Journal articles on the topic 'Wyoming High School (Wyoming, Ohio)'

Objectives: High school baseball pitch count limits vary widely by state; however, it is unknown how these variations impact cumulative elbow varus torque (EVT) throughout a season. Specifically, pitch count limits are a popular method for preventing overuse in youth baseball players, but rest day requirements for different pitch count limits are often highly variable and less frequently analyzed. Therefore, the objectives of the current study were to (1) investigate variations in pitch count rules across all 50 states, (2) calculate maximum game, monthly and season-long EVT across all pitch count limits, and (3) calculate EVT across all pitch count limits after adjusting for rest days required by each state. We hypothesized that the number of required rest days based on gameday pitch count limits would lead to large variations in cumulative EVT workload over the course of a season. Methods: Pitch count allowances and required rest days for high school baseball pitchers were recorded from the athletic association website of each state. The Motus Global database was queried for all high school pitchers. Average EVT for game pitches was quantified and used to calculate cumulative game, weekly, monthly, and season EVT during a projected 3-month season for each maximum pitch count limit assuming a three-day rest period. Values were subsequently recalculated for each group of states based on pitch count allowances and actual required rest days. Results: The Motus Global database provided 65,928 pitches from 45 high school pitchers with an average age of 16.9 ± 0.8 years. Average EVT per pitch was 45.04 ± 10.46 N•m. High school baseball is not a sanctioned sport in 2 states (Montana and Wyoming), leaving 48 states for analysis. The most common midseason maximum pitch count limit was 110 pitches (19 states, range 100-125 pitches), and the most common required rest days was 4 days (24 states, range 0-5 days) (Table 1). Assuming three-days rest between maximum pitch outings, there was a 20% difference in cumulative EVT during a season between 100 and 125 maximum pitches. When maximum pitch counts were projected with required rest days, allowing a maximum of 140 pitches in a 4 day span without a specific rest day requirement resulted in the most EVT during a season (Nevada), followed by allowing a maximum pitch count of 125 pitches with a rest requirement of 3 days (Louisiana/Ohio, Figure 1). Pennsylvania and Wisconsin allowed the least amount of pitches (i.e. 100 pitches) with the shortest required rest days (i.e. 3 days), resulting in the lowest EVT for a game and week but the sixth highest season EVT. Conversely, South Carolina allowed 110 pitches but required the most rest days (5 days), resulting in the lowest season EVT. Overall, there was a 48.8% difference in EVT during a season between the most and least restrictive states. A greater seasonal EVT in the lowest pitch count range with 1 required rest day compared to the highest pitch range was observed in 28 states (58%). Average seasonal workload of every pitch count range per required rest days for all states is summarized in Figure 2. This generally demonstrates an inverse trend with a 30% greater EVT differential between the lowest pitch range with one required rest day and the highest pitch range with 5 required rest days. Only 1 state had equal seasonal EVT at both maximum and minimal pitch ranges (Pennsylvania). Conclusions: There is wide variability in pitch count rules between states. Required rest days are often an underappreciated aspect of pitch count rules, yet they may influence season-long EVT more than maximum pitch count allowances. For example, the maximal seasonal EVT did not occur at maximal pitch limits for the majority of states. Instead, it most frequently occurred at the lowest pitch count allowance with 1 rest day (58% of states). A primary example is Indiana, which has a 20% greater potential seasonal EVT in the lowest pitch range (36-60 pitches, 1 rest day requirement) compared to its maximal pitch limit (101-120 pitches, 4 rest day requirement). Pitch count rules should be analyzed to ensure that projected workload across all pitch count and rest day allowances are proportional. Therefore, standardization of pitch count rules across states should be considered with increased emphasis on rest day restrictions. [Table: see text]

Teachers at the University of Wyoming Lab School, a part of Albany County public schools, wanted to create a curriculum that provided all children equal access to high quality education in a caring environment that nurtured personal growth. Their approach found the Japanese Lesson Study format provided that vehicle. The researchers warn that it should not be assumed that this model translates flawlessly to U.S. schools. Their work describes how the program was altered for their school and the promising results they obtained.

The Awareness of Attitudes and Relationship Expectations (AWARE) Inventory was administered to 160 high school students in Wyoming. Factor analysis showed the inventory did not have the expected 11 dimensional factor structure. Most of the intended 10-item scales yielded unacceptably low estimates of internal consistency reliability. Through an iterative process, one internally consistent scale of 17 items (α = .80) was derived. Researchers should be careful to evaluate the AWARE Inventory with their own samples before proceeding under an assumption that its scales reliably assess the 11 dimensions expected.

New teachers benefit from mentoring from more experienced colleagues, and the Wyoming Teacher Mentor Corps (WTMC) provides high-quality training for master teachers to provide this mentoring support. As part of the program, mentors learn about assessment, communication, feedback, and work-life balance. Colby Gull and Leslie Rush describe how, as part of the training, mentors identified and prioritized critical principles for maintaining work-life balance. Strategies include shutting down and disconnecting from work, acknowledging one’s own humanity when making mistakes, and prioritizing and saying no when needed. The authors discuss these and other suggestions and how they might be used in school settings.

The high-school-to-college transition can be difficult as students are adapting to a multitude of academic and social changes simultaneously. The University of Wyoming has created a first-semester program targeted at development of student skills for at-risk students using paired first-year seminar classes. Using student survey data from both pre- and post-course series, students were asked how important they thought academic and non-academic skills were as well as how much preparation time they were spending outside of class. Results from this work show large changes in the importance of skills and time spent studying during the transition from high school to college. This highlights the need to focus specifically on teaching skills to help students through the transition and suggests that not all skills are equal and data shows that students take longer than one semester to match their expected and actual amounts of time they spend outside of class studying.

Background. Locum tenens, the use of a substitute physician to replace a physician who must be temporarily absent from his practice, is widely accepted in the United States. Locum tenens has not previously been described or studied in pediatric practice. Objective. This article describes a locum tenens service for Colorado and Wyoming pediatricians provided by the Division of General Pediatrics and Pediatric Emergency Medicine at the University of Colorado School of Medicine and the Children's Hospital of Denver. An analysis and an evaluation of the program are presented, and implications are discussed. Methods. All program data were prospectively collected and tabulated and later analyzed for the period from July 1, 1994, through June 30, 1995. A survey of all physicians using the Pediatric Locum Tenens Service was conducted within 2 months of service to evaluate the program and to refine the orientation, credentialing, and evaluation processes. Results During the year, 35 pediatricians (14% of pediatricians in Colorado and Wyoming) made 97 requests for 398 days of locum tenens coverage. Coverage was used for vacation (85%), medical education (10%), medical leave (3%), and family matters (2%). Solo and rural pediatricians used the service at a higher rate than pediatricians in group or urban practices. Eighty-six percent had never used locum tenens coverage before because of either the expense (67%) or their unwillingness to trust their practices to physicians or services with whom or with which they were unfamiliar (50%). The majority (83%) were willing to pay an amount for locum tenens equal to the net income derived from the locum tenens coverage in the practice. None indicated a willingness to pay more than that. Referrals and admissions to the Children's Hospital from the pediatricians who used the service increased by 22% during the study period compared with the preceding year, whereas referrals and admissions increased by 9% among all other colorado and Wyoming pediatricians. All pediatricians completed surveys, and satisfaction with the locum tenens pediatricians, charges, and program administration was high. Their suggestions are described. Discussion. The following topics are discussed: (1) the economics of pediatric locum tenens; (2) the use of a locum tenens service as a physician relations program by children's hospitals or academic departments of pediatrics; (3) guidelines for orientation of locum tenens pediatricians; and (4) a proposed evaluation and credentialing process for locum tenens physicians.

e24064 Background: The number of cancer survivors in the United States (U.S.) is projected to exceed 20 million by 2024. More and more U.S. states are legalizing marijuana use for both recreational and medicinal purposes. This study estimated the prevalence of marijuana use by state among adult cancer survivors. Methods: U.S nationally representative, cross-sectional data from the 2018-2019 Behavioral Risk Factor Surveillance System Survey (BRFSS) Marijuana Use module were used. A total of 13,174 cancer survivors in 17 states was included. Analyses were weighted to account for BRFSS’s complex survey design with results generalizable to 5.7 million cancer survivors. The outcome variable was marijuana use in the past 30 days. Weighted prevalence estimates were computed. Weighted, multivariable logistic regression model estimated the association between state and marijuana use, adjusting for sociodemographic, health, and healthcare factors. Analyses were performed in January 2021. Results: The prevalence of past-month marijuana use among adult cancer survivors in these states was 9.2%. States varied widely in terms of the prevalence of marijuana use. Marijuana use was higher among those who resided in Guam (15.9%), followed by New Hampshire (13.1%), and lowest for those in Puerto Rico (3.3%) ( p< 0.0001). In the adjusted models, compared with the adult cancer survivors residing in California, those living in Maryland, Minnesota, North Dakota, Ohio, South Carolina, Tennessee, Utah, West Virginia, and Wyoming were significantly less likely to use marijuana. Conclusions: Nearly 9% of adult cancer survivors used marijuana, and those who resided in Guam, New Hampshire, Florida, and California are at higher risk for marijuana use. Given the increasing number of cancer survivors and the proliferation of marijuana legalization, identifying high-risk cancer survivors for marijuana use and informing physicians and patients about safe uses and doses and the potential adverse effects of marijuana use is critical.

Environmental academic programs in U.S. institutions of higher education have traditionally lacked definition of their nature and unifying principles. In order to ascertain how these programs are presently constituted in U.S. institutions of higher education, we surveyed 1050 environmental programs/departments between November 2013 and March of 2014. The states with the highest number of those programs/departments were New York (100), Pennsylvania (92), California (76), Ohio (56), Massachusetts (54), while those with the lowest numbers are Oklahoma, and Utah (4), Delaware (3), Arkansas, Hawaii, South Dakota, and Wyoming (2), North Dakota (1), and Idaho (0). However, when the state population is taken into account and the number of programs per 1,000,000 inhabitants is calculated, the results vary greatly for the ones that were at the top in absolute numbers but remain basically the same for those that were at the bottom in absolute number. Thus, the states with the highest number of programs/departments per 1,000,000 inhabitants are Vermont (30.364), Montana (15.160), Maine (15.056), the District of Columbia (14.957), Alaska (14.080), and Rhode Island (10.451), and at the bottom we find Idaho (0), Arkansas (0.686), Oklahoma (1.066), Texas (1.352), Florida (1.436), Utah (1.447), Hawaii (1.470), and North Dakota (1.487). The names Environmental Science and Environmental Studies are, by far, the most common ones being applied to these programs, accounting for 52.40% of the programs in our study. Environmental programs are also housed in departments of Biology/Ecology/Conservation (9.93%), Policy/Analysis/Planning (7.19%), and Geology (4.79%). Between 1900 (the year of the first program was created) and 1958, only 14 programs were established. For the period 1959-1999, there is a dramatic increase in the number of programs. There are two big "waves" in the creation of programs: one between 1965 and 1976 (with a high peak in 1970) and another starting 1988 and, probably, continuing to this date, with a peak in 1997. Representatives of the programs surveyed cited students and faculty demand and job market opportunities as the most common reasons behind the creation of these programs. The high diversity of names and emphases found in this study is consistent with the premise that Environmental Studies is a field where there is a lack of unifying principles and clarity of what environmental studies programs should be.

Background: Lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and queer (LGBTQ) individuals face considerable health disparities, often due to a lack of LGBTQ-competent care. Such disparities and lack of access to informed care are even more staggering in rural settings. As the state medical school for the Washington, Wyoming, Alaska, Montana, and Idaho (WWAMI) region, the University of Washington School of Medicine (UWSOM) is in a unique position to train future physicians to provide healthcare that meets the needs of LGBTQ patients both regionally and nationally. Objective: To describe our methodology of developing a student-driven longitudinal, region-wide curriculum to train medical students to provide high-quality care to LGBTQ patients. Methods: A 4-year LGBTQ Health Pathway was developed and implemented as a student-led initiative at the UWSOM. First- and second-year medical students at sites across the WWAMI region are eligible to apply. Accepted Pathway students complete a diverse set of pre-clinical and clinical components: online modules, didactic courses, longitudinal community service/advocacy work, a scholarly project, and a novel clinical clerkship in LGBTQ health developed specifically for this Pathway experience. Students who complete all requirements receive a certification of Pathway completion. This is incorporated into the Medical Student Performance Evaluation as part of residency applications. Results: The LGBTQ Health Pathway is currently in its fourth year. A total of 43 total students have enrolled, of whom 37.3% are based in the WWAMI region outside of Seattle. Pathway students have completed a variety of scholarly projects on LGBTQ topics, and over 1000 hours of community service/advocacy. The first cohort of 8 students graduated with a certificate of Pathway completion in spring 2020. Conclusions: The LGBTQ Health Pathway at UWSOM is a novel education program for motivated medical students across the 5-state WWAMI region. The diverse milestones, longitudinal nature of the program, focus on rural communities, and opportunities for student leadership are all strengths and unique aspects of this program. The Pathway curriculum and methodology described here serve as a model for student involvement and leadership in medical education. This program enables medical students to enhance their training in the care of LGBTQ patients and provides a unique educational opportunity for future physicians who strive to better serve LGBTQ populations.

Abstract A new distribution map is provided for High Plains wheat mosaic emaravirus. Bunyavirales: Fimoviridae: Emaravirus. Main hosts: wheat (Triticum aestivum), maize (Zea mays). Information is given on the geographical distribution in Europe (Ukraine), North America (Canada, Alberta, United States, Colorado, Idaho, Kansas, Montana, Nebraska, New Mexico, North Dakota, Ohio, Oklahoma, Oregon, South Dakota, Texas, Utah, Washington, Wyoming), Oceania (Australia, New South Wales, Queensland, Victoria, Western Australia), South America (Argentina).

Abstract A new distribution map is provided for High Plains wheat mosaic emaravirus. Bunyavirales: Fimoviridae: Emaravirus. Main hosts: wheat (Triticum aestivum), maize (Zea mays). Information is given on the geographical distribution in North America (USA, Colorado, Florida, Idaho, Kansas, Montana, Nebraska, New Mexico. North Dakota, Ohio, Oklahoma, Oregon, South Dakota, Texas, Utah, Washington and Wyoming), South America (Argentina) and Oceania (Australia, New South Wales, Queensland, Victoria and Western Australia).

Purpose: To examine Wyoming physical education (PE) and physical activity (PA) policy and report current district-, school-, and classroom-level data. Method: A total of 175 public preK-12 PE teachers completed the 30-item Wyoming PE and PA Policy survey in April 2021. Results: Participants reported PE offered in elementary school was 73.1 (±34.3) min/week over 1.96 (±0.720) days, middle school 161.2 (±68.2) min/week over 3.13 (±1.29) days, and 229.8 (±85.3) min/week over 3.79 (±1.34) days in high school. Weekly recess minutes averaged 152.75 (±51.21). Recess was withheld as punishment in 51.8% of schools. About 10.2% of students earn PE credits for non-PE activities. Students earn online outsourced PE credits online in 12.5% of schools. Conclusions: PE in Wyoming schools is offered less than half the recommended weekly minutes, while recess is offered considerably more than the recommended amount.

This article describes a successful alternative school located in northwest Wyoming. Students who attend this school need an atmosphere that is accepting of their differences and allow them to express themselves without fear of ridicule or punishment. These children are looking for a safe, secure place to complete their education, a place where their unique differences are respected. Bear Lodge is one such alternative high school. Students at Bear Lodge share their perspective and provide a living testimony as to the importance of alternative schools in allowing students to meet with academic success and social acceptance. Bear Lodge allows its students to work at their own pace in a caring and noncoercive environment. Here students attend school regularly, follow a standards-based curriculum, form close relationships with their peers and teachers, and know that the staff believe they can be successful in and out of school.

Donor Alliance of Colorado and Wyoming revitalized their transplantation science curriculum by infusing creative technology into lesson planning and methodologies. The overarching goal of this revitalization was to deliver accurate content to students, their families, and the education community about how transplants work and who this life-saving science impacts. This article recounts the work of the curriculum team to align design and computational thinking frameworks with discovering the present affordances of their middle and high school stakeholders and ultimately bridge available resources into an engaging and interactive curriculum. The curriculum team constructed this bridge from educators’ affordances to their effectivities to provide them with virtual avatars, surveys to reveal current knowledge, audio and video content to invite questions, and interactive augmented reality applications to delve deeply into the study of the human body. The transplantation science curriculum connects stakeholders with accurate information to change the trajectory of transplantation science from misconceptions to registration as an organ, eye, and tissue donor. This article is a vital step to fill a gap in the literature about using creative technology methods to enact critical pedagogy as transformative teaching and learning that embraces the imperative that we, in education, mirror society.

Abstract Background The documented lack of infectious disease physicians in the United States has motivated substantial research. A new student group, “InfectED”, was formed at the University of Utah with a particular focus on community and student education in infectious diseases. To explore the efforts of our peer clubs, this study characterized student groups focused on infectious diseases (ID), microbiology (M), or global/public health (GPH) in the Mountain West. Methods A list of undergraduate colleges, including associates/community colleges, with enrollments of 1,000+ students in eight Mountain West states was constructed. Enrollment was verified with the College Navigator service from the NCES. A second list of 26 schools providing either medical (MD & DO) and/or physician assistant degrees was also developed. Club constitutions, campus and social media webpages were consulted to determine club activities and goals. Results Of the 90 final undergraduate schools, 19 (21.2%) had at least one group. 14 M, 16 GPH, and one ID group were found. 4 (12.9%) groups were at private institutions, with the remainder (87.1%) at public universities; none were at associates/community colleges. 11 (35.5%) groups were chapters of either the American Society for Microbiology, GlobeMed, or Operation Outbreak. Of the professional schools, 1 (3.85%) had groups for M, 11 (42.3%) for GPH, and 2 (7.69%) for ID. Community service, student and community education, guest lectures, journal club, and social and enrichment events were frequently mentioned in club bylaws. Undergraduate Groups Found in the Mountain West Thirty-one groups for infectious diseases, microbiology, or global/public health were found in undergraduate universities in Utah, Idaho, Nevada, Colorado, Arizona, Montana, New Mexico, and Wyoming. The state of Montana has no groups, and no groups were found at associates and community colleges. Conclusion We demonstrate a need for ID-related student involvement opportunities. By developing chapters of ID organizations such as IDSA, students can be inspired to consider the field later on. A strong interest in global/public health is seen, which can be leveraged to attract interest in ID. The absence of any groups at associates/community colleges is also striking. To target this gap and increase interest, InfectED is directing education and enrichment efforts in both English and Spanish at local community centers, community colleges, and high schools with audiences reporting higher interest in both healthcare and ID afterward. A qualitative survey with an invitation to collaborate is currently collecting responses from our peer clubs. Audience Interest in ID Increases Answer to the question "this presentation influenced my decision to consider pursuing a career in microbiology and/or infectious disease" by community college and high school students across multiple InfectED presentations. Disclosures All Authors: No reported disclosures.

For seven months in 1999/2000, six-year old Cuban Elián González was embroiled in a family feud plotted along rival national and ideological lines, and relayed televisually as soap opera across the planet. In Miami, apparitions of the Virgin Mary were reported after Elián’s arrival; adherents of Afro-Cuban santería similarly regarded Elián as divinely touched. In Cuba, Elián’s “kidnapping” briefly reinvigorated a torpid revolutionary project. He was hailed by Fidel Castro as the symbolic descendant of José Martí and Che Guevara, and of the patriotic rigour they embodied. Cubans massed to demand his return. In the U.S.A., Elián’s case was arbitrated at every level of the juridical system. The “Save Elián” campaign generated widespread debate about godless versus godly family values, the contours of the American Dream, and consumerist excess. By the end of 2000 Elián had generated the second largest volume of TV news coverage to that date in U.S. history, surpassed only by the O. J. Simpson case (Fasulo). After Fidel Castro, and perhaps the geriatric music ensemble manufactured by Ry Cooder, the Buena Vista Social Club, Elián became the most famous Cuban of our era. Elián also emerged as the unlikeliest of popular-cultural icons, the focus and subject of cyber-sites, books, films, talk-back radio programs, art exhibits, murals, statues, documentaries, a South Park episode, poetry, songs, t-shirts, posters, newspaper editorials in dozens of languages, demonstrations, speeches, political cartoons, letters, legal writs, U.S. Congress records, opinion polls, prayers, and, on both sides of the Florida Strait, museums consecrated in his memory. Confronted by Elián’s extraordinary renown and historical impact, John Carlos Rowe suggests that the Elián story confirms the need for a post-national and transdisciplinary American Studies, one whose practitioners “will have to be attentive to the strange intersections of politics, law, mass media, popular folklore, literary rhetoric, history, and economics that allow such events to be understood.” (204). I share Rowe’s reading of Elián’s story and the clear challenges it presents to analysis of “America,” to which I would add “Cuba” as well. But Elián’s story is also significant for the ways it challenges critical understandings of fame and its construction. No longer, to paraphrase Leo Braudy (566), definable as an accidental hostage of the mass-mediated eye, Elián’s fame has no certain relation to the child at its discursive centre. Elián’s story is not about an individuated, conscious, performing, desiring, and ambivalently rewarded ego. Elián was never what P. David Marshall calls “part of the public sphere, essentially an actor or, … a player” in it (19). The living/breathing Elián is absent from what I call the virtualizing drives that famously reproduced him. As a result of this virtualization, while one Elián now attends school in Cuba, many other Eliáns continue to populate myriad popular-cultural texts and to proliferate away from the states that tried to contain him. According to Jerry Everard, “States are above all cultural artefacts” that emerge, virtually, “as information produced by and through practices of signification,” as bits, bites, networks, and flows (7). All of us, he claims, reside in “virtual states,” in “legal fictions” based on the elusive and contested capacity to generate national identities in an imaginary bounded space (152). Cuba, the origin of Elián, is a virtual case in point. To augment Nicole Stenger’s definition of cyberspace, Cuba, like “Cyberspace, is like Oz — it is, we get there, but it has no location” (53). As a no-place, Cuba emerges in signifying terms as an illusion with the potential to produce and host Cubanness, as well as rival ideals of nation that can be accessed intact, at will, and ready for ideological deployment. Crude dichotomies of antagonism — Cuba/U.S.A., home/exile, democracy/communism, freedom/tyranny, North/South, godlessness/blessedness, consumption/want — characterize the hegemonic struggle over the Cuban nowhere. Split and splintered, hypersensitive and labyrinthine, guarded and hysterical, and always active elsewhere, the Cuban cultural artefact — an “atmospheric depression in history” (Stenger 56) — very much conforms to the logics that guide the appeal, and danger, of cyberspace. Cuba occupies an inexhaustible “ontological time … that can be reintegrated at any time” (Stenger 55), but it is always haunted by the prospect of ontological stalling and proliferation. The cyber-like struggle over reintegration, of course, evokes the Elián González affair, which began on 25 November 1999, when five-year old Elián set foot on U.S. soil, and ended on 28 June 2000, when Elián, age six, returned to Cuba with his father. Elián left one Cuba and found himself in another Cuba, in the U.S.A., each national claimant asserting virtuously that its other was a no-place and therefore illegitimate. For many exiles, Elián’s arrival in Miami confirmed that Castro’s Cuba is on the point of collapse and hence on the virtual verge of reintegration into the democratic fold as determined by the true upholders of the nation, the exile community. It was also argued that Elián’s biological father could never be the boy’s true father because he was a mere emasculated puppet of Castro himself. The Cuban state, then, had forfeited its claims to generate and host Cubanness. Succoured by this logic, the “Save Elián” campaign began, with organizations like the Cuban American National Foundation (CANF) bankrolling protests, leaflet and poster production, and official “Elián” websites, providing financial assistance to and arranging employment for some of Elián’s Miami relatives, lobbying the U.S. Congress and the Florida legislature, and contributing funds to the legal challenges on behalf of Elián at state and federal levels. (Founded in 1981, the CANF is the largest and most powerful Cuban exile organization, and one that regards itself as the virtual government-in-waiting. CANF emerged with the backing of the Reagan administration and the C.I.A. as a “private sector initiative” to support U.S. efforts against its long-time ideological adversary across the Florida Strait [Arboleya 224-5].) While the “Save Elián” campaign failed, the result of a Cuban American misreading of public opinion and overestimation of the community’s lobbying power with the Clinton administration, the struggle continues in cyberspace. CANF.net.org registers its central role in this intense period with silence; but many of the “Save Elián” websites constructed after November 1999 continue to function as sad memento moris of Elián’s shipwreck in U.S. virtual space. (The CANF website does provide links to articles and opinion pieces about Elián from the U.S. media, but its own editorializing on the Elián affair has disappeared. Two keys to this silence were the election of George W. Bush, and the events of 11 Sep. 2001, which have enabled a revision of the Elián saga as a mere temporary setback on the Cuban-exile historical horizon. Indeed, since 9/11, the CANF website has altered the terms of its campaign against Castro, posting photos of Castro with Arab leaders and implicating him in a world-wide web of terrorism. Elián’s return to Cuba may thus be viewed retrospectively as an act that galvanized Cuban-exile support for the Republican Party and their disdain for the Democratic rival, and this support became pivotal in the Republican electoral victory in Florida and in the U.S.A. as a whole.) For many months after Elián’s return to Cuba, the official Liberty for Elián site, established in April 2000, was urging visitors to make a donation, volunteer for the Save Elián taskforce, send email petitions, and “invite a friend to help Elián.” (Since I last accessed “Liberty for Elián” in March 2004 it has become a gambling site.) Another site, Elian’s Home Page, still implores visitors to pray for Elián. Some of the links no longer function, and imperatives to “Click here” lead to that dead zone called “URL not found on this server.” A similar stalling of the exile aspirations invested in Elián is evident on most remaining Elián websites, official and unofficial, the latter including The Sad Saga of Elian Gonzalez, which exhorts “Cuban Exiles! Now You Can Save Elián!” In these sites, a U.S. resident Elián lives on as an archival curiosity, a sign of pathos, and a reminder of what was, for a time, a Cuban-exile PR disaster. If such cybersites confirm the shipwrecked coordinates of Elián’s fame, the “Save Elián” campaign also provided a focus for unrestrained criticism of the Cuban exile community’s imbrication in U.S. foreign policy initiatives and its embrace of American Dream logics. Within weeks of Elián’s arrival in Florida, cyberspace was hosting myriad Eliáns on sites unbeholden to Cuban-U.S. antagonisms, thus consolidating Elián’s function as a disputed icon of virtualized celebrity and focus for parody. A sense of this carnivalesque proliferation can be gained from the many doctored versions of the now iconic photograph of Elián’s seizure by the INS. Still posted, the jpegs and flashes — Elián and Michael Jackson, Elián and Homer Simpson, Elián and Darth Vader, among others (these and other doctored versions are archived on Hypercenter.com) — confirm the extraordinary domestication of Elián in local pop-cultural terms that also resonate as parodies of U.S. consumerist and voyeuristic excess. Indeed, the parodic responses to Elián’s fame set the virtual tone in cyberspace where ostensibly serious sites can themselves be approached as send ups. One example is Lois Rodden’s Astrodatabank, which, since early 2000, has asked visitors to assist in interpreting Elián’s astrological chart in order to confirm whether or not he will remain in the U.S.A. To this end the site provides Elián’s astro-biography and birth chart — a Sagittarius with a Virgo moon, Elián’s planetary alignments form a bucket — and conveys such information as “To the people of Little Havana [Miami], Elian has achieved mystical status as a ‘miracle child.’” (An aside: Elián and I share the same birthday.) Elián’s virtual reputation for divinely sanctioned “blessedness” within a Cuban exile-meets-American Dream typology provided Tom Tomorrow with the target in his 31 January 2000, cartoon, This Modern World, on Salon.com. Here, six-year old Arkansas resident Allen Consalis loses his mother on the New York subway. His relatives decide to take care of him since “New York has much more to offer him than Arkansas! I mean get real!” A custody battle ensues in which Allan’s heavily Arkansas-accented father requires translation, and the case inspires heated debate: “can we really condemn him to a life in Arkansas?” The cartoon ends with the relatives tempting Allan with the delights offered by the Disney Store, a sign of Elián’s contested insertion into an American Dreamscape that not only promises an endless supply of consumer goods but provides a purportedly safe venue for the alternative Cuban nation. The illusory virtuality of that nation also animates a futuristic scenario, written in Spanish by Camilo Hernández, and circulated via email in May 2000. In this text, Elián sparks a corporate battle between Firestone and Goodyear to claim credit for his inner-tubed survival. Cuban Americans regard Elián as the Messiah come to lead them to the promised land. His ability to walk on water is scientifically tested: he sinks and has to be rescued again. In the ensuing custody battle, Cuban state-run demonstrations allow mothers of lesbians and of children who fail maths to have their say on Elián. Andrew Lloyd Weber wins awards for “Elián the Musical,” and for the film version, Madonna plays the role of the dolphin that saved Elián. Laws are enacted to punish people who mispronounce “Elián” but these do not help Elián’s family. All legal avenues exhausted, the entire exile community moves to Canada, and then to North Dakota where a full-scale replica of Cuba has been built. Visa problems spark another migration; the exiles are welcomed by Israel, thus inspiring a new Intifada that impels their return to the U.S.A. Things settle down by 2014, when Elián, his wife and daughter celebrate his 21st birthday as guests of the Kennedys. The text ends in 2062, when the great-great-grandson of Ry Cooder encounters an elderly Elián in Wyoming, thus providing Elián with his second fifteen minutes of fame. Hernández’s text confirms the impatience with which the Cuban-exile community was regarded by other U.S. Latino sectors, and exemplifies the loss of control over Elián experienced by both sides in the righteous Cuban “moral crusade” to save or repatriate Elián (Fernández xv). (Many Chicanos, for example, were angered at Cuban-exile arguments that Elián should remain in the U.S.A. when, in 1999 alone, 8,000 Mexican children were repatriated to Mexico (Ramos 126), statistical confirmation of the favored status that Cubans enjoy, and Mexicans do not, vis-à-vis U.S. immigration policy. Tom Tomorrow’s cartoon and Camilo Hernández’s email text are part of what I call the “What-if?” sub-genre of Elián representations. Another example is “If Elián Gonzalez was Jewish,” archived on Lori’s Mishmash Humor page, in which Eliat Ginsburg is rescued after floating on a giant matzoh in the Florida Strait, and his Florida relatives fight to prevent his return to Israel, where “he had no freedom, no rights, no tennis lessons”.) Nonetheless, that “moral crusade” has continued in the Cuban state. During the custody battle, Elián was virtualized into a hero of national sovereignty, an embodied fix for a revolutionary project in strain due to the U.S. embargo, the collapse of Soviet socialism, and the symbolic threat posed by the virtual Cuban nation-in-waiting in Florida. Indeed, for the Castro regime, the exile wing of the national family is virtual precisely because it conveniently overlooks two facts: the continued survival of the Cuban state itself; and the exile community’s forty-plus-year slide into permanent U.S. residency as one migrant sector among many. Such rhetoric has not faded since Elián’s return. On December 5, 2003, Castro visited Cárdenas for Elián’s tenth birthday celebration and a quick tour of the Museo a la batalla de ideas (Museum for the Battle of Ideas), the museum dedicated to Elián’s “victory” over U.S. imperialism and opened by Castro on July 14, 2001. At Elián’s school Castro gave a speech in which he recalled the struggle to save “that little boy, whose absence caused everyone, and the whole people of Cuba, so much sorrow and such determination to struggle.” The conflation of Cuban state rhetoric and an Elián mnemonic in Cárdenas is repeated in Havana’s “Plaza de Elián,” or more formally Tribuna Anti-imperialista José Martí, where a statue of José Martí, the nineteenth-century Cuban nationalist, holds Elián in his arms while pointing to Florida. Meanwhile, in Little Havana, Miami, a sun-faded set of photographs and hand-painted signs, which insist God will save Elián yet, hang along the front fence of the house — now also a museum and site of pilgrimage — where Elián once lived in a state of siege. While Elián’s centrality in a struggle between virtuality and virtue continues on both sides of the Florida Strait, the Cuban nowhere could not contain Elián. During his U.S. sojourn many commentators noted that his travails were relayed in serial fashion to an international audience that also claimed intimate knowledge of the boy. Coming after the O.J. Simpson saga and the Clinton-Lewinsky affair, the Elián story confirmed journalist Rick Kushman’s identification of a ceaseless, restless U.S. media attention shift from one story to the next, generating an “übercoverage” that engulfs the country “in mini-hysteria” (Calvert 107). But In Elián’s case, the voyeuristic media-machine attained unprecedented intensity because it met and worked with the virtualities of the Cuban nowhere, part of it in the U.S.A. Thus, a transnational surfeit of Elián-narrative options was guaranteed for participants, audiences and commentators alike, wherever they resided. In Cuba, Elián was hailed as the child-hero of the Revolution. In Miami he was a savior sent by God, the proof supplied by the dolphins that saved him from sharks, and the Virgins who appeared in Little Havana after his arrival (De La Torre 3-5). Along the U.S.A.-Mexico border in 2000, Elián’s name was given to hundreds of Mexican babies whose parents thought the gesture would guarantee their sons a U.S. future. Day by day, Elián’s story was propelled across the globe by melodramatic plot devices familiar to viewers of soap opera: doubtful paternities; familial crimes; identity secrets and their revelation; conflicts of good over evil; the reuniting of long-lost relatives; and the operations of chance and its attendant “hand of Destiny, arcane and vaguely supernatural, transcending probability of doubt” (Welsh 22). Those devices were also favored by the amateur author, whose narratives confirm that the delirious parameters of cyberspace are easily matched in the worldly text. In Michael John’s self-published “history,” Betrayal of Elian Gonzalez, Elián is cast as the victim of a conspiracy traceable back to the hydra-headed monster of Castro-Clinton and the world media: “Elian’s case was MANIPULATED to achieve THEIR OVER-ALL AGENDA. Only time will bear that out” (143). His book is now out of print, and the last time I looked (August 2004) one copy was being offered on Amazon.com for US$186.30 (original price, $9.95). Guyana-born, Canadian-resident Frank Senauth’s eccentric novel, A Cry for Help: The Fantastic Adventures of Elian Gonzalez, joins his other ventures into vanity publishing: To Save the Titanic from Disaster I and II; To Save Flight 608 From Disaster; A Wish to Die – A Will to Live; A Time to Live, A Time to Die; and A Day of Terror: The Sagas of 11th September, 2001. In A Cry for Help, Rachel, a white witch and student of writing, travels back in time in order to save Elián’s mother and her fellow travelers from drowning in the Florida Strait. As Senauth says, “I was only able to write this dramatic story because of my gift for seeing things as they really are and sharing my mystic imagination with you the public” (25). As such texts confirm, Elián González is an aberrant addition to the traditional U.S.-sponsored celebrity roll-call. He had no ontological capacity to take advantage of, intervene in, comment on, or be known outside, the parallel narrative universe into which he was cast and remade. He was cast adrift as a mere proper name that impelled numerous authors to supply the boy with the biography he purportedly lacked. Resident of an “atmospheric depression in history” (Stenger 56), Elián was battled over by virtualized national rivals, mass-mediated, and laid bare for endless signification. Even before his return to Cuba, one commentator noted that Elián had been consumed, denied corporeality, and condemned to “live out his life in hyper-space” (Buzachero). That space includes the infamous episode of South Park from May 2000, in which Kenny, simulating Elián, is killed off as per the show’s episodic protocols. Symptomatic of Elián’s narrative dispersal, the Kenny-Elián simulation keeps on living and dying whenever the episode is re-broadcast on TV sets across the world. Appropriated and relocated to strange and estranging narrative terrain, one Elián now lives out his multiple existences in the Cuban-U.S. “atmosphere in history,” and the Elián icon continues to proliferate virtually anywhere. References Arboleya, Jesús. The Cuban Counter-Revolution. Trans. Rafael Betancourt. Research in International Studies, Latin America Series no. 33. Athens, OH: Ohio Center for International Studies, 2000. Braudy, Leo. The Frenzy of Renown: Fame and Its History. New York and Oxford: Oxford UP, 1986. Buzachero, Chris. “Elian Gonzalez in Hyper-Space.” Ctheory.net 24 May 2000. 19 Aug. 2004: http://www.ctheory.net/text_file.asp?pick=222>. Calvert, Clay. Voyeur Nation: Media, Privacy, and Peering in Modern Culture. Boulder: Westview, 2000. 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Victoria, Canada: Trafford, 2000. Stenger, Nicole. “Mind Is a Leaking Rainbow.” Cyberspace: First Steps. Ed. Michael Benedikt. Cambridge, MA: MIT P, 1991. 49-58. Welsh, Alexander. George Eliot and Blackmail. Cambridge, MA: Harvard UP, 1985. Citation reference for this article MLA Style Allatson, Paul. "The Virtualization of Elián González." M/C Journal 7.5 (2004). echo date('d M. Y'); ?> <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0411/16-allatson.php>. APA Style Allatson, P. (Nov. 2004) "The Virtualization of Elián González," M/C Journal, 7(5). Retrieved echo date('d M. Y'); ?> from <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0411/16-allatson.php>.