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Journal articles on the topic 'World War II in Poland'
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1
Platek, Monika, and Chris W. Eskridge. "Corrections in Poland Following World War II." Journal of Offender Rehabilitation 24, no. 1-2 (December 1996): 11–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1300/j076v24n01_02.
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Kaźmierska, Kaja. "Narratives on World War II in Poland." History of the Family 7, no. 2 (January 2002): 281–305. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s1081-602x(02)00096-9.
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Landau, Zbigniew. "Integration of Monetary Systems in Poland after World War I and World War II." Studia Historiae Oeconomicae 26, no. 1 (June 1, 2006): 51–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/sho.2006.26.1.003.
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A well-functioning monetary system has always been an essential element of a normally functioning economy. When after 1918 and in 1944-1945 the economy of Poland was disorganized both as a result of war damage and in consequence of the policies of occupants' administrations, restoration of an efficient monetary system turned out to be one of the most urgent tasks of the state. In Poland, the situation after the world wars was particularly difficult, since the occupying powers consciously had developed monetary systems which suited their war effort, not the future goals of the Polish state.
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Haltof, Marek. "Film Theory in Poland Before World War II." Canadian Slavonic Papers 40, no. 1-2 (March 1998): 67–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00085006.1998.11092175.
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KOSTRZEWA-ZORBAS, Grzegorz. "GERMAN REPARATIONS TO POLAND FOR WORLD WAR II ON GLOBAL BACKGROUND." National Security Studies 14, no. 2 (December 19, 2018): 183–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.37055/sbn/132131.
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No other country in the world suffered a greater measurable and verifiable loss of human and material resources than Poland during World War II in 1939-1945. According to the first approximation, the value of human and material losses inflicted to Poland by Nazi Germany amounts to 6.495 trillion US dollars of 2018.However, Poland never received war reparations from Germany. The article is a preliminary survey of the complex issue – conducted in an interdisciplinary way combining elements of legal, economic, and political analysis, because the topic belongs to the wide and multidisciplinary field of national and international security. Refuted in the article is an internationally popular myth that communist Poland unilaterally renounced German war reparations in 1953. Then the article discusses the global background of the topic in the 20th and 21st centuries – in particular, the case of Greece whose reparations claims Germany rejects like the Polish claims, and major cases of reparations actually paid: by Germany for World War I, by Germany to Israel and Jewish organizations for the Holocaust, by Japan for World War II – at 966 billion US dollars of 2018, the largest reparations ever – and by and Iraq for the Gulf War. The article concludes with a discussion of necessary further research with advanced methodology of several sciences, and of a possible litigation before the International Court of Justice – or a diplomatic solution to the problem of war reparations.
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ŁACH, Wiesław. "PROBLEM OF SECURITY IN NORTHERN POLAND FOLLOWING WORLD WAR II." Scientific Journal of the Military University of Land Forces 161, no. 3 (July 1, 2011): 258–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0002.3085.
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This article focuses predominantly on analysing the role of the northern area of Poland in the security system of Poland following World War II. The separation of the area from the national defence system of the country resulted from the specific nature of incorporating a part of the former Eastern Prussia into Poland and its neighbourhood with the Soviet Union.In view of the Polish national administration, the area included the Olsztyn Voivodeship and part of the Gdansk Voivodeship east of the Vistula and the Bialystok Voivodeship bordering the Kaliningrad District. According to the military division of the country, the area was part of the Warsaw Military District and the Pomeranian Military District.The time frame was determined by the establishment and ultimate designation of the northern border in 1957, when Poland and the Soviet Union signed a treaty regarding the marking of the existing national border between Poland and the Soviet Union adhering to the Baltic Sea (5 March 1957).The article examines the political and military circumstances in which Poland’s northern border was determined, it assesses it operationally and determines the status of the northern area of Poland in the country’s security system.The subject has not been widely examined and literary sources are scarce. Most of the materials can be found in the Central Military Archives and the Border Guard Archives in Kętrzyn.Northern Poland has always been a key operational area, yet its defensive weakness, in the former political arrangement, was greatly affected by the proximity of the Soviet Union. The problem of defending Poland’s northern border was a dilemma that was increasingly growing in difficulty over the years. There were a large number of factors causing it, and it was in the sphere of defence that they manifested themselves most visibly.
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Czepita, D. A., and A. Kładna. "History of epidemiological myopia research in Poland after World War II." Russian Ophthalmological Journal 11, no. 4 (December 11, 2018): 108–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.21516/2072-0076-2018-11-4-108-111.
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So far, no article concerning the history of epidemiological studies on myopia in Poland after World War II has been published. Therefore, the aim of the work is to present the history of epidemiological studies on myopia in Poland after World War II. In order to obtain answers to the research questions, studies of source and archival materials were conducted. It turned out that the leading centers in Poland conducting research on myopia were the Pomeranian Medical University in Szczecin and the Medical University of Silesia in Katowice.
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Banbula, Joanna. "Jewish sport associations in Poland before World War II." Israel Affairs 25, no. 4 (June 7, 2019): 754–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13537121.2019.1626103.
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Stańczyk, Ewa. "Commemorating Young Victims of World War II in Poland." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 28, no. 3 (May 6, 2014): 614–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325414532495.
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Bykowska, Sylwia. "The impact of World War II on the population of Gdańsk." History in flux 1, no. 1 (December 21, 2019): 135–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.32728/flux.2019.1.7.
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The article discusses the impact of World War II on the fortunes of the population of Gdańsk, which was incorporated into Poland together with eastern parts of Germany. The development of ethnic relationships in the areas described in post-war Poland as the "regained territories" was determined by the national idea. The German population was resettled, whilst the people of the Polish-German borderlands had to prove their ethnic usefulness by means of ethnic vetting. In Gdańsk, this applied mainly to the inhabitants of the pre-war Free City of Danzig.
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Omilanowska, Małgorzata. "Architectural Reconstructions in post-war Poland." Architectura 46, no. 1 (December 30, 2016): 28–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/atc-2016-0003.
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AbstractThe article is an attempt at identifying the positive and negative effect the decisions to reconstruct monuments made immediately following the end of World War II and that of reconstructing Warsaw’s Royal Castle made 25 years after the war had on the perception of monuments and the historical value of the urban tissue. It is in this perspective that the reconstruction cases performed in Poland after 1989 (namely after the collapse of Communism) and their social impact are analyzed. The examples which are both negative: falsifying historical knowledge and insulting aesthetical criteria, as well as positive: manifesting high instructive values, are pointed to. Moreover, the question is asked how it is possible that in the 21st century people are attracted to the idea of reconstructing monuments which were not destroyed in the course of World War II, but significantly earlier. In Poland, for instance, a political idea has been recently conceived to reconstruct several dozen mediaeval castles ruined in the 17th century
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Czabański, Adam, and David Lester. "Suicide among Polish Officers during World War II in Oflag II–C Woldenberg." Psychological Reports 112, no. 3 (June 2013): 727–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.2466/12.pr0.112.3.727-731.
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Although scholars have examined the occurrence of suicide in the concentration camps during World War Two, little has appeared on suicide in prisoner-of-war camps. The present note presents an attempt to document the occurrence of suicide in the Oflag II–C Woldenberg camp in what is now Western Poland, and estimates a suicide rate of between 22.4 to 38.4 per 100,000 per year in the roughly 6,600 prisoners.
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CIENCIALA, ANNA M. "ANOTHER LOOK AT POLES AND POLAND DURING WORLD WAR II." Polish Review 55, no. 1 (April 1, 2010): 123–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25779864.
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Yelova, Tetiana. "Debates about the Polish eastern border after World War II in the Polish immigrant circle." Mediaforum : Analytics, Forecasts, Information Management, no. 8 (December 28, 2020): 62–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mediaforum.2020.8.62-71.
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The new geopolitical realities after the World War II saw the revival of the Polish state in a new form. The Republic of Poland appeared on the map of Central Europe, with about half of its territory being the so-called Recovered Territories, while the state borders moved west. The new eastern border of the post-war Poland ran along the Curzon line. The new post-war eastern border of Poland was being negotiated and agreed upon by the Soviet and the Polish authorities starting from 1944 on an annual basis, up to 1948. The last exchange of territories took place in 1951. The debates about the political map of Europe and the new eastern border of Poland, which became a new reality after the World War II, were held both at politicians’ offices and in various media outlets. The most prominent debate about the new Polish eastern border could be found on the pages of the Kultura immigrant periodical. The Polish immigrant public intellectuals Jerzy Giedroyc, Juliusz Mieroszewski, Josef Czapski and other members of the Kultura periodical editorial board were adamant about the need to recognize the Polish borders drawn after the World War II. Such a stance was unacceptable for the Polish Governmentin-Exile based in London and some immigrant circles in the USA. Starting from 1952, the Kultura editorial staff is consistent in its efforts to defend the principle of inviolability of borders drawn after the World War II, urging the Poles to give up on the so-called Polish Kresy (Kresy Wschodnie) and to reconcile with the neighbours on the other side of the new eastern border.
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Zuziak, Janusz. "Military aspects in Polish-Czechoslovak confederation plans during World War II." Scientific Journal of the Military University of Land Forces 198, no. 4 (December 15, 2020): 918–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0014.5876.
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The defeat of Poland in September 1939 prompted General Władysław Sikorski, appointed Commander-in-Chief and Prime Minister of the Republic of Poland, to take steps to implement his earlier concept of a close relationship between Poland and Czechoslovakia. The aim of the project undertaken in Sikorski’s talks with Edward Beneš was to create a strong entity capable of countering the German and Soviet threats in the future. The implementation of such a plan, assuming the future expansion of the union to include other countries in the region, would provide a real opportunity to change the then geopolitical system in Central and Eastern Europe. The Sikorski-Beneš talks took place from the autumn of 1939 to the spring of 1943, when the Czechoslovak side adopted the pro-Soviet option in its policy and, in practice, withdrew from joint preparatory work to establish the Confederation Union. One of the main areas taken up during the Polish-Czechoslovak talks was the issue of shared defense policy. It is most broadly presented in two documents: in the Principles of the Constitutional Act of the Polish-Czechoslovak Confederation prepared by the Polish side and in the Czechoslovak Basic Principles of the Czechoslovak-Polish Confederation.
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Kot, Serhii. "Polish-Ukrainian Dialogue on the Restitution of Cultural Property Displaced during World War II." East/West: Journal of Ukrainian Studies 9, no. 2 (October 26, 2022): 213–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.21226/ewjus756.
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Negotiations between Ukraine and Poland concerning the return of lost treasures have been ongoing since the beginning of the 1990s. In total, during 1997–2020 six sessions were held of the Intergovernmental Ukrainian-Polish Commission for the Protection and Return of Cultural Property Lost and Illegally Displaced during World War II. However, no cultural objects have been returned to Ukraine or Poland. This article analyzes current Ukrainian-Polish intergovernmental relations on the return and restitution of cultural property lost in consequence of World War II, describes the accomplishments, and examines the problematic issues concerning mutual co-operation.
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Landmann, Tomasz, and Paweł Olbrycht. "Postulates and Proposals of Members of the Polish Government-in-Exile for Poland’s Economic Security in the Context of the Reconstruction of the State in 1944–1945: Selected Examples." Historia i Polityka, no. 44 (51) (June 2, 2023): 27–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.12775/hip.2023.011.
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The article aims to indicate selected, postulated directions of Poland’s economic recovery in the early years after World War II, considering the contribution made by the Polish Government-in-Exile (Government of the Republic of Poland in Exile). The analysis includes a query of archival documents from 1944–1945 and a review of scientific literature. The thesis has been put forward that the substantive developments from the years 1944–1945 prepared by the Government of the Republic of Poland in Exile may constitute a valuable cognitive source for the analysis of possible directions of reconstruction and development of the Polish economy after the destruction caused by the events of World War II. It has been shown that the Government of the Republic of Poland in Exile created numerous studies on the economic recovery of the country after World War II, even before the armed conflict formally ended. Many of the valuable guidelines referred to the reconstruction and development of the coal mining industry, oil industry, and forest management.
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Marek, Anna. "„Jak Wojtek swoją rodzinę od jaglicy ratował”. Zwalczanie jaglicy w Polsce po II wojnie światowej." Medycyna Nowożytna 29, Suplement (November 2023): 319–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/12311960mn.23.032.18756.
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„How Wojtek saves his family from trachoma”. Fighting trachoma in Poland after Second World War The articles presents the history against trachoma in Poland after Second World War. The infestation of the country with trachoma felt down from 1,1% to about 0,2% i.e. more than 5 times. It was possible thanks to the use of new drugs, mainly antibiotics and sulfonamides, as well as raising the standard of living of the society and paying special attention to combating the disease in children.
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Petelin, Boris Valentinovich, and Vladilena Vadimovna Vorobeva. "World War II in modern interpretations of Russian and Polish politicians." Vestnik of Kostroma State University 27, no. 2 (June 28, 2021): 82–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.34216/1998-0817-2021-27-2-82-90.
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In the political circles of European countries attempts to reformat the history of World War II has been continuing. Poland is particularly active; there at the official level, as well as in the articles and in the speeches of politicians, political scientists and historians crude attacks against Russia for its commitment to objective assessments of the military past are allowed. Though, as the authors of this article mention, Russian politicians have not always been consistent in evaluation of Soviet-Polish relationships, hoping to reach a certain compromise. If there were any objections, they were mostly unconvincing. Obviously, as the article points, some statements and speeches are not without emotional colouring that is characteristic, when expressing mutual claims. However, the deliberate falsification of historical facts and evidence, from whatever side it occurs, does not meet the interests of the Polish and Russian peoples, in whose memory the heroes of the Red Army and the Polish Resistance have lived and will live. The authors point in the conclusions that it is hard to achieve mutual respect to key problems of World War II because of the overlay of the 18th – 19th centuries, connected with the “partitions of Poland”, the existence of the “Kingdom of Poland” as part of the Russian Empire, Soviet-Polish War of 1920. There can be only one way out, as many Russian and Polish scientists believe – to understand the complex twists and turns of Russo-Polish history, relying on the documents. Otherwise, the number of pseudoscientific, dishonest interpretations will grow.
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Jaroszyk, Joanna. "Nationalisation and Reprivatisation of Forests in Poland after World War II." UR Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 20, no. 3 (2021): 113–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.15584/johass.2021.3.7.
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The article concerns the transfer of ownership of forest property, nationalized after World War II. It covers the process of property acquisition by way of nationalization decrees and dilemmas related to the issue of reprivatisation. Nationalization of forests throughout the country was mainly based on the Decree of the PKWN of December 12, 1944. on the takeover of some forests under the ownership of the Treasury. This decree was a supplement to the decree on agricultural reform, which initiated changes in the system and ownership after the Second World War. In a sense, it crowned the ‘task’ of nationalization, covering forests with a smaller area, not subject to the takeover under the agricultural reform decree. Different legal grounds for the nationalization of forests determined different re-privatization procedures initiated after 1989. The work includes issues proposed over the years and existing statutory solutions, as well as case law affecting the interpretation of legal norms.
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Boichuk, Boichuk. "Evolution of historical policy in Poland after II World War in the context of treatment of Germany." Grani 23, no. 9 (October 28, 2020): 26–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/172082.
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The research dedicated to the analysis of the evolution of historical policy in Poland after the World War II. The crucial part of the article is the role of Germany in this process. On the current stage of mutual Polish-German relations, where a remarkable point of political ties is historical conflict over the aftermath of the World War II. The evolution process of the historical process in Poland is complicated and complexed. Furthermore, the evolution of the historical narrative goes in a shadow of the ideological struggle between two blocks, which had been established after the war. It is need to point the international aspect of historical policy establishing in Poland had one point of view. On the other hand, internarial factors played the crucial role, which were attached at that time for Polish society.The aim of the research is an analysis of the process of historical policy establishing in the Polish People’s Republic and research of main elements in this process. The context of the last events in Polish-German relations is heightening the role of conflict in the sphere of political history over the aftermath of the World War II. It arises the necessity to analyze more deeply the process of historical policy establishing in Poland.It had been established that the historical policy in the Polish People`s Republic was used as the instrument of internal policy and propaganda. The historical policy played two main functions is the integration and the stabilization. The function of integration is used to unite Polish society on the background of the stereotype “Germans – enemy” and for confirmation of new western territories (Ziem odzyskanych). At the same time, the historical policy led to the approval of a new sociopolitical order in Poland at that time. It is noted that historical policy in Poland has few approaches dedicated to periodization and mostly it depends on the area of research. Social researchers divide historical policy after the World War II into two periods. In contrast to social science, representatives of Political Science divide into three periods.
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Wróbel, Piotr. "Polish-Ukrainian Relations during World War II." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 26, no. 1 (January 18, 2012): 213–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325411398910.
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After the fall of communism in 1989–1991, Poland and Ukraine could have become partners in international, economic, and cultural fields. Yet despite many positive achievements, the contemporary Polish-Ukrainian cooperation did not fully develop. Among many reasons that slow down the Polish-Ukrainian rapprochement, historical memories seem to be especially detrimental. The remembrances of World War II are the most destructive. Both Poles and Ukrainians understand that the only way to change this situation is to study and discuss the common history. A list of works on Polish-Ukrainian relations during World War II is long. Yet most of these publications offer broad pictures and present Polish-Ukrainian relations in general or in particular regions, such as Volhynia (Wołyń) or Eastern Galicia. This microstudy, devoted to the town of Boryslav (Borysław) in the years 1939 to 1945, tries to show how the conflicts were born, how they became embedded in human memory, and, finally, how they were transformed into historical stereotypes. The text concentrates on the crucial moments of World War II in Boryslav and describes how Poles and Ukrainians reacted differently to the consecutive challenges and how these various reactions shaped their relationship. The article ends with a conclusion that the five years of the war tore apart the Poles and Ukrainians of Boryslav and the post-1945 iron Polish-Soviet border divided the both sides and created a situation in which World War II attitudes froze for a long time.
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Miszewski, Dariusz. "Slavic idea in political thought of underground Poland during World War II." Review of Nationalities 7, no. 1 (December 1, 2017): 67–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/pn-2017-0003.
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Abstract After the German invasion in 1941, the USSR declared to be the defender of the Slavic nations occupied by Germany. It did not defend their allies, Czechoslovakia and Yugoslavia, against the Germans in the 1938-1941. In alliance with Germans it attacked Poland in 1939. Soviets used the Slavic idea to organize armed resistance in occupied nations. After the war, the Soviet Union intended to make them politically and militarily dependent. The Polish government rejected participation in the Soviet Slavic bloc. In the Polish political emigration and in the occupied country the Slavic idea was really popular, but as an anti-Soviet idea. Poland not the Soviet Union was expected to become the head of Slavic countries in Central and South-Eastern Europe.
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Myagkov, M. Yu. "USSR in World War II." MGIMO Review of International Relations 13, no. 4 (September 4, 2020): 7–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2020-4-73-7-51.
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The article offers an overview of modern historical data on the origins, causes of World War II, the decisive role of the USSR in its victorious end, and also records the main results and lessons of World War II.Hitler's Germany was the main cause of World War II. Nazism, racial theory, mixed with far-reaching geopolitical designs, became the combustible mixture that ignited the fire of global conflict. The war with the Soviet Union was planned to be waged with particular cruelty.The preconditions for the outbreak of World War II were the humiliating provisions of the Versailles Peace Treaty for the German people, as well as the attitude of the "Western democracies" to Russia after 1917 and the Soviet Union as an outcast of world development. Great Britain, France, the United States chose for themselves a policy of ignoring Moscow's interests, they were more likely to cooperate with Hitler's Germany than with Soviet Russia. It was the "Munich Agreement" that became the point of no return to the beginning of the Second World War. Under these conditions, for the USSR, its own security and the conclusion of a non-aggression pact with Germany began to come to the fore, defining the "spheres of interests" of the parties in order to limit the advance of German troops towards the Soviet borders in the event of German aggression against Poland. The non-aggression pact gave the USSR just under two years to rebuild the army and consolidate its defensive potential and pushed the Soviet borders hundreds of kilometers westward. The signing of the Pact was preceded by the failure in August 1939 of the negotiations between the military missions of Britain, France and the USSR, although Moscow took the Anglo-French-Soviet negotiations with all seriousness.The huge losses of the USSR in the summer of 1941 are explained by the following circumstances: before the war, a large-scale modernization of the Red Army was launched, a graduate of a military school did not have sufficient experience in managing an entrusted unit by June 22, 1941; the Red Army was going to bleed the enemy in border battles, stop it with short counterattacks by covering units, carry out defensive operations, and then strike a decisive blow into the depths of the enemy's territory, so the importance of a multi-echeloned long-term defense in 1941 was underestimated by the command of the Red Army and it was not ready for it; significant groupings of the Western Special Military District were drawn into potential salients, which was used by the Germans at the initial stage of the war; Stalin's fear of provoking Hitler to start a war led to slowness in making the most urgent and necessary decisions to bring troops to combat readiness.The Allies delayed the opening of the second front for an unreasonably long time. They, of course, achieved outstanding success in the landing operation in France, however, the enemy's losses in only one Soviet strategic operation in the summer of 1944 ("Bagration") are not inferior, and even exceed, the enemy’s losses on the second front. One of the goals of "Bagration" was to help the Allies.Soviet soldiers liberated Europe at the cost of their lives. At the same time, Moscow could not afford to re-establish a cordon sanitaire around its borders after the war, so that anti- Soviet forces would come to power in the border states. The United States and Great Britain took all measures available to them to quickly remove from the governments of Italy, France and other Western states all the left-wing forces that in 1944-1945 had a serious impact on the politics of their countries.
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Duszczyk, Maciej, and Paweł Kaczmarczyk. "The War in Ukraine and Migration to Poland: Outlook and Challenges." Intereconomics 57, no. 3 (May 2022): 164–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10272-022-1053-6.
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AbstractThe war initiated by Russia against Ukraine in February 2022 has resulted in the largest refugee migration in Europe since World War II, estimated by UNHCR (2022) at 6.3 million persons. In the first two months, almost 3.5 million war refugees crossed the Polish border, of which over 95% were Ukrainian citizens.
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Schuchardt, Katharina. "Memories (Un)told – Identity Construction Through Practices of Transgenerational Storytelling." Rocznik Polsko-Niemiecki, no. 27 (December 30, 2019): 89–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.35757/rpn.2019.27.1.05.
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The memories of the end of World War II play a significant role among the German minority in Poland. These memories are not only important for the generation who experienced that time, but they also influence the following generations to whom these memories were passed onto by their families. This article presents the end of World War II from the perspective of the young generation of the German minority in Opole and its surroundings, who were born in the 1980s and 1990s and whose narrative resembles the narrative of German post-war history. Both narratives circulate in family memories, and each generation developed a characteristic approach to the culture of remembrance based on the different political systems after 1945. Therefore, the war generation that grew up in communist Poland, also known as the ‘lost generation’, and the generation of grandchildren living in democratic Poland have to face family memories together. At the same time, it becomes clear how, in what form and whether or not the memories are spoken about and what emotional statements they contain about the time immediately after World War II. The freedom of today's generation of grandchildren provides access to the many years of untold experiences of their grandparents and breaks their silence.
This also affects the way a minority identity is created among the young members of the minority and influences their place between a minority and a majority.
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Kimla, Piotr. "George F. Kennan a „sprawa polska” u schyłku II wojny światowej." Studia nad Autorytaryzmem i Totalitaryzmem 39, no. 2 (September 8, 2017): 95–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/2300-7249.39.2.6.
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GEORGE F. KENNAN AND THE “POLISH CAUSE” AT THE END OF WORLD WAR IIThe article aims at explaining why the famous American diplomatist and intriguing political thinker George F. Kennan already in 1944 considered “the Polish cause” as the “all alost cause” and did not believe in the possibility of restitution of Poland as an independent country after World War II. According to Kennan, this was determined primarily by the Russo-German Nonaggression Pact signed in August 1939. Strictly speaking, by the crimes committed on the Polish population by the Soviet police authorities in 1939–1941. Another important factor was the general expansionist nature of the Soviet regime. Even the Warsaw uprising filled with the unprecedented heroism could not change anything in Stalin’s policy towards Poland.
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Szot, Adam. "The Archbishop of Białystok Romuald Jałbrzykowski and His Curia’s Efforts to Release Priests Arrested in the USSR After the Second World War." Rocznik Teologii Katolickiej 19 (2020): 227–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.15290/rtk.2020.19.14.
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After World War II had ended, the Soviet authorities expelled the Metropolitan Archbishop of Vilnius Romuald Jałbrzykowski from Vilnius. He ended up in Białystok, where he established the structures of the local Church known today as the Archdiocese of Białystok. Persecuted and imprisoned by the NKVD, Archbishop Romuald Jałbrzykowski did not forget the priests of the Archdiocese of Vilnius, who were detained, imprisoned, and/or sent to labor camps in the summer of 1945. He made efforts to work with the Polish People’s Republic to release those who were being detained. The leaders of the Communist Party in Poland considered the archbishop an enemy of the socialist regime that prevailed in Poland after World War II had ended.
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Pilipenko, Gleb P., and Maria V. Yasinskaya. "Memories of the World War II (based on field researches of 2016–2019 in Belarus, Poland, Slovenia, Italy, Argentina and Uruguay)." Slavic Almanac, no. 3-4 (2020): 541–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2073-5731.2020.3-4.6.02.
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The narratives about World War II collected by the authors over the past four years during their field work in various regions (Belorussia, Poland, Slovenia, Italy, Argentina, Uruguay) are published in this paper. The paper contains narratives in Russian, Belorussian, Ukrainian, Polish and Slovene languages. Both war witnesses and those born already after the war talk about the war.
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Cendrowicz, Dominika. "Regulacja prawna pomocy społecznej w Polsce w okresie powojennym do 1989 roku." Studia nad Autorytaryzmem i Totalitaryzmem 43, no. 4 (December 30, 2021): 31–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/2300-7249.43.4.3.
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The article’s aim is to examine the legal regulation of social welfare in Poland after World War II up to the year 1989. The article analyzes the legal position of beneficiaries of social welfare benefits in that period. The political situation in Poland after the end of World War II introduced changes in the perception of the pre-war system of social welfare. In the period of the Polish People’s Republic, social welfare was based on an incorrect legal basis and the legal position of beneficiaries of social welfare was not protected by law. Social welfare was transferred to the Ministry of Health and its organizational system was centralized. Such a situation lasted until the Act of 29 November 1990 on Social Welfare was passed. Theoretical and historical methods of legal research were used in this article.
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Parafianowicz, Ryszard. "Operational Warfare in War College and War Studies University." Kwartalnik "Bellona" 697, no. 2 (August 21, 2019): 17–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0013.3624.
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Having own operational warfare based on deeply rooted domestic military culture and positively verified combat cases, being now historical experiences inspiring next generations, is one of the foundations of the armed forces. Polish art of war in the 20th century developed freely in the Second Republic of Poland: it was a period, when the foundations for Polish operational art were established. Poland, in consequence of a betrayal by its western allies, after World War II found itself in the Soviet zone of influences, and this meant breaking up with the achievements of the Second Republic of Poland, including the art of war. Regaining Independence at the break of 1989/1990 was a distinct turning point in the development of the art of war, and meant the necessity to search for new solutions adequate for the challenges stemming from contemporary geopolitical location, as well as from its defense self-sufficiency. This required a new outlook on operational warfare. The following turning point was the membership in North-Atlantic Alliance and the participation of the Polish Armed Forces in stabilization operations in the Balkans, Iraq, and Afghanistan. Both in the Second Republic of Poland and today, military education of command and staff professionals had a significant impact on Polish operational art.
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Sobczyński, Eugeniusz, and Adam Szulczewski. "Camouflaging of areas occupied by units of the Soviet Army Northern Group of Forces (NGF) on Polish and Soviet military topographic maps." Polish Cartographical Review 52, no. 3 (September 1, 2020): 124–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/pcr-2020-0011.
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Abstract The authors present the political conditions in Poland after World War II which influenced the development of military topographic maps. The article shows examples of camouflaging on topographic maps of garrisons and field facilities occupied in Poland by the Northern Group of Forces of the Soviet Army (NGF).
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Stankowski, Witold. "Zbrodnie Niemców na Polakach w pierwszych miesiącach II wojny światowej 1939/1940." Prace Historyczne 149, no. 2 (September 29, 2022): 267–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/20844069ph.22.015.15675.
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German crimes committed against the Polish people during the first months of the Second World War 1939/1940 The aim of the article is to show the scale and extent of the extermination of Polish society, which was a component of the national policy of the Third Reich in the first months of the Second World War. It is a quantitative presentation of the phenomenon of a crime which included arrests, interrogations, the use of physical and mental coercion, shootings and executions. The extermination activities against the Polish nation continued throughout the entire period of the war. The Terror of the Third Reich covered the areas of Gdańsk Pomerania, Greater Poland, Upper Silesia, and central Poland. As part of the policy of exterminating the Polish nation, at the beginning of the war, the Third Reich began the so-called “Action Intelligentsia”(Intelligenzaktion) and AB (Ausserordentliche Befriedungsaktion) which was formally named Extraordinary Pacification Action. In the occupied areas, various German formations (Selbstschutz, Einsatzgruppen SS) committed mass, planned crimes against the Polish elite, intelligentsia, teachers, clergy, local government officials and state officials.
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Talewicz-Kwiatkowska. "Persecution and Prejudice Against Roma People in Poland after World War II." Polish Review 64, no. 2 (2019): 37. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/polishreview.64.2.0037.
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Gryglewski, Richard W. "History of radiotherapy in Poland. A brief outline of the problem." Bio-Algorithms and Med-Systems 17, no. 4 (November 26, 2021): 227–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/bams-2021-0137.
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Abstract Objectives The aim of this paper is to give brief outline on the history of radiotherapy in Poland from its beginnings until first decades of the second half of 20th century. Methods The study is based on comparative and reconstructive analyses of literature, papers and communications dealing with the history of radiotherapy in Poland. Results The history of radiotherapy in Poland can be perceived as a gradual process of shaping research centres and practical (clinical) application of radiotherapeutics. The Radium Institute in Warsaw, as well as radiotherapy centers in Poznań and Kraków gained key importance in the period up to the outbreak of World War II. After the end of the war, Gliwice became another important place for the history of the radiotherapy and oncology in Poland. Conclusions Radiotherapy was early recognized by Polish physicians as promising in clinical treatment. It should be a subject of further studies, especially when formative period, thus before First World War, is analysed.
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Pomorski, Lech, and Paweł Mikosiński. "History of Endocrine Surgery in Poland." Polish Journal of Surgery 91, Suplement 1 (May 30, 2019): 1–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0013.2090.
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The history of endocrine surgery in Poland begun later compared to the rest of the world. The first confirmed endocrine surgeries in Poland were performed in the XIXth ceuntry. The surgical center in Krakow had a lot of merit in that field, especially surgeons such as: Mikulicz, Rydygier and their successors. Blooming development began after the II World War – in the 70’s and 80’s of XX century. Achievements of professors such as Tadeusz Tołłoczko, Witold Rudowski, Kazimierz Rybiński and others and their successors led to a situation where the state of Polish endocrine surgery is at a world-class level.
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MERTA-STASZCZAK, ADRIANA, ANNA ZWYRZYKOWSKA-WODZIŃSKA, ANNA JANKOWSKA-MĄKOSA, and DAMIAN KNECHT. "Pig production in Poland in the 20th century: History and future prospects." Medycyna Weterynaryjna 80, no. 05 (2024): 6872–2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.21521/mw.6872.
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The article is based on a comparative analysis of statistical data on the size and structure of pig herds in Poland in the period of 1930-1989. It focuses on the economic situation and agricultural policies after World War I and World War II and the problems due to war damage and the communist economic system imposed by the Soviet Union. Polish pig breeding was successful in the postwar periods in terms of the development of breeding material for noble pig breeds: Polish Large White, Polish Landrace, Złotnicka White, Złotnicka spotted, and Puławska. This article shows the long-term prospects of pig breeding trends in Poland and their implications for present pig production. It also shows that Poland has unique opportunities and conditions for rebuilding and development of pig herds and can compete on the global market.
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Machniak, Arkadiusz. "Polityczne oraz ideologiczne motywacje działalności Romana Kisiela, pseudonim „Sęp”, „Dźwignia”. Studium przypadku." Polityka i Społeczeństwo 19, no. 1 (2021): 54–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.15584/polispol.2021.1.4.
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Roman Kisiel was born in 1916 in the small village of Bystrowice near Jarosław. Before the outbreak of World War II, he worked as a merchant. He also served in the Polish Army. During the war, Kisiel was active in the armed underground against the Nazi Germans who occupied Poland. He was the commander of an armed detachment that also defended the Polish population against attacks by the Ukrainian Insurgent Army troops. He continued his political and underground activities after the end of World War II. For many years he was involved in the Polish People's Party. After 1945, as an independence campaigner and organiser, he was keenly surveiled by the communist repression apparatus. At that time, Poland found itself in the sphere of influence of the USSR, which forcibly imposed a new political, social, and economic system. After the end of World War II, Kisiel was arrested and persecuted many times by the communist authorities. Being convinced of the upcoming international conflict, he founded an armed independence organization called the Polish Insurgent Armed Forces. Its goal was to fight for a free and independent Poland. This organization was infiltrated by the communist repression apparatus: as a result, Kisiel and his associates were deprived of their liberty. After his release, Kisiel continued to be persecuted by the political authorities and was of interest to the totalitarian state. His opponents accused him of treason and pursuing private goals. His close associates valued him for being faithful to his ideals and for devoting his life to fighting for a democratic Poland. The figure of Roman Kisiel is appreciated by many researchers, yet he also has strong opponents.
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Sułek, Antoni. "Socjologia II Rzeczypospolitej jako tradycja." Kultura i Społeczeństwo 64, no. 3 (September 21, 2020): 109–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.35757/kis.2020.64.3.6.
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The sociology of the Second Polish Republic (1918–1939) is presented as a tradition – a part of the heritage that is positively evaluated and transmitted from generation to generation. The tradition of sociology in Poland dates back to the partition period; it developed in the interwar period of independence and was tested during the Second World War and subsequently in communist times. The basic elements of the tradition are identified in the article and illustrated by the life and work of leading Polish sociologists of the pre-war period.
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Nebřenská, Adéla. "Příběh Josefa Flekala." Acta Musei Nationalis Pragae – Historia 73, no. 3-4 (2022): 14–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.37520/amnph.2019.012.
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This article is centred on the life’s story of the Czechoslovak instructor and aerobatics pilot, Josef Flekal. It emerges particularly from documents from the private family archive, specialist publications and from interviews with J. Flekal himself (conducted by Jiří Říha). The article describes Flekal’s studies at flight schools, his successes in aerial acrobatics, his activities as a flight instructor in Czechoslovakia, his departure to Poland prior to the beginning of World War II, and his subsequent service as a flight instructor in Great Britain and in Canada. It also recalls his time spent in prison after World War II. It thus describes the story of a notable figure in Czechoslovak aviation, primarily in the 1930s and in the course of World War II.
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Węgrzyn, Ewa. "Stay or Leave? Jews in Poland after World War II, Emigration to Israel and Life in the New Homeland." Judaic-Slavic Journal, no. 1 (3) (2020): 151–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2658-3364.2020.1.08.
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The main aim of this article is to describe the situation of Jews in post-war Poland, reasons of emigration from Poland to Israel and the process of leaving Poland. The research will deal as well with the study of how the newcomers absorbed and assimilated with the Israeli society.The article will try to demonstrate also the importance and significance of the emigration for Poland and for Israel – to what extend did the emigration influenced social, political and cultural life in both countries.
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Bachanek, Grzegorz. "AKT POŚWIĘCENIA NARODU POLSKIEGO NIEPOKALANEMU SERCU MARYI WEDŁUG SŁUGI BOŻEGO KARDYNAŁA AUGUSTA HLONDA." Studia Theologica Varsaviensia 55, no. 2 (July 14, 2018): 159. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/stv.2017.55.2.08.
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In 1946, after the end of the II World War, in view of the menaces linked tocommunist atheism an act of entrustment of the nation to the Immaculate Heart ofOur Lady was performed on the initiative of the Primate of Poland August Hlond.Looking at the origins of the event, on the one hand we can see the reference to theoath of King John II Casimir Vasa, and on the other hand to the revelations of Fatima,which are an encouragement to entrust humanity to the Immaculate Heart of Mary.A. Hlond sees the urgency of moral and religious renewal of the nation in the timesof damages caused by war and new dangers linked to communist atheism. Choicesmade by Poland and Poles have a particular meaning for our Slavic neighbours andthe whole world. In the period of violent political changes, A. Hlond looks at thefuture of the Church, Poland and the world with hope. It is Mary who can securethe future and protect the Church from the powers of darkness and bring victory.
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Carley, M. J. "A Near-Run Thing: the Improbable Grand Alliance of World War II (1929–1942)." Concept: philosophy, religion, culture 5, no. 1 (April 1, 2021): 75–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2541-8831-2021-1-17-75-95.
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This is a chapter from a draft manuscript of some 2000pp. in English being prepared for publication on relations between the USSR and various European powers, large and small, and the United States in the lead-up to World War II and then beyond until 1942. The author discovers and illustrates social and cultural aspects of diplomatic activities. The topic is Soviet relations with Nazi Germany and Poland in 1933. The larger context is the origins and unfolding of World War II, a subject of importance both intrinsically and politically in relations between the Russian Federation and the western powers. President Vladimir Putin has himself taken an interest in these questions, insisting on an honest, frank historical treatment of that period. How did the USSR and in particular the Narkomindel react to Adolf Hitler’s assumption of power in Germany at the end of January 1933? What additional information do the Russian archives contribute to our knowledge of the origins of the war? The methodology is that of a historical narrative based on archival research, especially in the AVPRF in Moscow. The objective is to explore the policies of the Narkomindel, and in particular the personal views of its leaders, M. M. Litvinov, N. N. Krestinskii, and B. S. Stomoniakov, on the interconnected issues of Soviet relations with Germany and Poland. Let’s call it an histoire des mentalités. 1933 was a year of transition in Soviet relations with the outside world moving from the so-called Rapallo policy of correct relations with Germany to a new policy of collective security and mutual assistance against Nazi Germany. In this chapter one can follow the evolution of ideas in the Narkomindel in reaction to Hitler’s rise to power: from immediate anxiety to a growing conviction that Rapallo was dead and that the USSR had to form stronger relationships in the west and with Poland. This may surprise some readers who think that the Soviet preference, or at least Stalin’s, was always a German orientation. As for Poland, in what may also surprise some readers, and especially many Poles, the Narkomindel sought better relations with Poland to counter the Nazi danger. It was the Polish government which did not want them, preferring a non-aggression pact with Nazi Germany (January 1934). Could Poles and Russians ever bury the hatchet after centuries of animosity? In a tragedy amongst many, they could not do so.
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Rykała, Andrzej. "Institutional autonomy of jews in Poland after world war II on the example of the cooperative movement." Review of Nationalities 6, no. 1 (December 1, 2016): 97–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/pn-2016-0006.
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Abstract The article presents the origins, development and liquidation of the Jewish cooperative movement in Poland after the Second World War. It outlines the socio-political background, which contributed to the creation of a kind of national-cultural autonomy for the Jews, including one of its pillars - the cooperative movement. The functioning of cooperative institutions was analyzed for the structure of the industry, distribution and their number, and the number of workers employed there. I also assessed the role that their own cooperatives played in the reconstruction of post-war life of the Jewish population in Poland, both in the material as well as social and psychological fields, and also in the development of the cooperative movement in general.
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Nowicki, Ryszard. "Legal regulations concerning the preservation and protection of library collections in Poland after World War II." Z Badań nad Książką i Księgozbiorami Historycznymi 15, no. 4 (December 30, 2021): 487–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.33077/uw.25448730.zbkh.2021.687.
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The article presents the problem of the practical application of legal regulations related to the preservation and protection of written cultural heritage in Poland after World War II, within the borders of 1945. The first legislative initiatives were undertaken in 1944. The introduction of normative provisions was initiated on a patch of Polish territory free from the German occupant. The war events, changes in the shape of the country’s borders and the political system made it necessary to develop national documents in order to protect library collections, regardless of their origin. It was not an easy task to implement due to numerous difficulties and a complicated post-war reality. Based on few legislative provisions, over ten million volumes, mostly of post-German provenance, were saved until 1949. Valuable written materials were used to partially compensate for the World War II losses, rebuild libraries and Polish librarianship.
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Gronkiewicz, Lidia, and Stanisław Gronkiewicz. "The Distribution of Eye-Colour in the Polish Population." Anthropological Review 58 (December 30, 1995): 53–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/1898-6773.58.07.
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Among adult males and females shows no regional differences in eye-colour, thus, the Polish population is homogenous as regards this trait. It is suggested that the regional differences in eye-colour, observed in Poland before World War II, declined in result of the post-war, massive migrations and resettlements of the Polish population.
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Chapska, Marta. "Territorial Defense Forces in Poland After the Second World War." Przegląd Nauk o Obronności, no. 12 (June 23, 2022): 131–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.37055/pno/151534.
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ObjectivesThe aim of the research was to solve the research problem contained in the question: What is the origin of the Territorial Defence Forces, what transformations accompanied this formation in the past and how is this type of troops prepared to combat military, paramilitary, non-military and hybrid threats?MethodsThe methods adopted in the research process include, above all, a critical analysis of a wide range of source materials, including monographs, scientific articles, legal acts, competence documents and information materials of the TDF Command. The theoretical methods characteristic of the security sciences, i.e. analysis, synthesis, comparison, inference and abstraction, were supplemented by participatory observation.ResultsThe research results confirmed the relationship between the state's defence strategy and the shape of the territorial defence formation. Financial conditions are of great importance in the creation of territorial defence but the need for an adequate response to new threats, including hybrid threats, is becoming an absolutely key determinant.ConclusionsThe conclusions from the research clearly indicate the legitimacy of keeping the Territorial Defence Forces within the state security system. The establishment of the Territorial Defence Forces in Poland after World War II was associated with the involvement of operational troops in the structures of the former Warsaw Pact. After the political transformation, the units of Territorial Defence Forces were significantly reduced until their complete decommissioning. The emergence of new threats, including hybrid threats from the Russian Federation, implied the need to rebuild the Territorial Defence Forces.
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Olstowski, Przemysław. "Separatyzm, dzielnicowość i unifikacja w II Rzeczypospolitej (1918–1939). Problemy integracji państwa i społeczeństwa po odzyskaniu niepodległości." Prace Historyczne 147, no. 4 (2020): 733–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/20844069ph.20.040.12494.
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Separatism, regionalism and unification in the Second Republic of Poland (1918–1939): Problems of the state and society’s integration after the regaining of independence The rebuilding of an independent Polish state after the First World War meant, above all, the urgent necessity of unification of three formerly partitioned lands, especially in context of law, economy and administration. This integration process in the Second Republic as a whole, although long and difficult, was successful. Real problems for the state authorities were separatist tendencies and regional antagonisms. The consequences of more than a hundred years of functioning of three partitioned lands within the Prussian (German), Austrian and Russian states resulted in both national and cultural heterogeneity. Interwar Poland was inhabited by a nationally and ethnically diverse population of various faiths. Germans in former Prussian Poland and in Polish part of Upper Silesia had hopes of rejoining the Reich. Ukrainians in south-eastern districts of Poland wanted to win provincial autonomy and –in the future –their own independent state. Moreover, the social and economic consequences of First World War in different regions of Poland, and the reality of the reborn Polish state, created the ground for conflicts, disappointments, and for regional antagonisms, sometimes even evoking separatist moods, especially in the western provinces. The conundrum of national minorities remained unresolved to the end of the Second Polish Republic in 1939. The question of social and national awareness of members of ethnic groups within the Polish society (Kashubians, Silesians, Masurians), like antagonisms between inhabitants of formerly partitioned lands, was a part of the nation-creating process and integration of the country. The gradual unification of different regional populations within the all-Polish social, cultural, political and economic life in the interwar period was cut short by the outbreak of the Second World War.
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Gorski, William. "Remembering Poland: The Ethics of Cultural Histories." Ethnic Studies Review 25, no. 1 (January 1, 2002): 1–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/esr.2002.25.1.1.
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Art Spiegelman's Maus, Cynthia Ozick's The Shawl, and Eva Hoffman's Lost in Translation and Exit into History are recent American texts that draw upon cultural histories of Poland to launch their narratives. Each text confronts and reconstructs fragments of twentieth-century Poland at the interactive sites of collective culture and personal memory. By focusing on the contested relationship between Poles and Jews before, during, and after World War II, these texts dredge up the ghosts of centuries-long ethnic animosities. In the post-Cold War era, wherein Eastern Europe struggles to redefine itself, such texts have a formative influence in re-mapping the future of national identities.
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Ther, Philipp. "The Integration of Expellees in Germany and Poland after World War II: A Historical Reassessment." Slavic Review 55, no. 4 (1996): 779–805. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2501238.
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When World War II came to an end, vast portions of Germany and Poland lay in rubble. And, as if this were not enough, both countries were immediately inundated by large waves of migrants. In the years from 1944 to 1949, displaced persons, refugees, and expellees made up more than one-fifth of the populations of Poland and Germany. For the purpose of this article, expellees (or forced migrants) are Germans or Poles who had been living in the eastern territories of both countries as defined by their borders in 1937 and who were forcibly and permanently removed from their homelands between 1944 and 1949.