioned government responses to the threat of Uyghur terrorism in important ways in the context of its domestic governance of Xinjiang and its foreign policy. Domestically, the growing trans-nationalization of Uyghur militancy since the end of the Cold War has contributed to the effective securitization of Uyghur ethnic identity and been a spur to the development of new legislative and institutional measures to counter Uyghur terrorism. Internationally, Beijing has since the mid-1990s deployed the issue of Uyghur separatism and terrorism to, first, structure its relationship with independent Central Asia, and second, to legitimate the implementation of repression of Uyghur opposition in Xinjiang. The chapter concludes by noting that China’s responses to the threat of terrorism, while bearing individual and context-specific characteristics nonetheless displays some parallels with global trends with respect to counter-terrorism in the post-9/11 era.
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"Insurgency in Xinjiang." In China's War on Terrorism, 43–66. Routledge, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203936139-9.

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"Ethno- religious separatism in Xinjiang and China’s response." In Xinjiang - China's Northwest Frontier, 173–203. Routledge, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315644868-21.

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Pokalova, Elena. "From separatism to terrorism and back." In Secessionism and Terrorism, 87–104. Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429488238-5.

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Conference papers on the topic "Xinjiang terrorism and separatism"

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Wu, Qiwu, and Lingzhi Jiang. "Visual Analysis of "9.18" Terrorism Event in Xinjiang Based on UCINET." In Proceedings of the 5th Annual International Conference on Social Science and Contemporary Humanity Development (SSCHD 2019). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/sschd-19.2019.5.

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Weller, Paul. "ROBUSTNESS AND CIVILITY: THEMES FROM FETHULLAH GÜLEN AS RESOURCE AND CHALLENGE FOR GOVERNMENT, MUSLIMS AND CIVIL SOCIETY IN THE UNITED KINGDOM." In Muslim World in Transition: Contributions of the Gülen Movement. Leeds Metropolitan University Press, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.55207/cdcf7302.

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The 7/7 (2005) attack on London Transport by Muslims brought up in the UK shocked the Government, many Muslims, and the wider civil society. Subsequently, the UK’s ‘multi- culturalist’ policy consensus has been subject to intensive questioning. Politicians and some parts of civil society have challenged a perceived ‘separatism’ among Muslims; emphasised a need for shared values and social cohesion; and advocated the promotion of ‘moderate Islam’ and ‘moderate Muslims’. This paper argues that, in legitimising simplistic distinctions between ‘good’ (understood as ‘liberal’ or ‘modernist’) and ‘bad’ or ‘suspect’ (understood as ‘traditionalist’, ‘radical’ or ‘fundamentalist’) Muslims and forms of Islam, there is a risk of eliding the condemnation of terrorist crimes conducted on religious grounds into the criminalisation, or at least social marginalisation, of religious conservatism and/or radicalism. This approach, it is argued, is more likely to undermine the development of inclusive approaches to the common good and that what is needed instead are authentically Islamic approaches that can offer both a resource and a challenge to Government, Muslims and the wider civil society. Finally, it is argued that such resource and challenge can be found in themes from Fethullah Gülen’s teaching. Gülen, on Islamic grounds, condemns terrorism in the name of religion. Further, being rooted in a confident Ottoman Muslim civilisational heritage and having during the period of the Turkish Republic engaged with both ideological ‘secularism’ and political ‘Islamism’, he also offers a critique of the political instrumentalisation of Islam while ar- guing for an active Muslim engagement with the wider (religious and secular) society based on a distinctive Islamic vision characterised by a robustness and civility that could make a positive contribution in the present UK context.
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Reports on the topic "Xinjiang terrorism and separatism"

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Wong, Ming T. Xinjiang and China's National Security: Counter-Terrorism or Counter-Separatism? Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, April 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada415744.

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Van Wie Davis, Elizabeth. Uyghur Muslim Ethnic Separatism in Xinjiang, China. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, January 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada493744.

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