Journal articles: 'Xenophon Hellenica'

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Sage, Paula Winsor, Xenophon, and Peter Krentz. "Xenophon: Hellenica I-II.3.10." Classical World 84, no. 5 (1991): 414. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4350887.

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Altman, William H. F. "Xenophon and Plato’s Meno." Ancient Philosophy 42, no. 1 (2022): 33–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/ancientphil20224212.

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Not only was it a reference to Ismenias the Theban (Men. 90a4-5) that allowed nineteenth-century scholars to establish a date of composition for Plato’s Meno on the basis of Xenophon’s Hellenica but beginning with “Meno the Thessalian” himself, immortalized as a scoundrel in Xenophon’s Anabasis, each of the four characters in Plato’s dialogue is shown to have a Xenophontic resonance, thus revealing Meno to be Plato’s tombeau de Xénophon.

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Gray, V. J. "Continuous History and Xenophon, Hellenica 1-2.3.10." American Journal of Philology 112, no. 2 (1991): 201. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/294718.

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Gray, Vivienne. "Interventions and Citations in Xenophon, Hellenica and Anabasis." Classical Quarterly 53, no. 1 (May 2003): 111–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cq/53.1.111.

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Alwine, Andrew T. "Xenophon on the Thirty: Political Philosophy in the Hellenica." Classical Journal 117, no. 2 (2021): 151–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tcj.2021.0007.

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KOVACS, DAVID. "TWO NOTES ON XENOPHON: HELLENICA 1.4.20 AND AGESILAUS 2.26." Classical Quarterly 61, no. 2 (November 9, 2011): 751–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838811000309.

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Lewis, Sian. "Καὶ σαφῶς τύραννος ἦν: Xenophon's Account of Euphron of Sicyon." Journal of Hellenic Studies 124 (November 2004): 65–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3246150.

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AbstractXenophon's account of Euphron, tyrant at Sicyon from 368 to 366, appears to present him as a typical fourth-century ‘new tyrant’, dependent on mercenaries and concerned solely with his own power. But why did Xenophon choose to recount Euphron's actions and fate at such length, and why does he insist so strongly that he was a tyrant? Xenophon's interest in Euphron is part of his general approach to tyranny in the Hellenica, which depicts a series of individuals and regimes, all described as tyrannies. The model of tyranny with which Xenophon operates is broader and more inclusive than we would expect, contrasting with the narrow, constitutional idea of tyranny defined by Aristotle. Understanding this has two consequences. It allows us to appreciate Euphron in a new light, giving credit to the positive tradition about his support for the Sicyonian democracy and his posthumous heroization; we can see the debate which existed in his own time about his role and position. It also raises the question of why Xenophon recognized tyranny in so many places, and was so keen to emphasize his construction of these regimes. We need to situate him within the evolution of ideas about tyranny, since the concept of tyranny is largely constructed by historians: Herodotus ‘created’ tyranny in the aftermath of the Persian Wars, while Thucydides developed the concept from the individual to the general, as this better fitted his Athenocentric model. Xenophon, in contrast, was reflecting contemporary debates over the interpretation of different types of ruler and regime, and developing his own theory of tyranny. Therefore to see a ‘new tyranny’ movement in the fourth century is misplaced: an examination of Euphron reveals the complexities of self-presentation in fourth-century Greek politics.

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Kazeeva, Elena Aleksandrovna, and Mariya Andreevna Bogatova. "Ancient Sources of V. T. Shchukin’s Novel “Red Cloaks”: Xenophon of Athens’s “Hellenica”." Filologičeskie nauki. Voprosy teorii i praktiki, no. 5 (May 2020): 29–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.30853/filnauki.2020.5.5.

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Roy, James. "The Son of Pharnabazos and Parapita, a Persian Competing in the Olympic Games: Xenophon Hellenica 4.1.39-40." Classica et Mediaevalia 68 (October 4, 2019): 119–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/classicaetmediaevalia.v68i0.116239.

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This article seeks to develop, with some significant change, the arguments put forward by Bresson to show that a Persian boy, the son of Pharnabazos, was allowed to compete in the Olympic Games. It is argued that at Olympia his admission was supported by his older Spartan lover, himself an Olympic athlete, and by the Spartan king Agesilaos who acted as the boy’s guardian. These arguments support the view recently advanced by Nielsen and, at greater length, by Remijsen that non-Greeks were not excluded from competing in the Olympic Games

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Hooper, Thomas. "ARCHEDEMUS." Classical Quarterly 65, no. 2 (September 28, 2015): 500–517. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838815000294.

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Ἀϱχέδημος ὁ τοῦ δήμου τότε πϱοεστηκὼς ἐν Ἀθήναις καὶ τῆς διωβελίας ἐπιμελόμενος Ἐϱασινίδῃ ἐπιβολὴν ἐπιβαλὼν κατηγόϱει ἐν δικαστηϱίῳ, ϕάσκων ἐξ Ἑλλησπόντου αὐτὸν ἔχειν χϱήματα ὄντα τοῦ δήμου· κατηγόϱει δὲ καὶ πεϱὶ τῆς στϱατηγίας. καὶ ἔδοξε τῷ δικαστηϱίῳ δῆσαι τὸν Ἐϱασινίδην.Archedemus, who at that time was leader of the dēmos in Athens and overseer of the diōbelia, brought an accusation before a jury-court that a fine should be imposed on Erasinides, claiming that he had in his possession money from the Hellespont which belonged to the dēmos; he also brought an accusation against him concerning his generalship. It was decided by the jury-court to fetter Erasinides.(Xenophon, Hellenica 1.7.2) Moses Finley once remarked, apropos of Cleon, that ‘this man led Athens for several years after the death of Pericles, but Thucydides gives him four appearances only, one of them restricted to a single sentence and one a speech. The picture that emerges is complete and dramatic—but is it right? We do not know’. To penetrate beyond the Thucydidean portrait—and the Aristophanic caricature that buttresses it—is a complex and challenging exercise, but that has not stopped numerous scholars from attempting the task.

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Dobski, Bernard J. "Athenian Democracy Refosunded: Xenophon’ss Political History in the Hellenika." Polis: The Journal for Ancient Greek Political Thought 26, no. 2 (2009): 316–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/20512996-90000156.

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This article aims to shed new light on the character of political history as written by Xenophon, by exploring the first two Books of the Hellenika, which, it is argued, implicity correct Thucydides’ judgment that the regime of the Five Thousand in Athens was the best Athenian regime during his lifetime. Thucydides and Xenophon thus appear to disagree about the best regime, a theme central to classical political philosophy. But when we consider Thucydides’ praise of this regime in light of Xenophon’s Socratic defence of traditional political authorities (especially as presented in Euryptolemus’ speech), we see that the two treatments complement each other. Xenophon’s endorsement of a regime rooted in traditional authorities protects the Socratic way of life, while Thucydides’ praise of a non-conventional regime endorses those conditions that make such a life possible.

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Rood, Tim. "Political Thought in Xenophon: Straussian Readings of the Anabasis." POLIS, The Journal for Ancient Greek Political Thought 32, no. 1 (May 5, 2015): 143–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/20512996-12340041.

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The main aim of this paper is to discuss some influential approaches to political thought in Xenophon’s Anabasis within the field of Political Science, especially within the United States, where the influence of Leo Strauss’ writings on Xenophon has been powerful. It starts by discussing a number of features shared by these discussions, notably a strong idealisation of Xenophon’s wisdom and accuracy; a lack of interest in the conditions under which Xenophon wrote; a pro-Hellenic perspective; and a tendency to innovative (and often allegorical) literary explication. It then discusses the two most important themes treated by Strauss and his followers, Xenophon’s piety and philosophy and politics. It argues that Straussian exegesis introduces anachronistic conceptions while neglecting the narrative dynamics of the text. The final section sets out briefly some ways of exploring Xenophon’s relationship to other currents in Greek political thought.

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Guimarães Tavares, Rafael. "Perjury in Classical Antiquity." Myrtia 37 (November 28, 2022): 43–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.6018/myrtia.524431.

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The present analysis surveys the diachronic developments of social attitudes concerning oaths in the ancient Greek context, from as early as in the poems of Homer and Hesiod, passing through Herodotus’s and Thucydides’s accounts, until the period following the Peloponnesian War. Its main focus is settled in a more synchronic analysis of the instable period narrated by Xenophon, mainly in his Hellenica, but also taking into account other sources. The conclusions drawn by this inquiry ought to be understood in the general context of the end of the fifth and the beginning of the fourth centuries BCE, and help to explain the political uncertainty of this period. The doubts entertained about the capacity of the gods in punishing perjurers (despite Xenophon’s own religious opinions) and, therefore, a questioning of the effectiveness of oaths as an institution coordinating the inter-relations among Greek poleis are not only causes of the instability of this period, but also its results. El presente análisis examina los desarrollos diacrónicos de las actitudes sociales con respecto a los juramentos en el contexto griego antiguo, desde los poemas de Homero y Hesíodo, pasando por los relatos de Heródoto y Tucídides, hasta el período posterior a la Guerra del Peloponeso. Su enfoque principal se asienta en un análisis más sincrónico del período inestable narrado por Jenofonte, principalmente en su Helénica, pero también teniendo en cuenta otras fuentes. Las conclusiones extraídas de esta indagación deben entenderse en el contexto general de finales del siglo V y principios del IV a. e. c. y ayudan a explicar la incertidumbre política de este período. Las dudas sobre la capacidad de los dioses para castigar a los perjuros (pese a las opiniones religiosas del propio Jenofonte) y, por tanto, el cuestionamiento de la eficacia de los juramentos como institución coordinadora de las interrelaciones entre las poleis griegas no son sólo causas de la inestabilidad de este pero también sus resultados.

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Panchenko, Dmitri. "Unfinished work of Thucydides." ΣΧΟΛΗ. Ancient Philosophy and the Classical Tradition 16, no. 2 (2022): 644–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.25205/1995-4328-2022-16-2-644-664.

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Thucydides' statement that he described the entire war up to the surrender of Athens (V, 26, 1) must be taken in strict accordance with his words. On the whole, his work was completed; all that remained was to fix, supplement, decorate. The fact that in the published version the text breaks off at the presentation of the events of 411 is due to the following circumstances. During his stay in Athens, where he returned in the early summer of 404 after almost twenty years of exile, Thucydides introduced individual parts of his work to those who wish. There was a rumor about the work of Thucydides. The attention of Lysander's friends and henchmen was attracted by the presence in the work of detailed information about the establishment in Greek cities of political clientele, who were much more dependent on Lysander than on the Spartan state. The kings and other persons in the Spartan government, pushed into the background by Lysander, saw these actions of Lysander as the basis for the gradually carried out coup d'état by him. Authoritative information about the clientele founded by Lysander could pose a great danger to his career. Meanwhile, Thucydides, for some reason, returned to his Thracian possessions. Lysander went there too. In the fall of 404, Thucydides was murdered, and the manuscript of his work was stolen. Everything that seriously compromised Lysander was removed from it; the rest was saved and taken to Sparta. In the spring of 395, Lysander died in a battle. In the fall of 394, Agesilaus, who had returned to Sparta from Asia, searched the house of Lysander in order to find materials revealing that he was preparing a coup d'état. Along with the planted fake, books of the history of Thucydides were also discovered. After making sure that they did not contain anything fundamentally harmful to Spartan politics, Agesilaus handed the manuscript to Xenophon, an officer of his army, an Athenian exile and a credible writer. Xenophon published the intact part of the manuscript as it was, without editing it. The materials of the damaged part formed the basis of the first two books of his Hellenica.

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Mozhajsky, Andrej Yu. "The Portrayal of the Thebans in the Works of Xenophon." ΣΧΟΛΗ. Ancient Philosophy and the Classical Tradition 13, no. 2 (2019): 580–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.25205/1995-4328-2019-13-2-580-595.

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It is traditionally considered that Xenophon intentionally suppresses the image of the Theban commanders in his work “Hellenika”, where even Epaminondas - the winner of The Battle of Leuctra – is not mentioned by name. The suppression of the commanders is often explained by his disaffection towards the Thebans, because of his participance in The Battle of Coronea supporting Sparta against the Thebans. Furthermore, he lost his son Gryllus fighting the Thebans at Mantinea. At our point of view, this negative judgement of Xenophon’s view on Thebes and the Thebans is explained first of all by Athens’ traditional education, which created a negative literary tradition towards Thebes. The literary tradition was established long before Xenophon’s existence and continued after him. The tradition was established as response to the border conflicts between the Thebans and the Athenians, that continued during archaic and classical periods of the history of Greece. The anti-Theban literary tradition is also supported by evidence of material culture, namely the border system of defense. Studying these materials, allows us to conclude that at the time of Xenophon, in the first half of the 4th century BC, at a time when their oppositions escalated against each other, the Athenians and the Thebans literally observed each other over the fortress walls. With regard to Xenophon, his hatred against the Thebans is mostly visible in his work “Hellenika”. The main argument that Xenophon uses is retelling of Pelopidas’ speech that he gives at the court of the Persian king, where the first thing he mentions is the Thebans’ pro-Persian attitude. Epaminondas is mentioned in the “Hellenika” only in episodes of his career as a commander where he cannot achieve his goals or develop past success.

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Gish, Dustin A. "Spartan Justice: The Conspiracy of Kinadon in Xenophon’s Hellenika." Polis: The Journal for Ancient Greek Political Thought 26, no. 2 (2009): 339–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/20512996-90000157.

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Xenophon presents his perplexing account of the conspiracy of Kinadon and its suppression in the midst of his portrait of Spartan imperial power at its zenith in the Hellenika. While the political relevance of this conspiracy has long been assumed by scholars, the labyrinthine structure of Book III obscures the centrality of the account in Xenophon’s examination of Spartan imperialism and Spartan justice. Attention to the details in the conspiracy account and its place within the narrative reveals the source of corruption and decline inherent in the Spartan regime: an unexamined, and fatally deficient, view of justice as a virtue. Imperialism is not the cause but a symptom of the corruption rooted in fundamental defects of the Spartan constitution. Thus understood, the account of Kinadon’s conspiracy in the Hellenika constitutes a compelling critique of Spartan justice and helps to establish the overarching Socratic character of Xenophon’s political thought.

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Stockton, D. L. "Peter Krentz (ed., tr.): Xenophon, Hellenica I–II.3.10. Edited with an Introduction, Translation and Commentary. Pp. iv + 204; 6 maps. Warminster: Aris & Phillips, 1989. £30 (Paper, £10.75)." Classical Review 41, no. 2 (October 1991): 473. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009840x00281110.

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Ogden, Daniel. "The Failings of Empire - Christopher Tuplin: The Failings of Empire: A Reading of Xenophon Hellenica 2.3.11–7.5.27. (Historia Einzelschriften, 76.) Pp. 264. Stuttgart: Franz Steiner, 1993. Paper, DM 84." Classical Review 44, no. 2 (October 1994): 342–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009840x00289245.

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Rahn, Peter J., Xenophon, and Peter Krentz. "Xenophon, Hellenika I-II.3.10." Phoenix 46, no. 1 (1992): 73. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1088778.

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Tuplin, C. "Xenophon: Hellenika II.3.11-IV.2.8. P Krentz. Kommentar zu Xenophons Anabasis: Bucher 1-7. O Lendle." Classical Review 48, no. 2 (February 1, 1998): 286–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cr/48.2.286.

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Rahn, Peter J., and Vivienne Gray. "The Character of Xenophon's Hellenica." Phoenix 44, no. 3 (1990): 279. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1088938.

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Krentz, Peter, and Vivienne Gray. "The Character of Xenophon's Hellenica." Classical World 83, no. 6 (1990): 531. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4350689.

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Hirsch, Steven W., and Vivienne Gray. "The Character of Xenophon's Hellenica." American Historical Review 96, no. 3 (June 1991): 852. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2162473.

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West, William C., and Vivienne Gray. "The Character of Xenophon's Hellenica." American Journal of Philology 111, no. 3 (1990): 408. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/295164.

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Moles, John. "Xenophon's Hellenica - Vivienne Gray: The Character of Xenophon's Hellenica. Pp. x + 219. London: Duckworth, 1989. £24." Classical Review 42, no. 2 (October 1992): 281–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009840x00283753.

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Tomlinson, R. A., and K. Demakopoulou. "Excavations at the Circular Building, Perachora." Annual of the British School at Athens 80 (November 1985): 261–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068245400007607.

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The results of trial excavations conducted in the area above the head of the Heraion Valley, Perachora, are presented. It is argued that the circular building discovered is a collecting tank for rain-water, constructed in the fifth century BC, and a strong candidate for identification as the ‘circular building’ of Xenophon Hellenika IV v, despite the fact that it is not by the lake.

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Cerdas, Emerson. "O HOMEM SALVO PELO RISO: O DISCURSO SÉRIO-CÔMICO NAS 'HELÊNICAS' II.3.36 | THE MAN SAVED BY LAUGHTER: THE SERIOUS-COMIC SPEECH ON 'HELLENIKA' II.3.36." Estudos Linguísticos e Literários, no. 55 (December 1, 2016): 47. http://dx.doi.org/10.9771/2176-4794ell.v0i55.17169.

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Xenofonte, nas Helênicas II.3.36, narra a morte de Terâmenes, comentando que essa narrativa não é digna de menção em uma obra historiográfica. O objetivo desse artigo é analisar essa passagem, buscando compreender o porquê de Xenofonte sentir necessidade de se justificar ao narrar essa história. Pensamos que tal necessidade deriva do fato de Xenofonte apresentar tanto um tema distinto do historiográfico, quanto pela presença do discurso sério-cômico na obra historiográfica.Abstract: In Hellenika II.3.36, Xenophon recounts the death of Teramenes and observes that this narrative is not worthy of mention in a historiographical work. This article analyzes this passage and examines why Xenophon feels it is necessary to justify telling this story. This need stems not only from the fact that Xenophon presents a theme distinct from the normal historiographical subject matter but also because of the presence of serious-comic speech in his historiographical work.

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Kostuch, Lucyna. "CO TRAPIŁO GRECKICH ŻOŁNIERZY? ŻOŁNIERSKIE BOLĄCZKI W ŚWIETLE GRECKIEJ HISTORIOGRAFII OKRESU KLASYCZNEGO." Studia Europaea Gnesnensia, no. 15 (June 15, 2017): 75–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/seg.2017.15.4.

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The aim of the paper is to compile a list of typical complaints that a Greek soldier of the Classical period might have had. For that purpose, the author analyses the great war narratives of that time: Histories by Herodotus, History of the Peloponnesian War by Thucydides Xenophon’s Hellenica, Anabasis, and Agesilaus.

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Gilhaus, Lennart. "Laughing at the Enemy Joy and Schadenfreude in Xenophon’s “Hellenica”." Hermes 147, no. 2 (2019): 153. http://dx.doi.org/10.25162/hermes-2019-0015.

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David Lewis, John. "Xenophon’s Poroi and the Foundations of Political Economy." Polis: The Journal for Ancient Greek Political Thought 26, no. 2 (2009): 370–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/20512996-90000158.

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In the Poroi, Xenophon’s radical solution to Athens’ financial problems includes several ideas vital to the field of political economy. His identification of justice with the pursuit of wealth provides an alternative to the power politics that for half a century had taken Athens into a series of self-destructive imperial wars. He supports his idea of economic growth with arithmetic calculations, and he connects the results to traditional Greek views of public rewards and benefits. From this he crafts a goal-directed strategy for economic growth designed to foster good will through incentives rather than coercion. This brief commentary on the text (in translation) shows how Xenophon’s positive claims are based not on a modern demand-side conception of economic stimulation, but rather on building productive capital. He is a proto-Saysian, not a Keynesian. Xenophon’s proposals range beyond the polis into a pan-Hellenic vision of increasing trade that is centred on Athens, monetized with Athenian coinage, and idealized into the common peace that the Greeks had so long desired but so little achieved.

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Engels, Johannes. "David Toalster, Unzeitgemäße Feldherren. Der Hipparch als Prototyp des erfolgreichen Feldherrn in Xenophons Hellenika. Gutenberg, Computus 2011 Toalster David Unzeitgemäße Feldherren. Der Hipparch als Prototyp des erfolgreichen Feldherrn in Xenophons Hellenika. 2011 Computus Gutenberg € 69,90." Historische Zeitschrift 295, no. 1 (September 2012): 147. http://dx.doi.org/10.1524/hzhz.2012.0371.

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Anderson, J. K. "Xenophon Hellenika I – II.3.10. Ed. P. Krentz. Warminster: Aris and Phillips, 1989. Pp.iv + 204, 6 maps. £30.00 (cloth), £10.75 (paper)." Journal of Hellenic Studies 111 (November 1991): 225. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/631919.

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Polański, Tomasz. "Walka Wschodu i Zachodu w literaturze greckiej od Herodota do Prokopiusza z Gazy." Vox Patrum 44 (March 30, 2003): 329–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.8082.

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Herodotus presented the conflicts between Europe and Asia on both the mythological and historical level and made them one of the main structural and ideological components of his work. The idea of war against the Achaemenids interpreted as central to the Greek historical destiny returned time and again in the Greek letters, always blended with the symptomatic feeling of superiority and simplified standard view of the Orientals. (Euripides, Xenophon of Athens, Plato, Isocrates). The efforts to unite the Greeks and Macedonians with the Orientals which were undertaken by Alexander the Great, found little understanding among the Greeks (Plutarch). His myth as a conqueror of Asia became an ideological trap of the Hellenic as well as Roman historical thinking (Cassius Dio). Renewed and unsuccessful efforts to follow Aiexander's steps brought interesting literary testimonies shaped by collective experiences of the insuperable climate, the fear of the epidemics, and confrontation with cunning, cruel and elusive adversaries (Plutarch, Procopius of Caesarea). The Greek literary testimonies had their alter ego in the Eastern prophetic writings, which expressed hostility towards the Greeks and Romans and predicted a final victory for the East over the West (Oracula Sibyllina, The Oracle of the Potter, The Oracle of Hystaspes). In the Wars of Procopius of Caesarea a pessimistic, purely militarist view came to the surface. It said that the loyalty of the Orientals could be secured only through the use of military power. In that period we also observe a factor of religious inspiration in the war propaganda on both sides (Procopius of Caesarea, Georgios Pisides).

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Azoulay, Vincent. "Repoliticizing the Ancient Greek City, Thirty Years Later." Annales (English ed.) 69, no. 03 (September 2014): 471–501. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2398568200000868.

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Abstracts Thirty years after Nicole Loraux published her 1986 article in L’Homme, this study revisits the question of political experience in the ancient Greek world. Its aim is to demonstrate the importance of the two definitions of the term “politics” as conceived by the Ancient Greeks. On the one hand, the political was conceived as an ensemble of activities with no specific institutional substance or form, a sphere of action that has no direct equivalent in the modern state, but rather relates to very varied experiences and practices undertaken in the context of conflict. On the other hand, politics was understood not only as organized access to different institutions, but also as the way in which a community structured and defined itself. Taking the Athenian crisis of 404-403 BCE as a case study, in particular the speech of Cleocritus preserved in Xenophon’s Hellenica, this paper proposes a new way of thinking about this dual expression of collective life. Far from the reconciliatory reading of Cleocritus’ speech proposed by Loraux, his appeal for harmony bears witness, in the turmoil and tension of events, to the way that politics (in the institutional sense) was sidelined to the exclusive benefit of the political and the collective practices associated with it. In conclusion, this case study opens up a more general consideration of the meaning of the “event” and its epistemological significance. By considering the crisis of 404-403 BCE at the heart of the “regimes of historicity” that characterized the history of Athens between the fifth and fourth centuries BCE, this article aims to provide a clearer articulation of the foundational moments and established functioning of Greek democracy.

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Illarraga, R. "Sandridge, Norman B.: Loving Humanity, Learning, and Being Honored. The Foundations of Leadership in Xenophon’s Education of Cyrus. Washington: Center for Hellenic Studies (Trustees for Harvard University), 2012, 139 pp." Araucaria 19 (2017): 487–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.12795/araucaria.2017.i37.23.

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THOMPSON, R. J. E. "(M.) Buijs Clause Combining in Ancient Greek Narrative Discourse. The Distribution of Subclauses and Participial Clauses in Xenophon's Hellenica and Anabasis. (Mnemosyne Supplementum 260.) Pp. x + 277. Leiden and Boston: Brill, 2005. Cased, €85, US$115. ISBN: 90-04-14250-9." Classical Review 56, no. 1 (March 24, 2006): 45–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009840x05000247.

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Percival, John. "The Mirror of Herodotus. The Representation of the Other in the Writing of History. The New Historicism; Studies in Cultural Poetics 5. By François Hartog. University of California Press, 1988. Pp. xxv + 386, with 5 plates and 2 maps. Price not stated. Thucydides. By Simon Hornblower. Duckworth, London, 1987. Pp. x + 230. Hardback £19.95, paperback £9.95 net. The Character of Xenophon's Hellenica. By Vivienne Gray. Duckworth, London, 1989. Pp. x + 219. £24.00 net. Thucydides, the Peloponnesian War Book II. Cambridge Greek and Latin Classics. Edited by J. S. Rusten. Cambridge U.P., 1989. Pp. x + 261. Hardback £27.50, paperback £11.95." Greece and Rome 37, no. 1 (April 1990): 97–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383500029594.

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TUPLIN, CHRISTOPHER J. "FOUR TEXTUAL NOTES ON XENOPHON HELLENICA VI." Philologus 130, no. 1-2 (January 1, 1986). http://dx.doi.org/10.1524/phil.1986.130.12.24.

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McBrayer, Gregory A. "Review Essay: Xenophon as Philosopher." Review of Politics, June 17, 2022, 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670522000547.

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Xenophon's reputation as a thinker of the highest order has been rehabilitated thanks principally to the work of Leo Strauss, his students, and his students’ students in political theory. Evidence of Xenophon's rehabilitated reputation is also the recent growth in Xenophon studies in academic fields outside political theory—classics, history, and philosophy—by scholars who are unaffiliated with Strauss, some of whom are even deeply critical of him, among them Paul Cartledge, Louis-André Dorion, Vivienne Gray, and Christopher Tuplin. There is also the success of the Landmark editions of Xenophon's Hellenika and Anabasis. To this growing body of scholarly literature, three monographs devoted to Xenophon's Socratic writings are now added. Thomas Pangle has written two excellent books, The Socratic Way of Life: Xenophon's “Memorabilia” and Socrates Founding Political Philosophy in Xenophon's “Economist,” “Symposium,” and “Apology.” Additionally, Dustin Sebell has written a penetrating analysis of Book IV of Xenophon's Memorabilia, titled Xenophon's Socratic Education: Reason, Religion, and the Limits of Politics.

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"The character of Xenophon's Hellenica." Choice Reviews Online 27, no. 01 (September 1, 1989): 27–0106. http://dx.doi.org/10.5860/choice.27-0106.

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Buxton, Richard Fernando. "'Performing' Innocence: Hermocrates in Xenophon's Hellenica." SSRN Electronic Journal, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.1603772.

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"Vivienne Gray. The Character of Xenophon's Hellenica. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press. 1989. Pp. x, 219. $32.50." American Historical Review, June 1991. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/ahr/96.3.852.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Xenophon Hellenica'

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