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1

Skrodzka, Aga. "Why “goEast” When They Are All Coming West?" Film Quarterly 70, no. 1 (2016): 107–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/fq.2016.70.1.107.

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A report from the sixteenth goEast Festival of Central and Eastern European Film, which took place at the historic Caligari FilmBühne in Wiesbaden, Germany. Supported by the German Film Institute (Deutsches Filminstitut DIF) in Frankfurt, goEast originated in 2001 as a cross-cultural initiative designed to popularize East Central European cinema in the West, an effort which was then aligned with the European unification project focused on incorporating the post- Communist countries into the European family. Today, as the festival continues to cast its gaze eastward, it is no longer the expansion of the European Union that provides its political framework. Rather, this year's edition was more impacted by the questions surrounding the future existence of the European Union itself, whose members had recently refused to act in solidarity to address the ongoing refugee crisis, with some even contemplating exit strategies. Intensifying nationalism and resurgent xenophobia were directly mentioned by a number of goEast organizers as forces that the festival is actively seeking to oppose.
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2

Shubenkova, Ksenia, and Karine Ignatova. "The Legal Regulation of Interethnic Relations in the European Union." Legal Concept, no. 4 (December 2022): 55–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/lc.jvolsu.2022.4.7.

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Introduction: The European Union is ethnically diverse and this factor can both positively and negatively influence the processes of regulation of interethnic relations. The European experience shows that it is impossible to avoid the emergence of inter-ethnic tension, the manifestation of xenophobia or discrimination, but they can be effectively combated. The main purpose of the work is to systematize the result obtained and, on its basis, to reveal the structure of the system of sources of legal regulation of interethnic relations in the European Union. Methods: the methodological framework for the study is the methods of historical and system analysis. Results: the analysis of the current legislation of the European Union revealed positive practices and gaps in the regulation of interethnic relations. Thus, despite the common European legal framework, the EU countries have not reached agreements on the development of common strategies for national and migration policies. Conclusions: In matters of regulating interethnic relations, the European Union fully relies on the standards developed by the Council of Europe, and this is natural, since the development of common approaches to the establishment of common European values is more typical for the European community. The legal experience of the European Union, taking into account interaction with the Council of Europe, creates additional opportunities for sustainable development in this area.
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3

Sakson, Andrzej. "Remarks on the migration crisis as a challenge to the European Union in the twenty-first century." Rocznik Integracji Europejskiej, no. 13 (December 31, 2019): 153–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/rie.2019.13.11.

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Among the many crises tormenting the Old Continent, the course and consequences of the migration crisis that began in 2015 are particularly noteworthy. There following issues should be highlighted: – the migration crisis manifests the internal weakness of the EU, since it has not been predicted, effectively neutralized nor managed properly; – the migration crisis has produced a division inside the EU; – the migration crisis has led to internal political and social crises in many EU countries; – the migration crisis has produced far-reaching outcomes (such as increased populism and xenophobia, division of Europe into the East and the West).
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4

Zoannos, Nikolaos, Rallis Antoniadis, and Nikitas A. Assimakopoulos. "A System Dynamics Model to Identify the Impact of the Economic Crisis on Crime Rate and on Security Sensation in European Societies." Acta Europeana Systemica 8 (July 10, 2020): 147–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.14428/aes.v8i1.56333.

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Modern society is a Complicated System, in which the interaction between its essential parts is affected in a daily basis by: (a) the Economic Crisis, (b) the Feeling of Xenophobia, (c) the Interweaving of the Political System and (d) the Degeneration of Human Interpersonal Relationships. Two important facts that have been excessively observed in the European Union over the last few years are the increase of Crime Rate, and at the same time the decrease of Security Sensation. The model that we have developed simulates the way that particular social phenomena such as: (a) the taxation, (b) the reduction of the State Expenditure on Equipment and (c) the conflicts of interest caused by the Economic Crisis, affect the Crime Rate. Therefore, this study can be the starting point for identifying other social phenomena that should be taken into account in the Strategic Plan of Crime and Violence treatment in member countries of the European Union.
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5

de Perini, Pietro. "The Origin of Intercultural Dialogue Practice in European Union External Action." Journal of Dialogue Studies 3, no. 1 (2015): 29–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.55207/mtqn2254.

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This paper analyses the origin of the practice of ‘intercultural dialogue’ as a tool for European Union external action towards the Mediterranean. ICD is currently a relevant instrument in EU external relations. However, when it was first launched in 1995, in the policy initiative known as the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership or the Barcelona Process, ICD was granted little effort by the partners involved. Many accounts from that period agree that this tool initially took a back seat if compared to other political-economic priorities in the EU agenda in this initiative. The paper aims to investigate the reasons for the initial neglect of this tool, which was considered by many to be a relevant innovation when it was launched, but that has actually become a relevant resource for EU external action only recently. Through analysis of EU policy documents of the period, the paper demonstrates that the EU had envisaged strategic use of ICD before 1995, in particular, in the hope of tackling key issues, such as mounting xenophobia in Europe and escalating Islamic fundamentalism in the Maghreb. It thus identifies a dual explanation for the limited and ineffective scope attributed to ICD in the first years of the Barcelona Process. On the one hand, in 1995 a number of Mediterranean partner countries were reluctant to lend much credit to the intercultural aspects of regional cooperation, and, on the other, the EU at that time had a growing but still restrained perception of urgency for the emerging issues that ICD was designed to address.
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6

Mirocha, Piotr. "Europa i jej wyobrażone granice w medialnym dyskursie chorwackim po 2012 roku." Politeja 16, no. 1(58) (October 31, 2019): 153–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/politeja.16.2019.58.09.

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Europe and Its Imaginary Borders in the Croatian Media Discourse after 2012 Today Croatia is one of the countries situated on the border of the European Union. It joined the EU in 2013, i.a. already after the financial crisis of 2008 and just before the permanent crisis resulting from the indebtedness of the Southern peripheries of the EU, revealing of the humanitarian situation of migrants at the Mediterranean and Balkan borders of the Union, as well as a rise in xenophobia in numerous member states. Therefore, imaginary borders of Europe in the Croatian media discourse after 2012 can be a significant research field. This paper presents preliminary results of an analysis of a large corpus of articles from the Internet issue of a daily newspaper Večernji list from October 2012 until October 2017. The analysis is focused on the linguistic modelling of the notion of Europe (especially in the context of the European integration) and its limits (especially in the context of migration). A brief background concerning the cultural history of the notion of Europe in the Croatian cultural universe is also provided.
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7

Dirsehan, Meltem. "Syrian Refugee Crisis and European Migration Policies: Rise in Xenophobic Rhetoric in Europe." International Journal of Business & Technology 6, no. 1 (November 1, 2017): 1–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.33107/ijbte.2017.6.1.06.

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Syrian immigration crisis has been ignored by advanced European countries and the heaviest burden is left to developing border countries. However this ignorance has resulted in more mass influx of immigrants illegally to the borders of European Union with a target of advanced Northern countries. To evaluate the European ignorance to this humanitarian crisis, first Turkey is evaluated as a transition point for all Asian and Middle Eastern immigrants dreaming to live in Europe. By a shocking extend of sea arrivals, Europe have noticed the humanitarian crisis and made a deal with main transition point for immigrants, Turkey. However this deal is a symbol of violation human rights and vaporisation of all European values. So refugee crisis and policy changes in Europe are covered briefly. In conclusion, this position of European countries is argued as related with accelerating social support to xenophobic and Islamophobic rhetoric in politics as to elective results in advanced EU countries.
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8

Egorov, A., and A. Petrovskiy. "Social and Economic Problems of EC Countries in the Initial Pandemic Period." World Economy and International Relations 65, no. 3 (2021): 52–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2021-65-3-52-59.

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The article is devoted to the analysis of key social and economic problems in the EU countries during the initial period of the pandemic. Forced isolation amid the spread of the coronavirus contributed to the growth of domestic and domestic violence, manifestations of racism and xenophobia in the EU. Social discrimination manifested itself in the restriction of access to goods and services for people with Asian appearance. A negative factor was the statements of certain right-wing politicians, as well as a number of media outlets. The member states of the European Union sought to carry out proactive communication with the population of their countries, convincing the latter to use exclusively official information about the situation with the COVID 19 virus and taking steps to ensure the widespread presence of the opinion of the governance in the media and on the Internet. Due to the extraordinary circumstances, EU member states have resumed controls at their internal borders in an effort to ensure the safety of their citizens. Despite assurances from the European Commission that the restrictions would not affect the interests of the EU population and third-country nationals, in March 2020, tangible obstacles arose in the way of realizing the fundamental right to free movement. The first steps were taken to support the sectors of the economy and the employment market in the initial phase of the pandemic. Particular attention was paid to the state of affairs in the most vulnerable service sector. The employment market experienced serious shocks, which was reflected in the growth of unemployment in the EU countries. The measures taken by the authorities of the member states, in general, met the interests of workers, but encountered difficulties in the course of implementation.
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9

Bosetti, Giancarlo. "Introduction: Addressing the politics of fear. The challenge posed by pluralism to Europe." Philosophy & Social Criticism 37, no. 4 (May 2011): 371–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0191453711400998.

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The introduction to this issue is meant to address the ways in which turbulent immigration is challenging European democratic countries’ capacity to integrate the pluralism of cultures in light of the current state of economic instability, strong public debt, unemployment and an aging resident population. The Reset-Dialogues on Civilizations Association has organized its annual İstanbul Seminars in order to fill the need for constructive dialogue dedicated to increasing understanding and implementing social and political change. Turkey’s accession to the European Union represents in this light a challenge to our liberal views, which must become more open-minded in order to address adequately cultural and religious differences, Islam included. We must set ourselves the task of finding a new perspective so that we may defuse the populist radicalization, fear-mongering politicians and xenophobia that are emerging in many countries. Yet it is equally essential that we reconfigure and recontextualize the traditional secular battle for freedom from the dominance of the Christian majority away from a binary opposition to a plural dimension that takes into account other religious communities. After introducing the major challenges our seminars were organized to address, the introduction will summarize and explain the articulation of the contents of this issue in the following three parts: (1) realigning liberalism in the context of globalization (with contributions by Nilüfer Göle, Alain Touraine, Albena Azmanova, Stephen Macedo, Zygmunt Bauman); (2) different paths: towards modernity and democracy from within different cultures and religions (Fred Dallmayr, Sadik Al Azm, Irfan Ahmad, Ibrahim Kalin); and (3) philosophical presuppositions of intercultural dialogue and multiculturalism (Maeve Cooke, Sebastiano Maffettone, Volker Kaul).
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10

De Botton, Lena, Raul Ramos, Marta Soler-Gallart, and Jordi Suriñach. "Scientifically Informed Solidarity: Changing Anti-Immigrant Prejudice about Universal Access to Health." Sustainability 13, no. 8 (April 8, 2021): 4174. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su13084174.

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Currently, anti-immigrant sentiment has emerged again in European countries, as witnessed, for example, by the rise of xenophobic parties in many member states. This is a prejudice that is not new but that intensifies in certain circumstances, such as the economic crisis. This change in attitudes towards immigration has an impact on the preferences of citizens regarding the universal access to public resources and rights. The results of this article come from the analysis of certain variables of the Transnational European Solidarity Survey (TESS) conducted during 2016 in 13 member countries of the European Union. Specifically, two packages of variables are analysed regarding the degree of solidarity in relation to the access to public health services for immigrants before and after receiving scientific information about the collective benefits of the provision of health for the entire population, including undocumented immigrants. While there is much literature that analyses how scientific literacy in health and education issues improves the situation of vulnerable groups, few studies have analysed how scientific knowledge helps to modify the prejudices and discriminatory attitudes of the general population, thus contributing to the improvement of the health of the entire population.
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11

Blouchoutzi, Anastasia, Dimitra Manou, and Jason Papathanasiou. "A PROMETHEE MCDM Application in Social Inclusion: The Case of Foreign-Born Population in the EU." Systems 9, no. 2 (June 15, 2021): 45. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/systems9020045.

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Since the migrant surge in 2015, social inclusion has become a crucial issue to be addressed effectively by the European Union, given that 39% of the population born outside of the EU member states faces the risk of poverty or social exclusion. Adding to that, the COVID-19 pandemic has severely affected migrant households worldwide, rendering migrant integration an urgent matter for national governments. Discrimination, racism, xenophobia, and radicalization are all societal threats emerging in periods of massive migrant flows and need appropriate policy measures to be employed in migrant host countries to tackle them. This paper suggests the integration of a multiple criteria decision analysis method, namely PROMETHEE, for policy making with regard to migrant social exclusion. In light of previous research findings and the recent release of the Migrant Integration Policy Index 2020, the authors argue that the method proposed could help policy makers to evaluate the effectiveness of the implemented policies, spot the discrepancies between policies and policy outcomes, and motivate knowledge sharing among the EU member states. The findings include a ten-year comparative list of the EU member states (2010–2019) driven by social inclusion indicators for the foreign-born (non-EU-born) population. The results are rather sensitive to changes in the data utilized but they provide an overall comparative picture of social inclusion policy effectiveness in the EU during the past decade.
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12

Martynov, Andrii. "Bifurcation in the Process of European Integration under the Influence of a Pandemic." European Historical Studies, no. 16 (2020): 19–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2020.16.2.

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The coronavirus pandemic has become the most serious challenge since the European Union’s existence. The challenge is complex. The first blow was struck on four freedoms: movement of capital, goods, labor and services. Discontinuing production under the influence of a pandemic will mean both insufficient supply and too low demand. Quarantine measures have split the Common Market into “national containers”. The monetary union is also facing a serious crisis before the pandemic. The next blow to European solidarity was the crisis with illegal migrants. The humanitarian crisis has benefited populists to intensify xenophobic sentiment and terrorist movements to send their killers to the EU. The pretext of left and right populism is wandering Europe. Security threats are real. The UK’s exit from the EU has created a deficit in the EU budget. Germany and France should increase their contributions proportionally. The Visegrad bloc countries oppose their greater financial responsibility. Austria does not agree with the single Eurozone budget. Polls in the spring of 2016 showed an increase in the position of European skeptics in France, Italy, Austria, the Netherlands, Germany, the Greek part of Cyprus, the Czech Republic and Hungary. Contemporary political discourse offers European optimistic and European pessimistic scenarios. The European Republic is decentralized (European regions), post-national, parliamentary-democratic and social. This concerns a possible shift from the United States of Europe project to the European Republic. The concept of republic is a common ideological and political heritage of Europe. A New Europe Demands New Political Thinking without Populism and Nationalism. The European Republic should be at the center of the triangle: liberalism (liberty), socialism (equality) and nationalism (brotherhood). The pessimistic scenario focuses on the fragmentation of the European Union. The basis of such fragmentation can be the project of European integration of different speeds.
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13

Guzhev, Mikhail S., and Maria S. Semenova. "Immigration Problem in the Setting Up of Political Forces in Germany and France." DEMIS. Demographic research 1, no. 1 (2021): 106–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.19181/demis.2021.1.1.12.

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The importance of studying migration processes is due to their massive, regular nature, the impact on the political and social environment of the host countries. Often, a poorly thought out, inconsistent and generally ineffective immigration policy leads to problems in the host countries, reduces the quality of life of the indigenous population, thus creating a split in society, which may result in increasing migrant phobia, xenophobia, etc. A particularly striking example of this situation can serve as some countries of the European Union, in particular, Germany and France. The populations of these countries account for one of the largest shares of migrants not only in Europe, but throughout the world. Of particular research interest is the change in the political preferences of the voters in favor of the forces advocating a rigid migration policy. Within the framework of the systematic and historical-descriptive approaches, the electoral processes in Germany and France were analyzed during the period of the most intense manifestation of the migration problem. It was found that in parallel with the migration crisis in the host countries, a reshuffling of political forces is rapidly taking place: lesser-known political leaders, parties, movements not only appear on the political arena, but quickly gain voters’ support, starting to determine immigration policy. There is a clear relationship between anti-immigration slogans and the entry into the arena of Germany and France of right-wing parties, which are fundamentally changing the political alignment of forces and their political course as a whole. Supporters of the right-wing political persuasion quickly gained popularity at the peak of the migration crisis, but with this problem fading into the background, the need for these political forces began to decrease. As a result of the study, the hypothesis that the migration problem is one of the key factors in the alignment of political forces in Germany and France was confirmed.
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KHAKHALKINA, ELENA, and ANNA RYAZANTSEVA. "DISCRIMINATION AND STIGMATIZATION OF POLITICAL REFUGEES AND LABOR MIGRANTS IN THE EUDURING THE FIRST WAVE OF THE COVID-19 PANDEMIC." History and Modern Perspectives 3, no. 4 (December 30, 2021): 35–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.33693/2658-4654-2021-3-4-35-42.

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The article traces the reaction of the EU states in the initial period of the spread of the Covid-19 pandemic, when there was a transformation from rallying to the division of society along different lines. In relation to arriving or already living, but poorly protected groups of migrants in different countries of the European Union, they were stigmatized as the main carriers of various diseases. The authors aim to identify the causes and consequences of discrimination and stigmatization of refugees and labor migrants in the EU during the first months of the Covid-19 pandemic. The chronological framework includes the period of the first wave of coronavirus. The study analyzes in detail the manifestations of segregation towards migrants and the growth of xenophobic sentiments in the societies of individual EU states with the onset of the pandemic, separately examines the attempts of right-wing populists to strengthen their positions in the changed conditions, and examples of the exacerbation of many chronic problems of European states associated with migrants and their inclusion in host communities. Particular attention is paid to understanding the role of the media and the Internet space in the dissemination and attempts to end stigmatization. In the final part of the work, the influence of the indicated phenomena on the psychological and physical health of the societies of the EU countries is shown, on the change in people’s attitudes towards basic human rights and social values, as well as possible ways of solving the problem of rejection towards the indicated social groups.
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15

Master, Sara De, and Michael K. Le Roy. "Xenophobia and the European Union." Comparative Politics 32, no. 4 (July 2000): 419. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/422387.

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16

Valori, Giancarlo Elia. "The European Union, Antisemitism, Racism and Xenophobia." Israel Journal of Foreign Affairs 1, no. 3 (January 2007): 79–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/23739770.2007.11446278.

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17

Kiess, Johannes. "Perceptions of Living Conditions across Europe and Their Impact on Xenophobia." Comparative Sociology 21, no. 5 (October 28, 2022): 502–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15691330-bja10064.

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Abstract This study investigates whether European reference frames – the rating of living conditions in other countries – affect the prevalence of xenophobia among respondents in different European countries. For justifying such assumption, the author builds on two literatures: a large body of literature investigates the effect of individual and collective relative deprivation on xenophobia. Moreover, studies in the field of European sociology show that, in light of deepening European integration, people compare living conditions in different European countries. The author argues that such European reference frames matter for the development of stereotyped categorization processes and thus xenophobia. Based on original survey data, the author shows that country comparisons matter at least indirectly and he points at apparently important country differences, indicating the salience of the respective countries in public debates and warranting further research. With these insights, this article offers an important contribution to research on xenophobia as well as to European sociology.
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18

Bilohur, Vlada, and Roman Oleksenko. "THE EUROPEAN SPORT MODELS MANAGEMENT IN THE EUROPEAN UNION COUNTRIES EUROPEAN UNION." HUMANITIES STUDIES 90, no. 13 (2022): 59–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.26661/hst-2022-13-90-07.

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19

Stec, Małgorzata. "Innovation in European Union Countries." Gospodarka Narodowa 236, no. 11-12 (December 31, 2009): 45–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.33119/gn/101233.

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20

Rodríguez-Gulías, María Jesús, Vítor Manuel de Sousa Gabriel, and David Rodeiro-Pazos. "Effects of governance on entrepreneurship: European Union vs non-European Union." Competitiveness Review: An International Business Journal 28, no. 1 (January 15, 2018): 43–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/cr-06-2016-0035.

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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to analyse the effect of six governance indicators on the rate of creation of new companies between countries that are members of the European Union (EU) and those that are not. H1 states that the various dimensions of governance help to explain the immediate creation of new businesses in European and non-European countries. H2 states that the various dimensions of governance help to explain the deferred creation of new businesses in European and non-European countries. Design/methodology/approach The paper uses two types of analyses: firstly, univariate analysis, which is a descriptive statistics of the dependent, independent and control variables, and the results of a t-test; and secondly, multivariate analysis, which estimates using the fixed-effects estimator under the specifications previously raised for the subsample of 28 EU countries and for the subsample of 103 non-EU countries during the period 2004-2014. Findings The results show that the variables of governance are not significantly higher in the EU, although the density of the enterprises is. Within the governance indicators, government effectiveness is significant in the EU. The results obtained for the EU confirmed H1and H2, with a significant positive effect of government effectiveness on entrepreneurship, while the other governance variables were not significant in the EU subsample. The results obtained for non-EU countries suggest no significant immediate effects (H1) and a slightly significant delayed effect of rule of law on the entrepreneurship (H2) concerned. Research limitations/implications Future research in this area could consider introducing another regional division or other types of methodology as variables affect models. Practical implications Governance can be defined as the ability of a government and its public institutions to provide services and design, and implement rules, which is a factor that affects the creation of new companies. However, the effect of governance could differ depending on the country and its economic environment. This paper analyses the effect of six governance indicators on the rate of creation of new companies considering two different geographic regions as countries are presumably heterogeneous. Therefore, these results indicate that the effect of governance variables on entrepreneurship differs according to the region. Social implications The effect of governance variables on entrepreneurship according to the region is also known. Originality/value This study applied panel data analysis to two samples of countries during the period 2004-2014, one formed by 28 countries of the EU and the other by 103 non-EU countries. No other paper considers this number of countries for this period. To assess the impact of governance on the creation of new companies, this paper considered the existence of immediate and deferred effects of governance on entrepreneurship.
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Joumard, Isabelle. "Tax systems in European Union countries." OECD Economic Studies 2002, no. 1 (May 7, 2003): 91–151. http://dx.doi.org/10.1787/eco_studies-v2002-art4-en.

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Hsieh, Jin-chi, Ching-cheng Lu, Ying Li, Yung-ho Chiu, and Ya-sue Xu. "Environmental Assessment of European Union Countries." Energies 12, no. 2 (January 18, 2019): 295. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/en12020295.

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This study utilizes the dynamic data envelopment analysis (DEA) model by considering time to measure the energy environmental efficiency of 28 countries in the European Union (EU) during the period 2006–2013. There are three kinds of variables: input, output, and carry-over. The inputs are labor, capital, and energy consumption (EC). The undesirable outputs are greenhouse gas emissions (GHE) and sulfur oxide (SOx) emissions, and the desirable output variable is gross domestic product (GDP). The carry-over variable is gross capital formation (GCF). The empirical results show that first the dynamic DEA model can measure environment efficiency and provide optimum improvement for inefficient countries, as more than half of the EU countries should improve their environmental efficiency. Second, the average overall scores of the EU countries point out that the better period of performance is from 2009 to 2012. Third, the output variables of GHE, SOx, and GDP exhibit a significant impact on environmental efficiency. Finally, the average value of others is significantly better than high renewable energy utilization (HRE) with the Wilcoxon test. Thus, the EU’s strategy for environmental energy improvement should be to pay attention to the benefits of renewable energy (RE) utilization, reducing greenhouse gas emissions (GHE), and enhancing the development of RE utilization to help achieve the goal of lower GHE.
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Gajos, Edyta, Sylwia Małażewska, and Konrad Prandecki. "EMISSION EFFICIENCY OF EUROPEAN UNION COUNTRIES." Annals of the Polish Association of Agricultural and Agribusiness Economists XX, no. 6 (December 10, 2018): 55–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0012.7732.

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The aim of the study was to compare the total greenhouse gas emissions in the European Union countries and their emission efficiency. Emission efficiency was calculated as the ratio of emission volume and value to gross value added generated by the economy of a given country (size of the economy). The necessary statistical data was obtained from Eurostat. It was found that in 2015 most of greenhouse gases were emitted by: Germany, United Kingdom, Poland, France and Italy. At the same time, France and the United Kingdom were characterized by one of the best emission efficiency in the European Union, Germany and Italy obtained average results, while Poland was in the group of countries with the lowest emission efficiency. Therefore, it can be concluded, that the volume of emissions is significantly affected by the size of the economy. Some large emitters have economies based on relatively “clean” technologies and thus their potential to further reduction is not very high. The reverse is true for some low-emission countries, such as Estonia and Bulgaria. This indicates the need for a more comprehensive look at the problem of reducing greenhouse gas emissions.
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Cinpoeş, Nicoleta. "From New to Neo-Europe: Titus redivivus." Cahiers Élisabéthains: A Journal of English Renaissance Studies 96, no. 1 (May 22, 2018): 214–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0184767818775904.

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The ‘dramatic rise’ of Titus Andronicus ‘among critics and directors’ in the 1990s was primarily linked to ‘the growth of feminist Shakespeare criticism’.1 Its recent stage popularity, however, lies in its responses to the new geopolitical realities and the shifting physical and mental borders of the European Union. This article examines four European productions of Titus Andronicus in their engagement with political change, migration, rising nationalism and xenophobia, which, I argue, refocus attention onto this play’s position in the Shakespeare canon.
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Gündüz, Zuhal Yesilyurt. "The European Union at 50—Xenophobia, Islamophobia and the Rise of the Radical Right." Journal of Muslim Minority Affairs 30, no. 1 (March 2010): 35–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13602001003650598.

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Voulgarelli-Christidou, Christina. "Dangers of an Urban Crisis within the European Union: Fueling Xenophobia and Undermining Democracy." Perspectives on Global Development and Technology 15, no. 1-2 (January 14, 2016): 236–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15691497-12341385.

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The global economic and financial crisis of 2007-08 has further intensified a social and urban crisis that undermines democracy and economic institutions internationally. Specifically, the economic crisis and the consequent austerity measures have resulted in greater exploitation in the labor market and job discrimination, in capital flight and undermined political and social institutions that provide for citizens. Xenophobia becomes again a burgeoning problem that is plaguing the European Union (eu) and needs to be addressed thoroughly for it can again undermine the democratic tradition of the region. This article concentrates on perspectives on the current migration crisis within the region of theeuthat has spurred a spiral of xenophobic tendencies and a neo-liberal nationalist narrative. Particular emphasis is placed in the situations in Greece (the much attested “guinea pig” of the democratic experiment) and Italy.
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Kraciuk, Jakub. "FOOD SECURITY OF THE EUROPEAN UNION COUNTRIES." Annals of the Polish Association of Agricultural and Agribusiness Economists XIX, no. 3 (August 22, 2017): 150–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0010.3238.

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The aim of the study was to show the state of food security in European Union countries and defines the basic factors determining the level of this security. There is a large disproportion in the state of food security between individual European Union countries, especially between old and new EU countries. It was determined that in the analyzed years average prices of products and their quality deteriorated in the countries of the European Union. The unfavorable changes that have taken place were not too great. On the other hand, the average indicator for the analyzed countries regarding access to food has clearly improved.
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Grabowska, Barbara. "Education of teachers in European Union countries." Osvitolohiya, no. 3 (2014): 40–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.28925/2226-3012.2014.3.4045.

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29

Gajewski, Paweł. "Public Finance Sustainability in European Union Countries." Gospodarka Narodowa 251, no. 10 (October 31, 2011): 21–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.33119/gn/101072.

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30

Elbashir, Rania. "LIBYA'S FOREIGN TRADE WITH EUROPEAN UNION COUNTRIES." MEST Journal 10, no. 2 (July 15, 2022): 64–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.12709/mest.10.10.02.07.

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The subject of this empirical and theoretical work is the exchange of foreign trade in Libya with the countries of the European Union. The scientific objective of the research is to make a scientific classification of the volume of foreign trade between Libya and the European Union countries and to discover the factors that hinder foreign trade and explain them scientifically. European countries also support this cooperation and contribute significantly to the formulation of future cooperation policies with Libya in various social, political, and economic fields. However, this cooperation takes place in light of objective difficulties arising from the conflicting interests of Western countries in North Africa and Libya. Since these relations are burdened with many problems of different nature, we started this paper from two assumptions: The first premise is that in the trade relations between Libya and the European Union, there are common interests for foreign trade that are more feasible. The second premise is that more encouragement and protection for investments by the countries of the European Union helps in new qualitative development and economic growth in Libya, which will significantly improve trade relations between Libya and the countries of the European Union.
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31

Kavelaars, Peter. "The foreign countries of the European Union." EC Tax Review 16, Issue 6 (December 1, 2007): 268–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/ecta2007044.

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32

Szymańska, Agata. "Tax revenues in the European Union countries." Wiadomości Statystyczne. The Polish Statistician 62, no. 5 (May 26, 2017): 79–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0014.0921.

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The aim of this paper is to analyse tax revenues and examine similarities of selected tax revenues (mainly VAT, CIT, PIT and excise duty) in the European Union countries. The analysis of the EU members concerns the period between 2003 (i.e. the year preceding the biggest enlargement of the EU) and 2012 (due to data completeness). Tax rates and the structure of tax revenues in the EU countries were compared and then the cluster analysis was applied to assess the similarity of tax revenues. The analysis suggests that the process of tax harmonization, which took place in the period considered, did not exert a significant impact on the similarity of the structure of tax revenues in the EU countries. The structure seems to be still determined by e.g. social, economic or historical factors, which influenced the tax systems creation in particular EU countries.
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Brozo, William G., E. Sutton Flynt, Gerry Shiel, Ulla-Britt Persson, Christine Garbe, and Lydia Dachkova. "Content Reading in Four European Union Countries." Reading Teacher 63, no. 2 (October 2009): 170–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1598/rt.63.2.10.

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34

MUFTAKHOVA, A. N. "TERRITORIAL MOBILITY IN THE EUROPEAN UNION COUNTRIES." Central Russian Journal of Social Sciences 14, no. 1 (2019): 145–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.22394/2071-2367-2019-14-1-145-160.

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35

Saman Shojae Chaeikar, Mazdak Zamani, Christian Sunday Chukwuekezie, and Mojtaba Alizadeh. "Electronic Voting Systems for European Union Countries." Journal of Next Generation Information Technology 4, no. 5 (July 31, 2013): 16–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.4156/jnit.vol4.issue5.3.

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36

Legros, F., and M. Danis. "Surveillance of malaria in European Union countries." Eurosurveillance 3, no. 5 (May 1, 1998): 45–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.2807/esm.03.05.00103-en.

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The European Union countries are outside the endemic area for malaria, but many cases of malaria contracted elsewhere are imported into Europe each year. Several countries have reported high and increasing numbers of imported cases in recent years (France
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37

Afonso, Oscar, Ana Lurdes Albuquerque, and Alexandre Almeida. "Wage inequality determinants in European Union countries." Applied Economics Letters 20, no. 12 (August 2013): 1170–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13504851.2013.797551.

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38

Lewis, Alfred, and Owusu Kwarteng. "The European Union: implications for developing countries." European Business Review 95, no. 5 (October 1995): 3–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/09555349510096090.

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39

Branco Pedro, João, Frits Meijer, and Henk Visscher. "Building control systems of European Union countries." International Journal of Law in the Built Environment 2, no. 1 (April 20, 2010): 45–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/17561451011036513.

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40

Economou, Athina, and Iacovos N. Psarianos. "Revisiting Okun’s Law in European Union countries." Journal of Economic Studies 43, no. 2 (May 9, 2016): 275–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jes-05-2013-0063.

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Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to examine Okun’s Law in European countries by distinguishing between the transitory and the permanent effects of output changes upon unemployment and by examining the effect of labor market protection policies upon Okun’s coefficients. Design/methodology/approach – Quarterly data for 13 European Union countries, from the second quarter of 1993 until the first quarter of 2014, are used. Panel data techniques and Mundlak decomposition models are estimated. Findings – Okun’s Law is robust to alternative specifications. The effect of output changes to unemployment rates is weaker for countries with increased labor market protection expenditures and it is more persistent for countries with low labor market protection. Originality/value – The paper provides evidence that the permanent effect of output changes upon unemployment rates is quantitatively larger than the transitory impact. In addition, it provides evidence that increased labor market protection mitigates the adverse effects of a decrease in output growth rate upon unemployment.
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Agiakloglou, Christos, and Emmanouil Deligiannakis. "Sovereign risk evaluation for European Union countries." Journal of International Money and Finance 103 (May 2020): 102117. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jimonfin.2019.102117.

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42

Giambona, Francesca, Erasmo Vassallo, and Elli Vassiliadis. "Educational systems efficiency in European Union countries." Studies in Educational Evaluation 37, no. 2-3 (June 2011): 108–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.stueduc.2011.05.001.

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43

Koff, Harlan. "The Outsider: Prejudice and Politics in Italy. By Paul M. Sniderman, Pierangelo Peri, Rui J. P. de Figueiredo, Jr., and Thomas Piazza. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2000. 218p. $29.95." American Political Science Review 96, no. 4 (December 2002): 867–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055402900468.

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The Outsider is a study of prejudicial attitudes toward migrants in Italy. The book contributes to the study of public reactions to non-European Union immigration because it statistically analyzes opinions that are usually addressed descriptively. Moreover, the work correctly studies the interaction between individual and social responses to migration. However, the overall contribution of this book to the comparative literature on xenophobia in Europe is limited by serious theoretical and methodological flaws.
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44

Bell, Mark. "Combating Racial Discrimination Through the European Employment Strategy." Cambridge Yearbook of European Legal Studies 6 (2004): 55–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.5235/152888712802759458.

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During the last decade, the European Union has taken a variety of initiatives that together form a policy on combating racial discrimination. Understandably, legal academics have so far devoted greatest attention to the legislative initiatives, most notably, the EU Race Directive. The Directive is striking, both because of its broad material scope (covering areas such as employment, education, housing and healthcare), but also as a result of the new directions that it introduced into EU antidiscrimination law. Whilst it is certainly the centrepiece of EU anti-racism policy, it is part of a broader policy framework. This includes other, less auspicious legal instruments, as well as various public expenditure programmes. The EU Monitoring Centre on Racism and Xenophobia provides an institutional dimension to the anti-racism policy.
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Bell, Mark. "Combating Racial Discrimination Through the European Employment Strategy." Cambridge Yearbook of European Legal Studies 6 (2004): 55–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1528887000003578.

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During the last decade, the European Union has taken a variety of initiatives that together form a policy on combating racial discrimination. Understandably, legal academics have so far devoted greatest attention to the legislative initiatives, most notably, the EU Race Directive. The Directive is striking, both because of its broad material scope (covering areas such as employment, education, housing and healthcare), but also as a result of the new directions that it introduced into EU antidiscrimination law. Whilst it is certainly the centrepiece of EU anti-racism policy, it is part of a broader policy framework. This includes other, less auspicious legal instruments, as well as various public expenditure programmes. The EU Monitoring Centre on Racism and Xenophobia provides an institutional dimension to the anti-racism policy.
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46

Marek, Sophia. "Refugees in Germany: Amongst Culture of Welcome and Xenophobia." International Journal of Interreligious and Intercultural Studies 2, no. 2 (October 19, 2019): 68–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.32795/ijiis.vol2.iss2.2019.452.

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The refugee crisis in Germany is a part of the European migrant crisis in connection with the immigration of high numbers of people arriving in the European Union (EU) from across the Mediterranean Sea or overland through Southeast Europe. This period reached its’ summit in 2015/2016 with over a million protection seekers arriving in Germany.The high influx of protection seekers in such a short time has caused a social debate in Germany on how to handle the high numbers of immigrants and arrange the political asylum. There are different views on the reception of migrants that range from the culture of welcome to xenophobia. This can be observed in the society, where a part of the population gets involved with the refugees’ integration, whereas another (increasing) part foments anti-immigrant sentiments. Between those beliefs, many different attitudes and behaviors towards refugees can be found.This article discusses the situation of refugees and asylum seekers in Germany, concerning the divided opinions reaching from a culture of welcome to xenophobia. It addresses the transformation that Germany is currently undergoing and gives several examples of incidents of and against refugees that affect the mindset of the German population.
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Cahlík, Tomáš. "Central and east european countries after entering the european union." Prague Economic Papers 11, no. 1 (January 1, 2002): 3–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.18267/j.pep.185.

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48

Samardžija, Višnja. "European union and central european countries reducing barriers or not?" International Advances in Economic Research 1, no. 1 (February 1995): 81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02295861.

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49

Fidrmuc, Jarko. "Restructuring European union trade with central and eastern European countries." Atlantic Economic Journal 28, no. 1 (March 2000): 83–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02300533.

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50

Sulaiman, Saqer. "Arab Youth Migration to the European Union." Pro Publico Bono - Magyar Közigazgatás 8, no. 4 (2020): 106–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.32575/ppb.2020.4.8.

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Migration from Arab countries to European countries started many decades ago. It has been driven by a variety of push–pull factors. The two main factors are economic deterioration and political instability. Many young people migrated to escape unemployment, poverty and poorworking conditions. Others fled the effects of war and conflicts. This paper reviews Arab youth migration to European countries, its drivers, and the way it impacts the origin countries, host countries and the immigrants. Despite some negative implications of migration on the origin countries such as education cost and deprivation of the country from the potential capacity of skilled people, the benefits of these countries are rather clear and include remittances, knowledge and experience transfer. However, mitigation of Arab youth migration challenges is not an easy task; it needs new governmental approaches to reduce unemployment rates, as well as the active involvement of youth in economic and political life.
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