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1
BRODIE, THOMAS. "Between ‘National Community’ and ‘Milieu’: German Catholics at War, 1939–1945." Contemporary European History 26, no. 3 (May 29, 2017): 421–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777317000169.
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This article examines German Catholics’ sense of community and identity during the Second World War. It analyses how far they were able to reconcile their religious faith with support for Nazism and the German war effort and questions the extent to which Catholicism in the Rhineland and Westphalia represented either a sealed confessional subculture or a homogenising Nazified ‘national community’ (Volksgemeinschaft). The article argues that, in their pure forms, neither of these analytical paradigms accounts for the complexities of German Catholics’ attitudes during this period, which were far more contested and diverse than outlined by much existing historiography. Religious socialisation, Nazi propaganda and older nationalist traditions shaped Catholics’ mentalities during the Third Reich, creating a spectrum of opinion concerning the appropriate relationship between these influences and loyalties. At the level of lived experience, Catholics’ memberships of religious and national communities revealed themselves to be highly compatible, a tendency which in turn exerted a restraining influence on church–state conflict in wartime Germany.
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Robison, William B. "Lancastrians, Tudors, and World War II: British and German Historical Films as Propaganda, 1933–1945." Arts 9, no. 3 (August 10, 2020): 88. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/arts9030088.
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In World War II the Allies and Axis deployed propaganda in myriad forms, among which cinema was especially important in arousing patriotism and boosting morale. Britain and Germany made propaganda films from Hitler’s rise to power in 1933 to the war’s end in 1945, most commonly documentaries, historical films, and after 1939, fictional films about the ongoing conflict. Curiously, the historical films included several about fifteenth and sixteenth century England. In The Private Life of Henry VIII (1933), director Alexander Korda—an admirer of Winston Churchill and opponent of appeasement—emphasizes the need for a strong navy to defend Tudor England against the ‘German’ Charles V. The same theme appears with Philip II of Spain as an analog for Hitler in Arthur B. Wood’s Drake of England (1935), William Howard’s Fire Over England (1937), parts of which reappear in the propaganda film The Lion Has Wings (1939), and the pro-British American film The Sea Hawk (1940). Meanwhile, two German films little known to present-day English language viewers turned the tables with English villains. In Gustav Ucicky’s Das Mädchen Johanna (Joan of Arc, 1935), Joan is the female embodiment of Hitler and wages heroic warfare against the English. In Carl Froelich’s Das Herz der Königin (The Heart of a Queen, 1940), Elizabeth I is an analog for an imperialistic Churchill and Mary, Queen of Scots an avatar of German virtues. Finally, to boost British morale on D-Day at Churchill’s behest, Laurence Olivier directed a masterly film version of William Shakespeare’s Henry V (1944), edited to emphasize the king’s virtues and courage, as in the St. Crispin’s Day speech with its “We few, we proud, we band of brothers”. This essay examines the aesthetic appeal, the historical accuracy, and the presentist propaganda in such films.
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Poprawa, Marcin. "Prasa konspiracyjna w służbie kontrpropagandy — funkcje, cele, zjawiska językowe na przykładzie gazet podziemnych 1939–1945." Oblicza Komunikacji 10 (November 15, 2018): 57–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/2083-5345.10.3.
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Underground press in the service of counterpropaganda — functions, goals, linguistic phenomena as seen in underground newspapers of 1939–1945In the article the author examines the most important strategies of the linguistic fight against the Nazi propaganda employed by the underground press published by political parties active in the Polish Underground State during the Second World War. A theoretical introduction contains an outline of the model of political communication under German occupation 1939–1945 as well as the most important functions of articles that could be placed between political propaganda and wartime propaganda.
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Heinrich, Anselm. "Theatre in Britain during the Second World War." New Theatre Quarterly 26, no. 1 (February 2010): 61–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266464x10000060.
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In this article Anselm Heinrich argues for a renewed interest in and critical investigation of theatre in Britain during the Second World War, a period neglected by researchers despite the radical changes in the cultural landscape instigated during the war. Concentrating on CEMA (the Council for Encouragement of Music and the Arts) and the introduction of subsidies, the author discusses and evaluates the importance and effects of state intervention in the arts, with a particular focus on the demands put on theatre and its role in society in relation to propaganda, nation-building, and education. Anselm Heinrich is Lecturer in Theatre Studies at the University of Glasgow. He is the author of Entertainment, Education, Propaganda: Regional Theatres in Germany and Britain between 1918 and 1945 (2007), and with Kate Newey and Jeffrey Richards has co-edited a collection of essays on Ruskin, the Theatre, and Victorian Visual Culture (2009). Other research interests include émigrés from Nazi-occupied Europe, contemporary German theatre and drama, and national theatres.
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Partyko, Zinovij, and Maria Kravchuk. "PRESS OF ZHYTOMYR REGION DURING THE SECOND WORLD WAR." Bulletin of Lviv Polytechnic National University: journalism 2, no. 4 (2022): 6–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.23939/sjs2022.02.006.
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38 newspaper editions of the Zhytomyr region during the Second World War (1939-1945) was selected as the object of the study. The subject of the study is the conditions of origin of newspapers, the peculiarities of their operation and time of publication, as well as the features of the materials of these publications. Research methods are traditional analysis (qualitative); historical method; logical method; synthesis; generalization. It is expedient to divide newspaper editions into legal editions of the Ukrainian independence movement; official German publications; underground Soviet publications; underground nationalist publications. After the occupation, the first newspapers began to appear in the Zhytomyr region in late summer and early autumn 1941, and the most were influenced by the independence movement. Immediately, the occupying German authorities, using censorship, launched a propaganda campaign about the benefits of the "new order". From the end of November 1941, the publications came under the control of the occupying German government and became its main information and propaganda body. One of the tools of alternative propaganda influence on the local population was the underground Soviet periodicals. For some time an underground nationalist publication was published in the region but had no significant impact on the population. Since 1944 (the time of the return of the Soviet army) all publications of the Ukrainian independence movement, the German official press and nationalist periodicals have ceased to be published. Only one of the underground pro-Soviet newspapers, which became official, continued to be published. Comparison of the number of publications on the territory of Zhytomyr region in the war, pre-war and post-war periods gives grounds to hypothesize that the possible dependence of the number of publications from the degree of freedom of the press. The study of foreign language periodicals, in particular in Polish, remains promising.
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Dudaiti, A. K. "Iran’s Foreign Policy in 1933-1939: Problems of Diversifying Relations with Leading World Powers." Nauchnyi dialog, no. 12 (December 28, 2021): 309–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.24224/2227-1295-2021-12-309-326.
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The article is devoted to the problems of modernizing Iran’s foreign policy strategy on the eve of World War II, the implementation of a set of measures to diversify its relations with the leading world powers. The factors influencing the formation of the conflict relations of Iran with Great Britain and the USSR are revealed. The features of the nationalist policy of the Reza Shah regime, aimed at liberating the country from British control and weakening Soviet influence in the country, are traced. Particular attention is paid to the formation of a pro-German course in Iran’s foreign policy. The author emphasizes that the ideological factor (Nazi propaganda about the common Aryan origin of the Germans and Iranians) played an important role in the rapprochement of the Shah’s regime of Iran with the Nazi leadership of Germany. It is stated that the rapprochement of Iran with Germany contributed to the growth of tension in Europe, the intensification of the confrontation between the bloc of fascist states and the camp of anti-fascist forces. It is also noted that as a result of the Iranian-German rapprochement, Moscow’s relations with Tehran found themselves in a crisis situation: the strengthening of Nazi influence in Iran prompted the USSR leadership to take urgent measures to ensure reliable protection of the country’s southern borders against the threat of a German attack.
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Morley, Elaine. "Intercultural Experience, the Anglo-American Occupation and UNESCO in Germany 1945–1949." Comparative Critical Studies 13, no. 2 (June 2016): 193–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/ccs.2016.0199.
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Independent of each other, though contemporaneous, the Anglo-American occupiers of Germany and the newly founded United Nations Educational, Cultural and Scientific Organization employed culture to foster greater intercultural and international understanding in 1945. Both enterprises separately saw culture as offering a means of securing the peace in the long term. This article compares the stated intentions and activities of the Anglo-American occupiers and UNESCO vis-à-vis transforming morals and public opinion in Germany for the better after World War II. It reconceptualizes the mobilization of culture to transform Germany through engaging theories of cultural diplomacy and propaganda. It argues that rather than merely engaging in propaganda in the negative sense, elements of these efforts can also be viewed as propaganda in the earlier, morally neutral sense of the term, despite the fact that clear geopolitical aims lay at the heart of the cultural activities of both the occupiers and UNESCO.
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Kotelenets, Elena A., and Maria Yu Lavrenteva. "The British Weekly: a case study of British propaganda to the Soviet Union during World War II." RUDN Journal of Studies in Literature and Journalism 24, no. 3 (December 15, 2019): 486–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2312-9220-2019-24-3-486-498.
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The research investigates a publishing history of the Britansky Souyznik (British Ally) weekly (further - British Weekly) in Russian language, which was published in the Soviet Union by the UK Ministry of Information in the Second World War years and to 1950. This newspaper published reports from fronts where British troops fought against Nazi Germany and its allies, articles on British-Soviet military cooperation, materials about British science, industry, agriculture, and transport, reports on people’s life in the UK, historical background of British Commonwealth countries, cultural and literature reviews. British Weekly circulation in the USSR was 50,000 copies. The main method used for the research was the study of the newspaper’s materials, as well as the propaganda concepts of its editorial board and their influence on the audience. The researched materials are from archives of the Soviet Foreign Ministry as well as of the UK Ministry of Information and Political Warfare Executive (1940-1945), declassified by the British Government only in 2002, on the basis of which an independent analysis is conducted. The British Weekly played a bright role in the formation of techniques and methods of British foreign policy propaganda to Soviet public opinion in 1942-1945. Results of the research indicates that the British government launched foreign policy propaganda to the USSR immediately after breaking-out of World War II and used the experience of the British Weekly for psychological warfare in the Cold War years.
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Perin, Raffaella. "Heiliger Stuhl, Drittes Reich und Radio Vaticana." Quellen und Forschungen aus italienischen Archiven und Bibliotheken 100, no. 1 (November 25, 2020): 471–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/qufiab-2020-0021.
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Abstract This article intends to show that the German language broadcasts of Vatican Radio influenced relations between the Holy See and the Third Reich in the period between the start of the station’s radio broadcasts and 1943. As emerges from the analysis of published and unpublished sources, Vatican Radio seems to have been used as a Catholic propaganda tool in Germany, but also as an instrument of diplomacy. Vatican radio continued to broadcast in German and to attract listeners even after Goebbels’ decree of 1 September 1939 forbidding people to listen to foreign radio stations. The Holy See, aware that its broadcasts were being monitored by the Sonderdienst Seehaus and of their importance not only for the population of Germany but also for its government, exploited them to spread specific ideas and messages depending on the circumstances and the progress of the war. The study of Vatican Radio thus represents a specific point of view from which to understand the Holy See’s attitude towards National Socialism and its actions during the Second World War.
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Salata, Oksana. "INFORMATION CONFRONTATION OF NAZI GERMANY AND THE USSR IN HISTORIOGRAPHY." Kyiv Historical Studies, no. 1 (2018): 52–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.28925/2524-0757.2018.1.5262.
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The second world and its constituent German-Soviet wars became the key events of the 20th century. Currently, the study of domestic and foreign historiography in the context of the disclosure of the information policy of the Soviet Union and Nazi Germany, the information confrontation of the Nazi and Soviet systems of information and psychological infl uence on the enemy population is relevant. Thanks to the work of domestic and foreign scholars, the attraction of new archival materials and documents, the world saw scientifi c works devoted to various aspects of the propaganda activities of Nazi Germany, including in the temporarily occupied territories of Ukraine. Among them are the works of Ukrainian historians: A. Podolsky, Y. Nikolaytsya, P. Rekotov, O. Lysenko, V. Shaikan, M. Mikhailyuk, V. Grinevich; Russian historians M. I. Semiaryagi, E. Makarevich, V. I. Tsymbal and G. F. Voronenkova. An analysis of scientifi c literature published in Germany, England and the United States showed that the eff ectiveness and negative eff ects of German information policy are revealed in the works of German historians and publicists O. Hadamovsky, N. Muller, P. Longerich, R. Coel, et al. Along with the works devoted to armed confrontation, one can single out a study in which the authors try to show the information technologies and methods of psychological action that were used by the governments of both countries to infl uence the consciousness and the moral and psychological state of their own population and the enemy’s population, on the results of the Second World War. Most active in the study of Nazi propaganda and information policy of the Third Reich, in general, were the German historians, in particular E. Hadamovskie , G. Fjorsterch and G. Schnitter, and others. The value of their work is to highlight the process of the creation in 1933–1945 of the National Socialist Party in Germany of an unprecedented system of mass manipulation in the world’s history, fully controlled by the Nazi leadership of the information space. Thus, an analysis of the works of domestic and foreign scholars shows that the information confrontation between Nazi Germany and the Soviet Union was extremely powerful, since both warring parties possessed the most up-to-date information and ideological weapon. Unfortunately, today there is no comprehensive study of this problem that could reveal all aspects of the information confrontation in the modern information world.
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Herf, Jeffrey. "Nazi Germany's Propaganda Aimed at Arabs and Muslims During World War II and the Holocaust: Old Themes, New Archival Findings." Central European History 42, no. 4 (November 16, 2009): 709–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000893890999104x.
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During World War II and the Holocaust, the Nazi regime engaged in an intensive effort to appeal to Arabs and Muslims in the Middle East and North Africa. It did so by presenting the Nazi regime as a champion of secular anti-imperialism, especially against Britain, as well as by a selective appropriation and reception of the traditions of Islam in ways that suggested their compatibility with the ideology of National Socialism. This article and the larger project from which it comes draw on recent archival findings that make it possible to expand on the knowledge of Nazi Germany's efforts in this region that has already been presented in a substantial scholarship. This essay pushes the history of Nazism beyond its Eurocentric limits while pointing to the European dimensions of Arabic and Islamic radicalism of the mid-twentieth century. On shortwave radio and in printed items distributed in the millions, Nazi Germany's Arabic language propaganda leapt across the seemingly insurmountable barriers created by its own ideology of Aryan racial superiority. From fall 1939 to March 1945, the Nazi regime broadcast shortwave Arabic programs to the Middle East and North Africa seven days and nights a week. Though the broadcasts were well known at the time, the preponderance of its print and radio propaganda has not previously been documented and examined nor has it entered into the intellectual, cultural, and political history of the Nazi regime during World War II and the Holocaust. In light of new archival findings, we are now able to present a full picture of the wartime propaganda barrage in the course of which officials of the Nazi regime worked with pro-Nazi Arab exiles in Berlin to adapt general propaganda themes aimed at its German and European audiences to the religious traditions of Islam and the regional and local political realities of the Middle East and North Africa. This adaptation was the product of a political and ideological collaboration between officials of the Nazi regime, especially in its Foreign Ministry but also of its intelligence services, the Propaganda Ministry, and the SS on the one hand, and pro-Nazi Arab exiles in wartime Berlin on the other. It drew on a confluence of perceived shared political interests and ideological passions, as well as on a cultural fusion, borrowing and interacting between Nazi ideology and certain strains of Arab nationalism and Islamic religious traditions. It was an important chapter in the political, intellectual, and cultural history of Nazism during World War II and comprises a chapter in the history of radical Islamist ideology and politics.
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Szymoniczek, Joanna. "Losy niemieckich cmentarzy wojennych z okresu I wojny światowej." Rocznik Polsko-Niemiecki, no. 22 (April 30, 2014): 64–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.35757/rpn.2014.22.03.
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War graves and cemeteries depict a nation’s history. Fallen soldiers are buried far away from where they once lived, often in another country and the vast majority remain anonymous. Around 8.5 million soldiers died in World War I, 2 million of whom were German. They found their final resting place in cemeteries and graveyards or, sometimes, in nameless and forsaken graves scattered not only almost right across Europe, but also in many countries in other parts of the world. More than five hundred war cemeteries were located in Poland. Immediately after the war, their existence stirred no major emotions, albeit that there were some people who objected to their non-native character or to the very fact that it was the soldiers of other nations who were buried there. At that time, financial issues were a more significant problem. The number of war cemeteries in Poland was considerable. In accordance with humanitarian law, they had to be maintained by the state on the territory of which they were located. The authorities were unable to cope with all the obligations. There were a great many cemeteries and their maintenance and upkeep required substantial financial outlays. Efforts were undertaken anyway; involving the local authorities, local inhabitants and young people still at school, they aimed to carry out the necessary work and repairs. The situation began to change at the end of the nineteen thirties. On the part of the Germans, the less-than-ideal state of the German cemeteries was used for propaganda purposes, with reports of visits to Poland being presented in the press, making for an image of poverty, backwardness and a lack of respect for the soldiers’ final resting places. The outbreak of World War II changed the situation of the cemeteries. It was the Germans who then undertook their repair and restoration, on account of both their propaganda value and the fact than many of the newly fallen were also being buried in them. They were not to retain their new appearance for long. Having once again suffered destruction in 1944 and 1945, they were left in that condition over the subsequent decades. While they did not give rise to such emotions and controversies as the German cemeteries of World War II, nevertheless, because they were German cemeteries, they were not accorded the attention and care due to them. There existed an unwillingness to remember that Poles who had been forcibly conscripted to the Wehrmacht were also buried there. It was only the agreement included in the Joint Statement of the Polish Prime Minister, Tadeusz Mazowiecki and the German Chancellor, Helmut Kohl, of 14 November 1989 and the Polish-German Treaty of Good Neighbourship and Friendly Cooperation (Vertrag über gute Nachbarschaft und freundschaftliche Zusammenarbeit) of 17 June 1991, which, between them, provided a comprehensive solution to all the issues related to the German cemeteries in Poland. While these initiatives emphasised the resolving of the issues related to the German World War II cemeteries, repairs to those from World War I have nevertheless also been underway since the nineteen nineties. However, the needs are so great that the involvement of the German party which has funded these efforts thus far is insufficient. The several decades over which these cemeteries were left without any care brought about their disappear from the landscape, while nature has also taken its course. Soldiers, volunteers and young people from Poland and Germany alike are now attempting to make up for the lost years and restore this element of the past of the Polish lands.
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Koniecko, Michał. "Polsko-niemiecki pakt o nieagresji z 1934 r. – geneza i przegląd postanowień." Miscellanea Historico-Iuridica 20, no. 1 (2021): 81–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.15290/mhi.2021.20.01.04.
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One of the effects of the end of the First World War (then known as the Great War), was a significant geopolitical transformation on the map of Europe. Many new states were established at that time. One of them was Poland (the Second Polish Republic). The territory of the newly created state included part of the lands previously belonging to Germany, Russia and Austria-Hungary. The conceding of Greater Poland and parts of Pomerania and Upper Silesia to the reborn Republic of Poland caused a deep conflict between Poland and Germany. One of the main goals of the Weimar Republic’s foreign policy was to regain the disputed territories. The interests of both countries were therefore at odds, and one of the manifestations of the poor relations was the Customs War. Following Adolf Hitler’s seizure of power, Marshal Józef Piłsudski proposed France a preventive war, in order to remove the dictator from power. This was a turning point that led to an improvement in mutual relations, resulting in the conclusion of a non-aggression pact. Contacts between the two countries revived, and Nazi propaganda ceased its attacks on Poland. The period of warming ended with the first territorial claims against the Republic of Poland, including the incorporation of the Free City of Danzig into the Third Reich. Deterioration of diplomatic relations, combined with British-French military guarantees for Poland, led to the declaration of the Pact by Germany in April 1939. The aim of this article is to present the genesis and content of the Polish-German non-aggression pact and to analyze it from the legal point of view, as well as from the point of view of the intentions of the parties which accompanied its conclusion.
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Tenaglia, Camilla. "Il rumore delle onde." Quellen und Forschungen aus italienischen Archiven und Bibliotheken 101, no. 1 (November 1, 2021): 58–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/qufiab-2021-0005.
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Abstract This essay addresses the relations between Pius XII and Germany at the beginning of his pontificate through the role of Vatican Media, especially Vatican Radio. During the interwar period, the Vatican media system (media ensemble) underwent major transformations, including the creation of a radio broadcasting station in 1931. Pacelli was one of the main agents of these improvements: as Secretary of State supporting Guglielmo Marconi’s project, as Pope through his extensive use of the mass media at his disposal, from radio to cinema. At the end of the 30s the difficult diplomatic relations between the Holy See and the Third Reich also had an impact on mass media, as shown by the election of Pacelli in March 1939. The role of Vatican Radio in Vatican diplomacy towards Nazi Germany was already clear during the events surrounding the Anschluss in 1938 and it became a tool for unofficial communication to convey more explicit stances on the regime during World War II. The same strategy was employed during the Option in Südtirol in 1939, when Catholics were able to deliver anti-Nazi propaganda thanks in part to radio in the attempt to avoid the voluntary resettlement of German-speaking Italian citizens from the area. The Holy See maintained a neutral position throughout the events, but at the same time Vatican Radio broadcast programmes in German about the condition of the Catholic Church under the Nazi regime. These broadcasts supported the efforts especially of the Archbishop of Trento Celestino Endrici and his clergy, who opposed the resettlement. Once again Vatican Radio proved a crucial tool for conveying unofficial communications while maintaining the neutral stance typical of the Holy See‘s foreign policy.
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Pedersen, Lars Schreiber. "Dansk arkæologi i hagekorsets skygge 1933-1945." Kuml 54, no. 54 (October 20, 2005): 145–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/kuml.v54i54.97314.
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Danish archaeology in the shadow of the swastika, 1933-1945 With Hitler’s takeover in 1933 and the emergence of the National Socialist regime, Prehistoric archaeology in Germany was strengthened, both on the economical and the scholarly level. Prehistoric archaeologists entered into a Faustian bargain with the new government, and arguing the presence of Germanic peoples outside the borders of the Third Reich, they legitimated the Nazi “Drang nach Osten”. With the Fuhrer’s lack of interest in German prehistory, the fight for control of this field became a matter between two organisations, the Ahnenerbe, which was attached to Heinrich Himmler’s SS, and the competing Reichsbund für Deutsche Vorgeschichte under NSDAP’s chief ideologist, Alfred Rosenberg’s “Amt Rosenberg” (Figs. 1-2). When the Second World War broke out in 1939, Ahnenerbe appeared as winner of the fight over the German prehistory. However, the archaeological power struggles continued in the conquered territories until the end of the war.Immediately after the Nazi takeover in 1933, leading staff members of the Danish National Museum in Copenhagen, such as Mouritz Mackeprang, Poul Nørlund, and Johannes Brøndsted (Figs. 3-4) dissociated themselves from the political development south of the border. However, in the course of time, and in conformity with the official Danish accommodation policy towards Germany in the 1930s, the opposition changed their attitude into a more neutral policy of cultural adjustment towards Nazified German colleagues.The Danish government’s surrender on the 9th of April 1940 meant a continuing German recognition of Denmark as a sovereign state. From the German side, the communication with the Danish government was handled by the German ministry of foreign affairs in Berlin, and by the German legation in Copenhagen. Denmark was the sole occupied country under the domain of the ministry of foreign affairs, and from the beginning of the occupation it became a regular element in the policy of the ministry to prevent other political organs within the Nazi polycracy to gain influence in Denmark. Not until the appointment of SS-Gruppenfuhrer Werner Best (Fig. 5) as the German Reich Plenipotentiary in Denmark in November 1942, the SS and the Ahnenerbe got an opportunity to secure their influence in Denmark. However, due to the chilly attitude in the Danish population towards the German culture propaganda, practiced mainly through the German Scientific Institute in Copenhagen, and the gradual worsening of the political conditions following the resignation of the Danish government on the 29th of August 1943, the Ahnenerbe, led by Wolfram Sievers (Fig. 6), was never firmly established in Denmark. The one result of Ahnenerbe’s influence in Denmark worth mentioning was the effort by the Kiel Archaeologist Karl Kersten (Fig. 7) to prevent German destruction of prehistoric Danish (Germanic) relics. Kersten began his work in 1940 and was met from the start with aversion from the National Museum in Copenhagen, which regarded the activities of the Ahnenerbe-archaeologist as German interference with Danish conditions. Yet, in time the work of the Kiel archaeologist was accepted and recognised by the muse- um, and he was officially recognized by the Danish state when in 1957, Kersten was made Knight of Dannebrog.Less successful than the Ahnenerbe rival was the prominent Nazi archaeologist Hans Reinerth (Fig. 8) and the efforts by Reichsbund für Deutsche Vorgeschichte to gain influence on the Danish scene of culture politics. One of Reinerth’s few successes in occupied Denmark was a short contact with two Danish archaeologists, Gudmund Hatt and Mogens B. Mackeprang (Figs. 9-10). However, the connections with the RfDV-leader do not seem to have been maintained, once the Danish government had ceased to function from the 29th of August 1943.During the occupation, around 300 listed burial mounds and an unknown number of prehistoric relics below ground level were destroyed or damaged due to construction projects carried out by the German occupants (Figs. 11-12). The complaints about the damage put forward by the National Museum were generally met by understanding in the German administration and in the Bauleitung (construction department), whereas the Wehrmacht had a more indifferent approach to the complaints. As opposed to this, the Danish museums managed to get through the war with no damage or German confiscations worth mentioning, thus avoiding the fate of museums, collections, and libraries in countries such as France, Poland, and the Soviet Union.Lars Schreiber PedersenÅrhusTranslated by Annette Lerche Trolle
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Kardela, Piotr. "Professor Waclaw Szyszkowski — a Lawyer, Anticommunist, One From the Generation of Independent Poland." Internal Security Special Issue (January 14, 2019): 39–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0012.8401.
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The article presents the activity of Wacław Szyszkowski, a lawyer, an emigration independence activist and an outstanding scientist, who fought in the Polish-Bolshevik war of 1920 and, after Poland regained independence, was active in a secret Union of the Polish Youth “Zet” and a public Union of the Polish Democratic Youth. Until 1939 W. Szyszkowski was a defence lawyer in Warsaw, supporting the activities of the Central Union of the Rural Youth “Siew” and the Work Cooperative “Grupa Techniczna”. Published articles in political and legal journals, such as “Przełom”, “Naród i Państwo”, “Palestra”, “Głos Prawa”. During World War II — a conspirator of the Union for Defense of the Republic of Poland, soldier of the Union of Armed Struggle and Home Army, assigned to the Bureau of Information and Propaganda of the Home Army Headquarters. Fought in the Warsaw Uprising, after which he was deported by Germans to the Murnau oflag in Bavaria. For helping Jews during the occupation, the Yad Vashem Institute awarded him and his wife Irena the title of Righteous Among the Nations. After 1945, he remained in the West, engaging in the life of the Polish war exile in France, Great Britain and the United States. He received a doctorate in law at the Sorbonne. He belonged to the People’s Party “Wolność”, the Association of Polish Combatants. He was a member of the National Council of the Republic of Poland in Exile. As an anti-communist, he was invigilated by the communist intelligence of the People’s Republic of Poland. In the 1960s, after returning to Poland, as a lawyer and scientist, he was first affiliated with the Maria Curie-Skłodowska University of Lublin, and then with Nicolaus Copernicus University of Toruń. W. Szyszkowski is the author of nearly two hundred scientific and journalistic publications printed in Poland and abroad.
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Król, Eugeniusz Cezary. "Polska edycja Dzienników Josepha Goebbelsa. Czy potrzebna?" Rocznik Polsko-Niemiecki, no. 21 (April 26, 2013): 15–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.35757/rpn.2013.21.02.
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In the early 1990s, it transpired that the reportedly lost or only partially preserved Diaries of Joseph Goebbels, Reich Minister of Propaganda and Public Enlightenment, had been found in one of the central archives in Russia. On the basis of that discovery, an edition of this important resource for the history of National Socialism was published in thirty-three volumes by the Institut für Zeitgeschichte (Institute of Contemporary History). The article comprises a concise description of both the figure of the Diaries' author and his opus, which encompasses his journal entries from 1923 to 1945. The regularity and profusion of the material are astounding, as is the broad panorama of the issues broached. The focus of interest for the author of the article is the usefulness of the source from the viewpoint of not only modern German history, but also international topics. Of particular importance are those portions of the Diaries which, in the subjective opinion of the article’s author, depict the road that led to the outbreak of World War II and its subsequent course, as well as the events which brought National Socialist Germany to defeat. A part of the Diaries also consists of entries relating to Poland and the Poles and is chiefly focused on the genesis of the war, the Katyn Massacre, the Warsaw Uprising and the process of the Soviet Union’s enslavement of Central-Eastern Europe and Poland as hostilities were coming to an end. A forthcoming Polish publication containing a selection of Joseph Goebbels' journal entries deemed by author of the article and, at the same time, of the Polish edition of the Diaries, to be both representative and cognitive, is announced.
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Sambuco, Patrizia, and Lisa Pine. "Food Discourses and Alimentary Policies in Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany: A Comparative Analysis." European History Quarterly 53, no. 1 (January 2023): 135–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/02656914221140274.
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This article adds to the growing literature on the history of food in the European dictatorships by examining and comparing the alimentary policies of Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany and their application, paying particular attention to the relationship between class, gender, and the nation. It expands our knowledge and understanding of the mechanics of these dictatorships and of the impact of their food policies on their populations in a comparative way. The Fascist regime took initiatives related to food consumption from the mid-1920s, and women were at the centre of their food propaganda; Nazi Germany – in a similar manner to the Fascist regime – between 1933 and 1939, put in place food policies to encourage people to change their eating habits, even before the outbreak of the Second World War. The analysis of alimentary policies and strategies adopted by the Fascist and Nazi regimes, in the first part of their governments, illustrates the similarities in the populist construction of their food discourses and their efforts to galvanize their citizens. With the consolidation of the two regimes, national specific food initiatives, which were culturally bound and linked to economic and political choices emerged and delineated the differences between the two regimes. Through a detailed account of how food consumption was addressed in particular in domestic literature in the two countries, this article examines the uneven impact of food policies on the different social classes in Italy and Germany. It shows, through its comparative approach to the Italian Fascist and Nazi regimes, how food discourses and alimentary policies to control the population were similar in some respects and dissimilar in others.
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YEŞILBURSA BEHÇET, KEMAL. "FROM FRIENDSHIP TO ENMITY SOVIET-IRANIAN RELATIONS (1945-1965)." History and Modern Perspectives 2, no. 1 (March 30, 2020): 92–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.33693/2658-4654-2020-2-1-92-105.
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On 26 February 1921, the Soviet Union signed a «Treaty of Friendship» with Iran which was to pave the way for future relations between the two states. Although the Russians renounced various commercial and territorial concessions which the Tsarist government had exacted from Iran, they secured the insertion of two articles which prohibited the formation or residence in either country of individuals, groups, military forces which were hostile to the other party, and gave the Soviet Union the right to send forces into Iran in the event that a third party should attempt to carry out a policy of usurpation there, use Iran as a base for operations against Russia, or otherwise threaten Soviet frontiers. Furthermore, in 1927, the Soviet Union signed a «Treaty of Guarantee and Neutrality» with Iran which required the contracting parties to refrain from aggression against each other and not to join blocs or alliances directed against each other’s sovereignty. However, the treaty was violated by the Soviet Union’s wartime occupation of Iran, together with Britain and the United States. The violation was subsequently condoned by the conclusion of the Tripartite Treaty of Alliance of 29 January 1942, which permitted the Soviet Union to maintain troops in Iran for a limited period. Requiring restraint from propaganda, subversion and hostile political groups, the treaty would also appear to have been persistently violated by the Soviet Union: for example, the various radio campaigns of «Radio Moscow» and the «National Voice of Iran»; the financing and control of the Tudeh party; and espionage and rumour-mongering by Soviet officials in Iran. Whatever the Soviet’s original conception of this treaty may have been, they had since used it one-sidedly as a treaty in which both countries would be neutral, with one being «more neutral than the other». In effect, both the 1921 and 1927 treaties had been used as «a stick to beat the Iranians» whenever it suited the Soviets to do so, in propaganda and in inter-governmental dealings. During the Second World War, the treaty between the United Kingdom, the Soviet Union and Iran, dated 29 January 1942 - and concluded some 5 months after the occupation of parts of Iran by allied forces, the United Kingdom and the Soviet Union were entitled to maintain troops in Iran, but the presence of such troops was not to constitute a military occupation. Nonetheless, Soviet forces in the Northern provinces used their authority to prevent both the entry of officials of the Iranian Government and the export of agricultural products to other provinces. The treaty also required military forces to be withdrawn not later than six months after «all hostilities between the Allied Powers and Germany and her associates have been suspended by the conclusion of an armistice or on the conclusion of peace, whichever is the earlier». This entailed that the Soviet Union should have withdrawn its forces by March 1946, six months after the defeat of Japan. Meanwhile, however, there emerged in Iranian Azerbaijan, under Soviet tutelage, a movement for advanced provincial autonomy which developed into a separatist movement under a Communist-led «National Government of Azerbaijan». In 1945, Soviet forces prevented the Iranian army from moving troops into Azerbaijan, and also confined the Iranian garrison to barracks while the dissidents took forcible possession of key points. At the same time, Soviet troops prevented the entry of Iranian troops into the Kurdistan area, where, under Soviet protection, a Kurdish Republic had been set up by Qazi Mohammad. In 1946, after Iran had appealed to the Security Council, the Russians secured from the Iranian Prime Minister, Qavam es Saltaneh, a promise to introduce a bill providing for the formation of a Soviet-Iranian Oil Company to exploit the Northern oil reserves. In return, the Soviet Union agreed to negotiate over Azerbaijan: the Iranians thereupon withdrew their complaint to the Security Council, and Soviet forces left Azerbaijan by 9 May 1946. In 1955, when Iran was considering joining a regional defensive pact, which was later to manifest itself as the Baghdad Pact, the Soviet Government threatened that such a move would oblige the Soviet Union to act in accordance with Article 6 of the 1921 treaty. This was the «big stick» aspect of Soviet attempts to waylay Iranian membership of such a pact; the «carrot» being the conclusion in 1955 of a Soviet-Iranian «Financial and Frontier Agreement» by which the Soviets agreed to a mutually beneficial re-alignment of the frontier and to pay debts arising from their wartime occupation of Northern Iran. The Soviets continued their war of nerves against Iranian accession to the Pact by breaking off trade negotiations in October 1955 and by a series of minor affronts, such as the cancellation of cultural visits and minimal attendance at the Iranian National Day celebrations in Moscow. In a memorandum dated November 26, the Iranian Government openly rejected Soviet criticisms. Soviet displeasure was expressed officially, in the press and to private individuals. In the ensuing period, Soviet and Soviet-controlled radio stations continued to bombard their listeners with criticism of the Baghdad Pact, or CENTO as it later became. In early 1959, with the breakdown of the negotiations for a non-aggression pact, Iran-Soviet relations entered into a phase of propaganda warfare which intensified with the signature of the bilateral military agreement between Iran and the United States. The Soviet Union insisted that Iran should not permit the establishment of foreign military bases on its soil, and continued to threaten Iran despite the Shah’s assurance on this issue. Consequently, the Iranians denounced Articles 5 and 6 of the 1921 treaty, on the basis of which the Soviet Union was making its demands. Attempts by the Secretary-General of the United Nations to improve relations met with little success until September 1959, when Russia offered massive economic support on condition that Iran renounced its military agreements with the United States. This offer was rejected, and, as relations continued to become strained, the Soviets changed their demand to one neither for a written agreement that Iran would not allow its terrain to be used as a base of aggression nor for the establishment of foreign missile bases. The publication by the Soviet Union of the so-called «CENTO documents» did nothing to relieve the strain: the Soviet Union continued to stand out for a bilateral agreement with Iran, and the Shah, in consultation with Britain and the United States, continued to offer no more than a unilateral assurance. In July 1962, with a policy of endeavouring once more to improve relations, the Shah maintained his insistence on a unilateral statement, and the Soviet Government finally agreed to this. The Iranian undertaking was accordingly given and acknowledged on 15 September. The Instruments of ratification of the 1957 Agreements on Transit and Frontier Demarcation were exchanged in Moscow on 26 October 1962 and in Tehran on 20 December, respectively.
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Raudsepp, Anu. "Erakirjad infoallikana Eesti ja Lääne vahel stalinismist sulani (1946–1959) [Abstract: Private letters between Estonia and the West as an information source from Stalinism to the start of the post-Stalin thaw, 1946–1959]." Ajalooline Ajakiri. The Estonian Historical Journal, no. 4 (September 9, 2019): 255–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.12697/aa.2018.4.01.
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Private letters between Estonia and the West as an information source from Stalinism to the start of the post-Stalin thaw, 1946–1959
After the Second World War, the Iron Curtain isolated Estonia from the rest of the world for a long time, separating many Estonian families from one another. Up to 80,000 Estonians fled from Estonia to the West due to the Second World War. Information on Estonia and the West was distorted by way of propaganda and censorship until the end of the Soviet occupation. The situation was at its most complicated during the Stalinist years, when information and the movement of information were controlled particularly stringently.
The only possible communication channel between Estonia and the West for private individuals during the era of totalitarianism was the exchange of letters, and even this was exceedingly restricted and controlled. The unique correspondence between Kusta Mannermaa (1888–1959) and his nephew Väino Veemees (1919–1987) and a friend named Jaakko Valkonen (1891–1968), who was a schoolteacher in Finland, inspired the writing of this article. Nearly 80 letters from the years 1946–1959 have been examined. The primary aim of this study is to identify how opportunities for relaying information between Estonia and the West were already sought and found during the post-war decades regardless of censorship, and what the important themes were. Thematically speaking, three main themes are focused on: the establishment, disruption and restoration of written contacts between Estonian war refugees and Estonia; Estonian expatriate literature in Kusta Mannermaa’s private letters, and his cultural contacts with the Estophile Finnish schoolteacher Jaakko Valkonen in 1946–1959.
During the post-war years, expatriate newspapers, including especially the Eesti Teataja [Estonian Gazette] in Sweden (starting from 1944) and the Eesti Rada [Estonian Path] in Germany (starting from 1945), obtained information on the Estonian homeland primarily from newspapers in Soviet Estonia (Rahva Hääl [the People’s Voice], Sirp ja Vasar [the Sickle and Hammer], and others) and from radio broadcasts, in isolated cases also from released German prisoners of war and Estonians who had escaped from Estonia, and very rarely from private letters. Unlike previously held viewpoints, it can be assumed that contacts between Estonians in the Estonian homeland and expatriate Estonians were already altogether closer starting in the latter half of the 1940s. Kusta Mannermaa’s correspondence helps to bring more clarity to this question. First of all at the end of 1945, he revived his correspondence with the Estophile Finnish schoolteacher Jaakko Valkonen. Contacts between Finnish and Estonian private individuals had been prohibited since the summer of 1940 in connection with the annexation of Estonia by the Soviet Union. The occupying German authorities permitted the exchange of letters for only a short period of time in the spring of 1942. When communication by way of letters was allowed between Estonians in the Estonian homeland and expatriate Estonians in connection with the repatriation policy, Väino Veemees also wrote from Bonn to his relatives in Estonia. Namely, the greater portion of Estonians who had reached the West from Estonia (up to 40,000) were located in the occupation zones administered by the Western Allies in Germany after the war. More than 30,000 of them were living in the so-called displaced persons (DP) camps that had been established by the Allied military authorities or the United Nations Relief and Rehabilitation Administration (UNRRA).
The postal system had ceased to operate in Germany at the end of the war until the American military administration allowed country-wide postal deliveries to resume there at the end of October, 1945.
Prior to the mass deportation of 1949, the sending of letters from the Estonian homeland to the West was banned, and correspondence between Estonians in the Estonian homeland and expatriate Estonians was cut off. Letters from Finland reached Estonia at least until the end of 1949. Contact between Estonians living on either side of the Iron Curtain was interrupted for a lengthy period of time. According to numerous sources, correspondence already started being revived in 1954–1955. The turning point came after the 20th CPSU Congress in 1956, when Stalin’s personality cult was denounced.
Correspondence with relatives or kindred spirits living in the West was emotionally necessary on the one hand, but politically dangerous on the other. Yet by using self-censorship, it was nevertheless possible to maintain correspondence even in the Stalinist period by concealing important information written between the lines. Family ties gave strength to the soul at the most difficult time for Estonia during the post-war Stalinist repressions, and later on as well. For this reason, regardless of the obstructions of the Soviet regime, people tried to maintain contact with relatives and friends living in the Estonian homeland and those in the West, and to know about one another’s fate.
The importance of the written word in spiritual and intellectual selfpreservation has to be stressed. On a spiritual level, it is very difficult to live in isolation in the cultural space of Europe without knowing about cultural life in the rest of the world. Yet it was even more important for Estonians who remained in their homeland to know that the fostering of Estonian culture and language was continuing in the free world. Every fragment of information on culture from the free world, especially books, was important for intellectual and spiritual resistance and self-preservation. It was not allowed to send books to or out of Estonia in the latter half of the 1940s. Mainly literature, including Estonian expatriate literature and newer Finnish literature, as well as original Estonian literature and literatuure translated into Estonian published in those years in Soviet Estonia, was discussed in Mannermaa’s correspondence with the West in those years. It turns out from the current study that information on Estonian expatriate literature, for instance, already reached Estonia ten years earlier than has hitherto been believed, by 1947 at the latest. How widely this information was known in cultural circles, however, is another question.
The exchange of books with the West was allowed from the mid-1950s. A number of sources refer to the circumstance that the period from the end of 1955 to 1958 was a better time in the postal connection between Estonia and the West compared to the subsequent years. The authorities had not yet managed to update the censorship regulations in the new liberalised conditions. Together with the revival of correspondence under liberalised conditions, the sending of books also began again for the first time in over ten years starting from the mid-1950s. Thus Mannermaa sent Estonian classics to his relatives abroad starting in 1956, for instance new editions of the works of Juhan Liiv and F. R. Kreutzwald. Jaakko Valkonen sent him Finnish literature, for instance books by Mika Waltari, which were immensely popular at that time. In 1958 at the latest, but most likely already a few years earlier, Estonian expatriate literature also reached Estonian cultural figures in the Estonian homeland. Thereat numerous sources allude to exceptionally more liberal conditions from 1955 to the start of 1958 compared to later times. In some cases, expatriate Estonians who had gained citizenship in foreign countries were even able to use this liberalisation of conditions in those years to achieve the release of their relatives from Estonia to the West.
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Wipfler, Esther Pia. "Luther im Stummfilm: Zum Wandel protestantischer Mentalität im Spiegel der Filmgeschichte bis 1930." Archiv für Reformationsgeschichte - Archive for Reformation History 98, no. 1 (December 1, 2007): 167–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.14315/arg-2007-0108.
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ABSTRACTThe “Luther film” is still a little-examined source for the Protestant self-image, despite the fact that the medium was employed since 1911 to portray the history of the Reformation. Of the four known silent films on the subject, two are preserved only as copies of a late censored version. There is a clearly recognizable paradigm shift in the portrayal of the reformer over the twenty-year span of these Luther films. Luther is transformed from the romantic aesthete of the “Wittenberger Nachtigall” in 1913 to the hero of the “deutschen Reformation” in 1927. Concerning the earliest films, made in 1911 (“Doktor Martin Luther”) and 1913 (“Wittenberger Nachtigall” renamed “Der Weg zur Sonne” in 1921), the circumstances of and grounds for production are no longer entirely clear. Most likely they were primarily concerned with commercial enterprise, but at the same time they reflected the spirit of the Luther-Renaissance in a popular way. Nevertheless the importance of the silent movie for the transfer of the patterns and images of Lutheran iconography into film cannot be underestimated. A fundamental difference from the later films is the focus of the earlier films’ biographical narrative upon Luther’s wedding. This approach would not be used again until after World War II. The influence of the church can first be demonstrated in the Luther film of 1923. The initiative for the film - in light of the meeting of the Lutheran World Assembly in Eisenach on August 21, 1923 - probably came from the Baron von den Heyden- Rynsch, who was at that time head of the Eisenach city Bureau for Art, Sport and Tourism. The highest church authorities supported the production in two ways: they offered scriptwriting advice and also eventually allowed the film to be distributed through the Evangelical Picture Association (Evangelische Bilderkammer|). However, the resulting film received mixed reviews. This was due not only to deficiencies in the acting, but also to the tentative portrayal of the film’s religious subject matter. “Luther. Ein Film der deutschen Reformation” (1926-1927) was much more professionally and lavishly produced. It completely served the national Protestant propaganda of the Evangelical League (Evangelischer Bund|), which founded the production company. The chairman of the League, the Berlin cathedral pastor and university professor Bruno Döhring, had a decisive influence on the script. The film, which would be in wide release until 1939, effectively extended the cultural conflict between the two leading churches, Catholic and Lutheran. It would finally lead to the sort of denominational conflicts that halted the tradition of Luther films in Germany. (Translation by Heather McCune Bruhn, Pennstate College)
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Wilkin, Bernard, and Maude Williams. "German Wartime Anglophobic Propaganda in France, 1914–1945." War in History 24, no. 1 (January 2017): 28–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0968344515602916.
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This article explores Anglophobia as a topic in German wartime propaganda aimed at military and civilian communities of France. Anti-British topics were at the centre of a large campaign of propaganda designed to undermine French morale during the two world wars. This study will investigate the goals, the content, and the effects of Anglophobia in France to determine the relation between these two campaigns of psychological warfare. It will be argued that the Nazis and the Vichy regime almost entirely replicated the original production of Anglophobic propaganda in the occupied territories of France during the First World War. This article will also show that Anglophobia almost invariably failed to convince the French population.
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Poprawa, Marcin. "Propaganda as a weapon and a tool of totalitarian power: The image of the concept in the common discourse of the war and occupation years 1939–1945." Język a Kultura 27 (June 13, 2019): 177–211. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/1232-9657.27.12.
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Propaganda as a weapon and a tool of totalitarian power: The image of the concept in the common discourse of the war and occupation years 1939–1945The author of the article describes the ways of conceptualizing Nazi totalitarian propaganda during the Second World War 1939–1945 in occupied Poland. This totalitarian discourse created many defense mechanisms on the level of colloquial knowledge, humor directed against the occupant, and was the object of counter-propaganda activities conducted by Polish underground organizations. This article describes a fragment of the “anti-totalitarian discourse” that emerges from the diaries and journals of the period described.
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Holbrook, Wendell P. "British Propaganda and the Mobilization of the Gold Coast War Effort, 1939–1945." Journal of African History 26, no. 4 (October 1985): 347–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700028784.
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This article examines the nature and impact of the most extensive propaganda campaign mounted in a British West African colony during the Second World War. An avalanche of war information and appeals to the people of the Gold Coast was channelled through a new communications network which included radio broadcasting, information bureaux, and mobile cinema presentations. The innovative wartime publicity scheme was not enough to produce a completely voluntary war effort; however, the campaign was responsible for irreversibly changing mass communications techniques in the territory. The propaganda drive used in the war mobilization provided a pool of experienced propagandists and a successful structural model which proved valuable both to post-war governments charged with pre-independence political education, community development and public services, and, somewhat ironically, to anti-colonialist post-war party politics.
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Wójcik, Katarzyna. "Die nationalsozialistischen Propagandatexte in Bezug auf den Distrikt Lublin 1939–1944." Germanica Wratislaviensia 144 (November 20, 2019): 51–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/0435-5865.144.4.
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Der Artikel soll einen kurzen Überblick über die Entstehung und Verbreitung der Propagandatexte im Distrikt Lublin geben. Das Textkorpus besteht aus den Texten über den Distrikt Lublin mit der damals größten Anzahl der verlegten Exemplare. Die damals von deutschen Journalisten, Archivaren, Historikern und Volkskundlern verfassten Texte waren vor allem als Propagandamittel für den Gebrauch der im Distrikt Lublin eingesetzten Deutschen, die über den ganzen Distrikt verstreut waren, gedacht. Zahlreiche Autoren haben sowohl gegenwärtige als auch geschichtliche Themenbereiche ins Auge gefasst. Mit Rücksicht auf den geplanten Weitergang des sog. Nationalsozialistischen Aufbaus wurden verschiedene Themenbereiche aufgeworfen. Das Ziel, der von den NS-Forschern „produzierten“ Texte über den Distrikt Lublin war vor allem die Festigung des deutschen Volkstums auf den besetzten Gebieten.National Socialist propaganda texts in relation to the Lublin district 1939–1944Propaganda texts published in the period of World War II by German journalists, historians and cultural analysts first of all consist of propaganda materials dedicated to Germans and Volksdeutsche scattered around the entire district. The corpus consists of texts about the Lublin district with the largest number of copies published at the time. The propaganda texts created in those times also aroused interest in the problems of Germans and Volksdeutsche from the General Governorate in the Third Reich. In relation to the National Socialist plan of “Aufbauarbeit” the texts addressed numerous topics which required scientific research of the district’s area and a statistical analysis. The aim of these texts “produced” by National Socialist researchers concerning the Lublin district was primarily to strengthen Germanness in the occupied areas.
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Szymański, Karol. "Kina warszawskie: wrzesień–grudzień 1939 roku." Przegląd Humanistyczny 61 (September 4, 2017): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0010.4154.
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Karol Szymański depicts the history of the Warsaw cinemas and analyzes the cinema repertoire in the particular time from September to December 1939 (that is from the outbreak of World War II, through the defense and the siege of Warsaw, until the first months of the German occupation) taking into account a wider context of living conditions in the capital as well as a changing front and political situation. The author draws attention, among other things, to the rapid decrease in the cinema audience in the first week of September. As a consequence cinemas ceased to work, which made them unable to fulfill their informational or propaganda role and provide the inhabitants of the fighting city with the escapist or uplifting entertainment. During the siege of Warsaw some cinemas changed their functions and became a shelter for several thousand fire victims and refugees, while others were irretrievably destroyed in bombings and fires. In turn, after the capitulation and takeover of the city by the Germans, some of the most representative cinemas which survived (they were entirely expropriated by the administration of the General Government) began to gradually resume their activity from the beginning of November. By the end of 1939 there were already eight reactivated cinemas in Warsaw, including one (Helgoland, former Palladium) intended only for the Germans. These cinemas showed only German films – they were entertaining productions which were well-executed, devoid of explicit propaganda or ideological elements, with the greatest stars of the Third Reich cinema. However, December 1939 brought also the first action of the Polish resistance against German cinemas and cinema audience in Warsaw, which in the years to come developed and became an important element of the civilian fight against the occupant.
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TAMÁS, ÁGNES. "OLD-NEW ENEMIES IN HUNGARIAN AND YUGOSLAV CARICATURES AFTER THE SECOND WORLD WAR (1945–1947)." ИСТРАЖИВАЊА, no. 28 (December 27, 2017): 171–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.19090/i.2017.28.171-188.
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In this paper I analyse caricatures of Hungarian and Yugoslav comic papers (Jež, Ludas Matyi, Új Szó, and Pesti Izé) between 1945 and 1947. I chose this source since the analysis of caricatures can demonstrate the functioning of communist propaganda. After the presentation of sources and goals of the paper, I analyse the depiction of war criminals, the perception of democracy and the Western states, and the representation of democrats and German enemies within the country in Hungary. Then I analyse the depiction of the self of the communists and finally, before the conclusions, the Peace Treaty of Paris in caricatures. The analysed propaganda caricatures documented well the views and propaganda methods of the Communist Parties regarding the above-mentioned topics.
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Seifert, Achim. "Compensation for Forced Labour During World War II in Nazi Germany." International Journal of Comparative Labour Law and Industrial Relations 17, Issue 4 (December 1, 2001): 473–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/394556.
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55 years after the end of World War II and after long and difficult negotiations with victims' organizations, the German Parliament passed the ‘Act Establishing the Foundation “Remembrance, Responsibility and Future”’ on 2 August 2000 which provides compensation payments for persons who were subjected to forced labour in the German war economy between 1939 and 1945. With this new legislation, a long debate that began at the end of World War II, is finally coming to an end. This article outlines the different steps in the compensation debate and analyzes the new German compensation legislation of 2 August 2000.
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Poprawa, Marcin. "Inwektywy czasów II wojny światowej. Językowe środki obrażania przeciwnika/wroga politycznego w prasie konspiracyjnej lat 1939–1945." Oblicza Komunikacji 9 (October 30, 2018): 39–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/2083-5345.9.3.
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Invectives of the Second World War period. Linguistic means of insulting political opponents/enemies in the underground press of 1939–1945The author of the article examines strategies used to belittle political opponents in the underground press published in Poland in 1939–1945. It turns out that the language of political propaganda in the period had many communication strategies employed in the fight against political rivals, often regarded as enemies. The author presents examples of how political invectives were used in a very important period of power struggle among political parties operating in the underground.
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MORRIS, GERALDINE. "Visionary Dances: Ashton's Ballets of the Second World War." Dance Research 26, no. 2 (October 2008): 168–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/e0264287508000170.
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Save for a cursory reference, art history tends to ignore dance and in particular the work made by Graham Sutherland and John Piper for the choreographer Frederick Ashton during the early 1940s. By overlooking dance and its designs, other than those for the Ballets Russes, the art world is wasting a valuable resource. In the following article I consider how the collaborations between Ashton, Sutherland and Piper illuminate the extent to which both the ballets and their designs were products not only of the circumstances of the 1939–1945 war but also, in particular, the propaganda of the period. This article considers how the particular discursive formations that shaped Ashton's ballets and the work of the artists led to dances and designs that were unique in both Ashton's output and that of the two painters.
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BRYDAN, DAVID. "Axis Internationalism: Spanish Health Experts and the Nazi ‘New Europe’, 1939–1945." Contemporary European History 25, no. 2 (April 12, 2016): 291–311. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777316000084.
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AbstractMany of the forms and practices of interwar internationalism were recreated under the auspices of the Nazi ‘New Europe’. This article will examine these forms of ‘Axis internationalism’ by looking at Spanish health experts' involvement with Nazi Germany during the Second World War. Despite the ambiguous relationship between the Franco regime and the Axis powers, a wide range of Spanish health experts formed close ties with colleagues from Nazi Germany and across Axis and occupied Europe. Many of those involved were relatively conservative figures who also worked with liberal international health organisations in the pre- and post-war eras. Despite their political differences, their opposing attitudes towards eugenics and the tensions caused by German hegemony, Spanish experts were able to rationalise their involvement with Nazi Germany as a mutually-beneficial continuation of pre-war international health cooperation amongst countries united by a shared commitment to modern, ‘totalitarian’ forms of public health. Despite the hostility of Nazi Germany and its European collaborators to both liberal and left-wing forms of internationalism, this phenomenon suggests that the ‘New Europe’ deserves to be studied as part of the wider history of internationalism in general and of international health in particular.
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Njoku, Raphael Chijioke. "The Conflation of Race and Propaganda in the Mobilization of Africans for the Second World War." Journal of Asian and African Studies 57, no. 1 (November 29, 2021): 78–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00219096211054911.
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The primary focus here is to accentuate the competing roles of race and propaganda in the enlistment of Africans and African Americans for the Second World War. Among other things, the discussion captures on the interwar years and emphasizes the subtleties of African American Pan-Africanist discourses as a counterweight to Black oppression encountered in the racialized spaces of Jim Crow America, colonized Africa, and the pugnacious infraction that was the Italo-Ethiopian war of 1935–1936. Tying up the implications of these events into the broader global politics of 1939–1945 establishes the background in which the Allied Powers sought after Black people’s support in the war against the Axis Powers. Recalling that Italy’s fascist leader Benito Mussolini attacked Ethiopia in 1935 with poisonous gas while the League of Nations refused to act, points to the barefaced conflation of race and propaganda in the Great War and the centrality of African and African Diaspora exertions in the conflict.
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Lénárt, András. "Franco’s Choice: The Reevaluation of Spain’s Neutrality and Non-Belligerence During the Second World War." Studia Historyczne 63, no. 1(249) (July 20, 2022): 61–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/sh.63.2020.01.04.
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General Francisco Franco established his dictatorship in Spain in 1939 after winning the Civil War fought against the democratic Republican government. The same year, the Second World War broke out. The Caudillo wanted his country to remain neutral, but Spain soon moved forward to the status of non-belligerence: Franco backed Mussolini and Hitler on the level of propaganda, and he also sent voluntary troops to help the Germans, although he also maintained relations with the Allies. Later, the country returned to the status of neutrality. The aim of my article is to highlight the main features of the Spanish attitude and the government’s diplomatic maneuvers between the Axis powers and the Allies, paying special attention to Franco’s possibilities and doubts.
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Harviainen, Tapani. "The Jews in Finland and World War II." Nordisk Judaistik/Scandinavian Jewish Studies 21, no. 1-2 (September 1, 2000): 157–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.30752/nj.69575.
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In the years 1989–1944 two different wars against the Soviet Union were imposed upon Finland. During the Winter War of 1989–1940 Germany remained strictly neutral on the basis of the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact&&Great Britain and France planned intervention in favour of Finland. When the second, so-called Continuation War broke out in the summer of 1041, Finland was co-belligerent of Germany, and Great Britain declared war on Finland in December 1941. De jure, however, Finland was never an ally of Germany, and at the end of the war, in the winter 1944–1945, the Finnish armed forces expelled the German troops from Lapland, which was devastated by the Germans during their retreat to Norway. Military service was compulsory for each male citizen of Finland. In 1939 the Jewish population of Finland numbered 1 700. Of these, 260 men were called up and approximately 200 were sent to serve at the front during the Winter War.
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BRODIE, THOMAS. "German Society at War, 1939–45." Contemporary European History 27, no. 3 (July 23, 2018): 500–516. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777318000255.
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The actions, attitudes and experiences of German society between 1939 and 1945 played a crucial role in ensuring that the Second World War was not only ‘the most immense and costly ever fought’ but also a conflict which uniquely resembled the ideal type of a ‘total war’. The Nazi regime mobilised German society on an unprecedented scale: over 18 million men served in the Wehrmacht and Waffen SS, and compulsoryVolkssturmduty, initiated as Allied forces approached Germany's borders in September 1944, embraced further millions of the young and middle-aged. The German war effort, above all in occupied Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union, claimed the lives of millions of Jewish and gentile civilians and served explicitly genocidal ends. In this most ‘total’ of conflicts, the sheer scale of the Third Reich's ultimate defeat stands out, even in comparison with that of Imperial Japan, which surrendered to the Allies prior to an invasion of its Home Islands. When the war in Europe ended on 8 May 1945 Allied forces had occupied almost all of Germany, with its state and economic structures lying in ruins. Some 4.8 million German soldiers and 300,000 Waffen SS troops lost their lives during the Second World War, including 40 per cent of German men born in 1920. According to recent estimates Allied bombing claimed approximately 350,000 to 380,000 victims and inflicted untold damage on the urban fabric of towns and cities across the Reich. As Nicholas Stargardt notes, this was truly ‘a German war like no other’.
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Lotchin, Roger W. "A Research Report." Southern California Quarterly 97, no. 4 (2015): 399–417. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ucpsocal.2015.97.4.399.
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Public opinion polls taken between 1939 and 1945 questioned Americans’ attitudes toward Japan and Germany and toward the people of Japan and Japanese Americans. The polls’ quantified responses provide previously overlooked data that should be taken into account by scholars of Japanese American and World War II history.
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Buranok, S. O. "THE MYTHOLOGIZATION OF THE SECOND WORLD WAR IN CINEMA: THE HISTORIOGRAPHY OF THE USA." Izvestiya of Samara Scientific Center of the Russian Academy of Sciences. History Sciences 4, no. 1 (2022): 78–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.37313/2658-4816-2021-4-1-78-82.
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In historical science, there are three fundamentally different approaches to the problem of analyzing "action films": 1) the study of films as one of the tools of propaganda and ideology. Such works prove that the federal government and Hollywood worked very closely, especially in the period 1939-1945, to create through films the necessary images of war, allies and enemies. 2) the study of films from a cultural perspective, where the relationship between fiction and reality, the author's approaches and concepts of directors, the influence of films on US art is at the fore. The key problems in this category are such problems as the definition of the genre of films, features of the plot, motives and semantic content. 3) the study of departments and structures that create films (primarily, the largest film studios). This direction is associated with the analysis of propaganda, but has a greater emphasis on the study of interactions within the film community.
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SPÄTH, JENS. "The Unifying Element? European Socialism and Anti-Fascism, 1939–1945." Contemporary European History 25, no. 4 (October 14, 2016): 687–706. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777316000400.
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Far too often studies in contemporary history have concentrated on national stories. By contrast, this article analyses wartime discourses about and practices against fascism in France, Germany and Italy in a comparative and – as far as possible – transnational perspective. By looking at individual biographies some general aspects of socialist anti-fascism, as well as similarities and differences within anti-fascism, shall be identified and start to fill the gap which Jacques Droz left in 1985 when he ended hisHistoire de l'antifascisme en Europewith the outbreak of the Second World War. To visualise the transnational dimension of socialist anti-fascism both in discourse and practice different categories shall be considered. These include historical analyses and projects for the post-war order in letters, newspapers, periodicals, pamphlets and books, acts of solidarity like mutual aid networks set up by groups and institutions and forms of collaboration in resistance movements.
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Gannuscio, Vincenzo. "Sprachliche Persuasionsmittel der rechtspopulistischen Propaganda gestern und heute." Linguistik Online 97, no. 4 (August 11, 2019): 111–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.13092/lo.97.5598.
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Persuasion is the central element of political propaganda of all times. From a historical point of view, it is a fact that, especially in conflict situations, the hegemonic actors adopt specific techniques and language choices for purposes of propaganda. The question of interest is in what ways and to what extent they are used in a targeted manner in order to influence different types of low- and middle-class audiences. A well-documented example is the persuasive use of language in Nazi propaganda before and during World War II. In this context, our question is whether past and present-day propagandistic and electoral campaigns make recourse to the same linguistic devices and strategies in order to persuade their intended audience. To this purpose, we shall concentrate on Hitler’s propaganda by primarily drawing on Victor Klemperer's (1933–1945) diaries and compare his linguistic observations to a corpus of campaigning speeches and programs by the German right-wing populist party AfD (Alternative für Deutschland).
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Wrona-Meryk, Izabela. "Szkoły zawodowe w Częstochowie w latach 1939-1945." Prace Historyczne 148, no. 1 (2021): 143–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/20844069ph.21.009.13686.
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Vocational schools in Częstochowa in the years from 1939 to 1945 The disorganisation of Polish national life which was brought about by the outbreak of the World War II, commenced by the invasion of Poland by Hitler’s Germany, afflicted the spheres of education and science just as severely as all the others. The occupying forces set out to destroy all that bore the hallmarks of being Polish, evicting teaching staff and students from the school buildings, confiscating school equipment and subjecting teachers as well as students to forced labour, death, starvation, and torture in the name of achieving occupier’s political goals. However, the Polish school community did not remain indifferent to the actions of the enemy. Quite the opposite, in fact: it took up the fight by means of organizing clandestine tuition and also engaging in conspiratorial activities, which cost the lives of numerous teachers and students of the vocational schools of Częstochowa.
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Alix-Nicolaï, Florian. "Exile Drama: The Translation of Ernst Toller's Pastor Hall (1939)." Translation and Literature 24, no. 2 (July 2015): 190–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/tal.2015.0201.
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Ernst Toller's Pastor Hall, one of the first plays to depict life in a concentration camp, counts among the few anti-Nazi dramas translated into English before World War Two. The process by which it came to the British stage reveals the impact of censorship on authors and translators of anti-Fascist plays. It also reveals conflicting aesthetic strategies to tackle fascism. While Toller relied on straightforward documentary realism, one of his translators, W. H. Auden, championed anti-illusionism and distrusted propaganda art. In the cultural fight to reclaim Germany's heritage from the Nazis, German writers in exile viewed translations as urgent messages demanding prompt action, whereas British writers tended to see them as an archive for future generations.
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KOSTRZEWA-ZORBAS, Grzegorz. "GERMAN REPARATIONS TO POLAND FOR WORLD WAR II ON GLOBAL BACKGROUND." National Security Studies 14, no. 2 (December 19, 2018): 183–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.37055/sbn/132131.
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No other country in the world suffered a greater measurable and verifiable loss of human and material resources than Poland during World War II in 1939-1945. According to the first approximation, the value of human and material losses inflicted to Poland by Nazi Germany amounts to 6.495 trillion US dollars of 2018.However, Poland never received war reparations from Germany. The article is a preliminary survey of the complex issue – conducted in an interdisciplinary way combining elements of legal, economic, and political analysis, because the topic belongs to the wide and multidisciplinary field of national and international security. Refuted in the article is an internationally popular myth that communist Poland unilaterally renounced German war reparations in 1953. Then the article discusses the global background of the topic in the 20th and 21st centuries – in particular, the case of Greece whose reparations claims Germany rejects like the Polish claims, and major cases of reparations actually paid: by Germany for World War I, by Germany to Israel and Jewish organizations for the Holocaust, by Japan for World War II – at 966 billion US dollars of 2018, the largest reparations ever – and by and Iraq for the Gulf War. The article concludes with a discussion of necessary further research with advanced methodology of several sciences, and of a possible litigation before the International Court of Justice – or a diplomatic solution to the problem of war reparations.
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Komolov, Dilshod P. "JUDICIAL SYSTEM OF UZBEKISTANIN THE YEARS OF THE SECOND WORLD WAR." JOURNAL OF LOOK TO THE PAST 4, no. 8 (August 30, 2021): 27–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.26739/2181-9599-2021-8-4.
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This article describes the history of the judicial system of the Uzbek SSR in 1939-1945 on the basis of a comparative analysis of a large number of historical sources and legal documents. According to the Stalinist Constitution and the law on the judicial system adopted in 1938, changes in the judicial system of the Uzbek SSR, the national composition of judges, staff turnover and the factors that led to this were discussed. The article also describes the mobilization of judges from Uzbekistan to the front after the invasion of the Soviet Union by fascist Germany, increasing the competence of military tribunals, types of criminal and civil cases considered by courts of general jurisdiction, activities carried out in the field of training lawyers
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Ekwe-Ekwe, Herbert. "Africans Had No Business Fighting in Either the 1914–1918 War or the 1939–1945 War." Journal of Asian and African Studies 57, no. 1 (November 18, 2021): 11–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00219096211054907.
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The wars of 1914–1918 and 1939–1945 are without parallel in the expansive stretch of decades of the pan-European conquest and occupation of Africa in creating such profound opportunity to study the very entrenched desire by the European conqueror-states in Africa to perpetuate their control on the continent and its peoples indefinitely. The two principal protagonists in each conflict, Britain and Germany, were the lead powers of these conqueror-states that had formally occupied Africa since 1885. Against this cataclysmic background of history, Africans found themselves conscripted by both sides of the confrontation line in 1914–1918 to at once fight wars for and against their aggressors during which 1 million Africans were killed. Clearly, this was a case of double-jeopardy of conquered and occupied peoples fighting for their enemy-occupiers. In the follow-up 1939–1945 war, when Germany indeed no longer occupied any African land (having been defeated in the 1914–1918 encounter), Britain and allies France and Belgium (all continuing occupying powers in Africa) conscripted Africans, yet again, to fight for these powers in their new confrontation against Germany, and Japan, a country that was in no way an aggressor force in Africa. Hundreds of thousands of Africans were killed in this second war. In neither of these conflicts, as this study demonstrates, do the leaders of these warring countries who occupied (or hitherto occupied) Africa ever view their enforced presence in Africa as precisely the scenario or outcome they wished their own homeland was not subjected to by their enemies. On the contrary, just as it was their position in the aftermath of the 1914–1918 war, Britain, France, Belgium, Spain and Portugal in 1945 each envisaged the continuing occupation of the states and peoples of Africa they had seized by force prior to these conflicts. Winston Churchill, the British prime minster at the time, was adamant: ‘I had not become the king’s first minister in order to preside over the liquidation of the British Empire’. Charles de Gaulle, leader of the anti-German ‘free French forces’, was no less categorical on this score: ‘Self-government [in French-occupied Africa, Asia, the Caribbean, South America, the Pacific and elsewhere in the world] must be rejected – even in the more distant future’.
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Luchkanyn, Serhii. "Romania in the Second World War 1939–1945: unknown facts and new views on the problem." European Historical Studies, no. 9 (2018): 79–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2018.09.79-95.
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The article is devoted to the analysis of different views in Romanian historiography on the participation of I. Antonescu, along with Germany, Italy, Hungary, Slovakia and Finland, in the war against the USSR, starting from June 22, 1941. It is known that the decision to join the anti-Soviet war was taken by I. Antonescu alone, without any consultation with any political group, or even with the king Mihai, who has learned from the BBC radio that Romania had entered the war with the USSR. First, the war was proclaimed as a “sacred war” against Bolshevism for the return of Bessarabia and Northern Bukovina, received full support from the king and from the leaders of the “historical parties”, as well as from a wide range of the population. However, in August 1941, at the request of Hitler, having already military rank of Marshal, Ion Antonescu decided to continue the war in the East, which has been completely unfounded (the territory to the East of the Dniester never belonged to Romania). The modern Romanian historiographers emphasize that the continuation of the anti-Soviet war on the other side of the Dniester, which led to large (and useless) human losses, has become one of Antonescu’s greatest mistakes. The article also raises the issue of the Holocaust in Romania during the Second World War (suppressed during the communist years), the decline in the scale of the tragedy in that period. It is noted that the arrest of I. Antonescu on August 23, 1944 was the merit of the young king, Mihai I, and his entourage, and not the Communist Party of Romania represented by Lucreţiu Pătrăşcanu.
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Kim, Dongkyu. "A Historical Study on Brand Propaganda during World War II: Focusing on the United States from 1939 to 1945." Locality & Communication 25, no. 4 (November 30, 2021): 35–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.47020/jlc.2021.11.25.4.35.
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Tausendfreund, Doris, Natalya Timofeeva, and Tatyana Evdokimova. "Forced Labor in Nazi Germany: Online Archive of Interviews and Related Educational Online Platform." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no. 1 (February 2019): 183–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2019.1.16.
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Introduction.The article deals with the problem of forced labor in Nazi Germany during the Second World War. Despite the existence of profound scientific publications devoted to this problem in Russia and abroad, it still needs to be developed. The article emphasizes the urgency of its research in historical, anthropological and humanities perspective, because personal experience of those who survived after forced labor in Nazi Germany, must be stored in collective memory and comprehended by subsequent generations. Methods and materials. Digital Humanities based on the method of oral history allows to solve this problem. The article presents two options of practical implementation of the issue: the online archive of the interview Forced Labor in 1939-1945. Memories and history and related online platform Learning based on interviews. Forced labor in 1939-1945. The archive includes about 600 narrative biographical interviews with victims of Nazi forced labor in 26 countries. The site accompanying the archive is now available in English, German, Russian and Czech. The second project is based on six specially selected interviews from the archive. Broad source base and nationally-oriented concept of forced labor in Nazi Germany, presented on the platform, create the historical context necessary for using this resource primarily in the secondary educational system of the Russian Federation. Analysis and results. The article shows the possibility of using archive-interviews in science and education, and emphasizes that traditional and new methods of historical research can complement each other. The article emphasizes that biographical films created on the basis of interviews can make the memory of forced labor in Nazi Germany, first of all, of “eastern workers” and Soviet prisoners of war more visible in Russian cultural memory. Contribution of authors to writing an article. Characteristics of peculiarity of oral historical sources, online collections of interviews, compensation payments are given by D. Thousendfreund. Analytics of the project “Forced Labor 1939-1945. Memoirs and History “and online platform” Learning based on interviews. Forced labor 1939-1945”, as well as conclusions are prepared by N.P. Timofeev. Introduction, problem historiography and general editing of the article belong to T.V. Evdokimova.
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DENTON, CHAD. "‘Récupérez!’ The German Origins of French Wartime Salvage Drives, 1939–1945." Contemporary European History 22, no. 3 (July 1, 2013): 399–430. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777313000210.
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AbstractThis article examines the origins, implementation and results of salvage drives carried out in wartime France from 1939 to 1945. In post-war accounts – including memoirs and local histories of the occupation – these salvage drives were understood simply as wartime frugality, a logical response to wide-spread shortages. Yet a careful study of the records of both the French Ministry of Armaments and Vichy's Service de la Récupération et de l'Utilisation des Déchets et Vieilles Matières combined with municipal and departmental sources reveals that these salvage drives were heavily influenced by Nazi German practices. From 1939 to 1940, even though French propaganda had previously ridiculed Nazi German salvage drives as proof of economic weakness, officials at the Ministry of Armaments emulated Nazi Germany by carrying out salvage drives of scrap iron and paper. After the fall of France, this emulation became collaboration. Vichy's salvage efforts were a conjoint Franco-German initiative, organised at the very highest levels of the occupation administration. Drawing on the experience of Nazi German salvage experts, Vichy officials carried out the salvage drives according to German models. Nevertheless, they carefully hid the German origins of the campaign from the chain of departmental prefects, mayors, Chambers of Commerce and youth leaders who organised the local drives and solicited participation by evoking French patriotic sentiment. After the liberation of France in 1944, the French Provisional Government renamed but otherwise maintained the Vichy-created salvage organisations and continued to oversee the collection of scrap iron, paper, rags, glass and bones until 1946. At that point, the government largely relinquished control of the salvage industry.
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Rutherford, J. "Germany and the Second World War, volume IX/II: German Wartime Society 1939-1945: Exploitation, Interpretations, Exclusion." German History 33, no. 1 (October 6, 2014): 162–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gerhis/ghu098.
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Siegel, Mona, and Kirsten Harjes. "Disarming Hatred: History Education, National Memories, and Franco-German Reconciliation from World War I to the Cold War." History of Education Quarterly 52, no. 3 (August 2012): 370–402. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1748-5959.2012.00404.x.
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On May 4, 2006, French and German cultural ministers announced the publication of Histoire/Geschichte, the world's first secondary school history textbook produced jointly by two countries. Authored by a team of French and German historians and published simultaneously in both languages, the book's release drew considerable public attention. French and German heads-of-state readily pointed to the joint history textbook as a shining example of the close and positive relations between their two countries, while their governments heralded the book for “symbolically sealing Franco-German reconciliation.” Beyond European shores, East Asian commentators in particular have taken note of Franco-German textbook collaboration, citing it as a possible model for how to work through their own region's often antagonistic past. Diplomatic praise is not mere hyperbole. From the Franco-Prussian War (1870) through World War I (1914–1918) and World War II (1939–1945), France and Germany were widely perceived to be “hereditary enemies.” The publication of Histoire/Geschichte embodies one of the most crucial developments in modern international relations: the emergence of France and Germany as the “linchpin” of the New Europe.