Academic literature on the topic 'World War, 1939-1945 – France – Drama'

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Journal articles on the topic "World War, 1939-1945 – France – Drama"

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Deli, Peter. "Esprit and the Soviet Invasions of Hungary and Czechoslovakia." Contemporary European History 9, no. 1 (March 2000): 39–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777300001028.

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There has been extensive debate on changing attitudes within the French left-wing intelligentsia in the decades following the Second World War and more specifically on why so many intellectuals became fellow travellers and were attracted to Stalinism in the period between 1945 and 1953. Esprit's reactions to de-Stalinisation from the time of the Russian invasion of Hungary in 1956 to the Soviet suppression of the Czech attempt to reform communism from within in 1968 are of interest, since Esprit was the most prominent Catholic left-wing but non-Marxist journal in France. In view of Esprit's very strong reaction to the Hungarian Revolution, its relative silence in 1968 on the drama that was being played out in Czechoslovakia requires explanation. Finally, because Esprit broke with communism in late 1956, intellectuals writing for that journal experienced little difficulty in adjusting to the new French intellectual climate of the mid-1970s.
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Peskova, Anna Yu. "Modern Slovak drama about The Second World War." Vestnik slavianskikh kul’tur [Bulletin of Slavic Cultures] 63 (2022): 268–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.37816/2073-9567-2022-63-268-277.

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The paper addresses the Slovak drama of the 21st century dedicated to the Second World War, the Holocaust, and the Slovak National Uprising. After the “velvet revolution” of 1989, interest in the military and insurgent theme in Slovak art as a whole declined sharply, but as early as in the 21st century playwrights and theaters of Slovakia are increasingly beginning to return to these topics. Many of these plays created in the last twenty years were written in order to actualize public discussions about the period of the Slovak Republic (1939–1945), around the mass deportation of Jews from its territory, around the arization, etc. The main task of these plays` authors is to put serious moral questions before the viewer. For this purpose, the paper focuses on social and historical context in which National Socialism spread in Slovakia. Such are, for example, the works of R. Ballek “Tiso”, P. Rankov “It Happened on the First of September (or Some Other Time)”, A. Gruskova “The Woman Rabbi”, V. Klimachek “The Holocaust”, Y. Yuraneva “The Silent Whip”. One of the most important questions that Slovak writers and society have been asking in recent decades is the question of how and why Slovaks actually joined Nazi Germany during the Second World War, what prompted them to do this.
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Echenberg, Myron. "‘Morts Pour La France’; The African Soldier in France during the Second World War." Journal of African History 26, no. 4 (October 1985): 363–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700028796.

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The involvement of African combatants in France from 1939 to 1945 probably surpassed the large mobilization of an earlier generation during the First World War. Carefully prepared ideologically and well received by the French public, Africans nevertheless paid a heavy price in lives and suffering as soldiers during the Battle of France and as prisoners of the Germans. Liberation brought a new set of tribulations, including discriminatory treatment from French authorities. These hardships culminated in a wave of African soldiers' protests in 1944–5, mainly in France, but including the most serious rising, the so-called mutiny at Thiaroye, outside Dakar, where thirty-five African soldiers were killed.The war's impact was ambiguous. Tragedies like Thiaroye sent shock waves throughout French West Africa, delegitimizing naked force as a political instrument in post-war politics and sweeping away an older form of paternalism. Yet while a militant minority were attracted to more radical forms of political and trade-union organization, most African veterans reaffirmed their loyalties to the French State, which ultimately paid their pensions.
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SPÄTH, JENS. "The Unifying Element? European Socialism and Anti-Fascism, 1939–1945." Contemporary European History 25, no. 4 (October 14, 2016): 687–706. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777316000400.

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Far too often studies in contemporary history have concentrated on national stories. By contrast, this article analyses wartime discourses about and practices against fascism in France, Germany and Italy in a comparative and – as far as possible – transnational perspective. By looking at individual biographies some general aspects of socialist anti-fascism, as well as similarities and differences within anti-fascism, shall be identified and start to fill the gap which Jacques Droz left in 1985 when he ended hisHistoire de l'antifascisme en Europewith the outbreak of the Second World War. To visualise the transnational dimension of socialist anti-fascism both in discourse and practice different categories shall be considered. These include historical analyses and projects for the post-war order in letters, newspapers, periodicals, pamphlets and books, acts of solidarity like mutual aid networks set up by groups and institutions and forms of collaboration in resistance movements.
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Harviainen, Tapani. "The Jews in Finland and World War II." Nordisk Judaistik/Scandinavian Jewish Studies 21, no. 1-2 (September 1, 2000): 157–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.30752/nj.69575.

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In the years 1989–1944 two different wars against the Soviet Union were imposed upon Finland. During the Winter War of 1989–1940 Germany remained strictly neutral on the basis of the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact&&Great Britain and France planned intervention in favour of Finland. When the second, so-called Continuation War broke out in the summer of 1041, Finland was co-belligerent of Germany, and Great Britain declared war on Finland in December 1941. De jure, however, Finland was never an ally of Germany, and at the end of the war, in the winter 1944–1945, the Finnish armed forces expelled the German troops from Lapland, which was devastated by the Germans during their retreat to Norway. Military service was compulsory for each male citizen of Finland. In 1939 the Jewish population of Finland numbered 1 700. Of these, 260 men were called up and approximately 200 were sent to serve at the front during the Winter War.
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LYNCH, FRANCES M. B. "FINANCE AND WELFARE: THE IMPACT OF TWO WORLD WARS ON DOMESTIC POLICY IN FRANCE." Historical Journal 49, no. 2 (June 2006): 625–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x06005371.

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Fathers, families, and the state in France, 1914–1945. By Kristen Stromberg Childers. Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press, 2003. Pp. 261. ISBN 0-8014-4122-6. £23.95.Origins of the French welfare state: the struggle for social reform in France, 1914–1947. By Paul V. Dutton. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002. Pp. 251. ISBN 0-521-81334-4. £49.99.Britain, France, and the financing of the First World War. By Martin Horn. Montreal and Kingston: McGill – Queen's University Press, 2002. Pp. 249. ISBN 0-7735-2293-X. £65.00.The gold standard illusion: France, the Bank of France and the International Gold Standard, 1914–1939. By Kenneth Mouré. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002. Pp. 297. ISBN 0-19-924904-0. £40.00.Workers' participation in post-Liberation France. By Adam Steinhouse. Lanham: Lexington Books, 2001. Pp. 245. ISBN 0-7391-0282-6. $70.00 (hb). ISBN 0-7391-0283-4. $24.95 (pbk).In the traditional historiography of twentieth-century France the period after the Second World War is usually contrasted favourably with that after 1918. After 1945, new men with new ideas, born out of the shock of defeat in 1940 and resistance to Nazi occupation, laid the basis for an economic and social democracy. The welfare state was created, women were given full voting rights, and French security, in both economic and territorial respects, was partially guaranteed by integrating West Germany into a new supranational institutional structure in Western Europe. 1945 was to mark the beginning of the ‘30 glorious years’ of peace and prosperity enjoyed by an expanding population in France. In sharp contrast, the years after 1918 are characterized as a period dominated by France's failed attempts to restore its status as a great power. Policies based on making the German taxpayer finance France's restoration are blamed for contributing to the great depression after 1929 and the rise of Hitler. However, as more research is carried out into the social and economic reconstruction of France after both world wars, it is becoming clear that the basis of what was to become the welfare state after 1945 was laid in the aftermath of the First World War. On the other hand, new reforms adopted in 1945 which did not build on interwar policies, such as those designed to give workers a voice in decision-making at the workplace, proved to be short-lived.
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Siegel, Mona, and Kirsten Harjes. "Disarming Hatred: History Education, National Memories, and Franco-German Reconciliation from World War I to the Cold War." History of Education Quarterly 52, no. 3 (August 2012): 370–402. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1748-5959.2012.00404.x.

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On May 4, 2006, French and German cultural ministers announced the publication of Histoire/Geschichte, the world's first secondary school history textbook produced jointly by two countries. Authored by a team of French and German historians and published simultaneously in both languages, the book's release drew considerable public attention. French and German heads-of-state readily pointed to the joint history textbook as a shining example of the close and positive relations between their two countries, while their governments heralded the book for “symbolically sealing Franco-German reconciliation.” Beyond European shores, East Asian commentators in particular have taken note of Franco-German textbook collaboration, citing it as a possible model for how to work through their own region's often antagonistic past. Diplomatic praise is not mere hyperbole. From the Franco-Prussian War (1870) through World War I (1914–1918) and World War II (1939–1945), France and Germany were widely perceived to be “hereditary enemies.” The publication of Histoire/Geschichte embodies one of the most crucial developments in modern international relations: the emergence of France and Germany as the “linchpin” of the New Europe.
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Ekwe-Ekwe, Herbert. "Africans Had No Business Fighting in Either the 1914–1918 War or the 1939–1945 War." Journal of Asian and African Studies 57, no. 1 (November 18, 2021): 11–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00219096211054907.

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The wars of 1914–1918 and 1939–1945 are without parallel in the expansive stretch of decades of the pan-European conquest and occupation of Africa in creating such profound opportunity to study the very entrenched desire by the European conqueror-states in Africa to perpetuate their control on the continent and its peoples indefinitely. The two principal protagonists in each conflict, Britain and Germany, were the lead powers of these conqueror-states that had formally occupied Africa since 1885. Against this cataclysmic background of history, Africans found themselves conscripted by both sides of the confrontation line in 1914–1918 to at once fight wars for and against their aggressors during which 1 million Africans were killed. Clearly, this was a case of double-jeopardy of conquered and occupied peoples fighting for their enemy-occupiers. In the follow-up 1939–1945 war, when Germany indeed no longer occupied any African land (having been defeated in the 1914–1918 encounter), Britain and allies France and Belgium (all continuing occupying powers in Africa) conscripted Africans, yet again, to fight for these powers in their new confrontation against Germany, and Japan, a country that was in no way an aggressor force in Africa. Hundreds of thousands of Africans were killed in this second war. In neither of these conflicts, as this study demonstrates, do the leaders of these warring countries who occupied (or hitherto occupied) Africa ever view their enforced presence in Africa as precisely the scenario or outcome they wished their own homeland was not subjected to by their enemies. On the contrary, just as it was their position in the aftermath of the 1914–1918 war, Britain, France, Belgium, Spain and Portugal in 1945 each envisaged the continuing occupation of the states and peoples of Africa they had seized by force prior to these conflicts. Winston Churchill, the British prime minster at the time, was adamant: ‘I had not become the king’s first minister in order to preside over the liquidation of the British Empire’. Charles de Gaulle, leader of the anti-German ‘free French forces’, was no less categorical on this score: ‘Self-government [in French-occupied Africa, Asia, the Caribbean, South America, the Pacific and elsewhere in the world] must be rejected – even in the more distant future’.
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Andrews, Naomi J., Simon Jackson, Jessica Wardhaugh, Shannon Fogg, Jessica Lynne Pearson, Elizabeth Campbell, Laura Levine Frader, Joshua Cole, Elizabeth A. Foster, and Owen White. "Book Reviews." French Politics, Culture & Society 37, no. 3 (December 1, 2019): 123–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/fpcs.2019.370307.

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Silyane Larcher, L’Autre Citoyen: L’idéal républicain et les Antilles après l’esclavage (Paris: Armand Colin, 2014).Elizabeth Heath, Wine, Sugar, and the Making of Modern France: Global Economic Crisis and the Racialization of French Citizenship, 1870–1910 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2014).Rebecca Scales, Radio and the Politics of Sound in Interwar France, 1921–1939 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2016).Claire Zalc, Dénaturalisés: Les retraits de nationalité sous Vichy (Paris: Éditions du Seuil, 2016).Bertram M. Gordon, War Tourism: Second World War France from Defeat and Occupation to the Creation of Heritage (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2018).Shannon L. Fogg, Stealing Home: Looting, Restitution, and Reconstructing Jewish Lives in France, 1942–1947 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2017).Sarah Fishman, From Vichy to the Sexual Revolution: Gender and Family Life in Postwar France (New York: Oxford University Press, 2017).Frederick Cooper, Citizenship between Empire and Nation: Remaking France and French Africa, 1945–1960 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2014).Jessica Lynne Pearson, The Colonial Politics of Global Health: France and the United Nations in Postwar Africa (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2018). Darcie Fontaine, Decolonizing Christianity: Religion and the End of Empire in France and Algeria (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2016).
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Kornat, Marek. "Stolica Apostolska w polskiej polityce zagranicznej na uchodźstwie (Wrzesień 1939 – czerwiec 1940)." Polski Przegląd Stosunków Miedzynarodowych, no. 5 (May 3, 2018): 45. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/ppsm.2015.05.02.

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The Holy See In Polish Foreign Policy of the Government on exile (September 1939 — June 1940) The article is devoted to the reexamining of the policy of Polish Government on exile toward the Holy See after Poland’s defeat in September 1939 and the reestablishment of the legal authorities of Poland in France, under President Raczkiewicz and General Sikorski as Prime Minister. Terminus ad quem of the narration is the collapse of France and transfer of the Government of Poland to London in June 1940. Problems of Vatican’s perception of Polish Question is discussed on the basis of Polish archival documents, especially those of Polish Embassy to the Holy See. Vatican-Polish relations at the beginning of the World War II require special attention because the last treatment of this highly debatable problem was made in historiography by Zofia Waszkiewicz more than thirty five years ago in her monograph Polityka Watykanu wobec Polski 1939–1945 [Policy of the Vatican toward Poland 1939—1945] (Warsaw 1980). How much Polish diplomacy achieved fighting for the Holy See’s support against Nazi Germany? Two things must be said. Firstly, the Holy See recognized the legal continuity of Polish State after the German-Soviet occupation of Poland’s territory in September 1939, but did not sent the papal nuncio to Angers, when Polish Government resided. Secondly, Polish thesis on the special significance of Polish Question as the test-case of international justice received the positive response of the Pope Pius XII in his encyclical Summi Pontificatus published on October 20 1939, but the guidelines of Vatican’s policy were based on the doctrine of strict neutrality of the Papacy in the international relations. It did not permit for Papal condemnation ex officio of the Nazi crimes and criminal policy of extermination in Poland.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "World War, 1939-1945 – France – Drama"

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Burton, Kathleen M. "The Christian resistance in France during the Second World War : its uniqueness and obscurity /." View abstract, 2000. http://library.ctstateu.edu/ccsu%5Ftheses/1581.html.

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Thesis (M.A.)--Central Connecticut State University, 2000.
Thesis advisor: Marie-Claire Rohinsky. " ... in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts [in Modern Languages]." Includes bibliographical references (leaves 99-101).
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Jarymowycz, Roman J. "The quest for operational maneuver in the Normandy campaign : Simonds and Montgomery attempt the armoured breakout." Thesis, McGill University, 1997. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=34742.

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Mechanization signaled the end of the cavalry but the renaissance of heavy cavalry doctrine. The tank heralded the return of breakthrough operations and maneuver warfare. Initially, the western cavalries refused doctrinal revision and chose instead to fight bitter rear guard actions against Fullerist zealots.
The Canadian Cavalry, prompted by Blitzkrieg's triumphs, effortlessly evolved into a tank force---virtually overnight. Canadian doctrine, however, was ersatz. Denied its own vast training areas, the RCAC was sandwiched into southern England and saddled with British warfighting techniques developed in the Western Desert. In Normandy, Canadian operational art was driven by Generals Simonds and Crerar, both gunners, who had neither the skill nor experience to conduct armoured warfare. Hampered by General Montgomery's inability to reproduce a strategic offensive comparable to that demonstrated on the Russian front, Allied armoured forces were squandered in mismanaged frontal attacks.
In the United States, the attempts to protect the horse forced a praetorian's revolt that ended with General Chaffee garroting the US Cavalry, eliminating it from future battlefields. The doctrinal dominance of the American Armored Force was subsequently threatened by a cabal under artillery General Leslie McNair who imposed the Tank Destroyer philosophy. Internecine squabbles and economic nationalism prevented America from producing a tank capable of meeting German panzers on even terms. Though failing technically, the US Armored force succeeded doctrinally via the Louisiana maneuvers and produced a balanced Armored Division. General Bradley's 12th Army Group arrived in France with a purposeful dogma that had been further refined at the Combat Command, Divisional, and Corps level in North Africa and Sicily.
American armour maneuvered during Operation Cobra but it did not fight massed panzers; this was soon redressed in Lorraine where American armoured doctrine reached tactical maturity. Canadian armour fought tank battles throughout Operations Spring, Totalize and Tractable, but it did not maneuver. American and Canadian armour's best opportunity for strategic victory occurred in Normandy. The Canadians, despite better tanks and favourable terrain, failed operationally and received no second chance.
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Woodfork, Jacqueline Cassandra. "Senegalese soldiers in the Second World War : loyalty and identity politics in the French colonial army /." Full text (PDF) from UMI/Dissertation Abstracts International, 2001. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/utexas/fullcit?p3008471.

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Langlois, Suzanne 1954. "La résistance dans le cinéma français de fiction (1944-1994) /." Thesis, McGill University, 1996. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=42073.

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The subject of this doctoral dissertation is a thematic study of the representation of the Resistance in French fiction films since 1944. This work encompasses the larger fields of history and memory of the Resistance and the Second World War. It is a cinematographic historiography which explores 50 years of film production about the French Resistance. It analyzes the historical choices put forward by film, the censorship which had to be overcome, as well as the sources it used. It also examines how film contributes to the formation of historical consciousness. These developments are compared with the written history of the Resistance. The sources for this work include both visual and written materials: films, preliminary documents, censorship files, and film criticism. Nine interviews provide an additional aspect to this corpus. The parallel drawn between the historiography of the Resistance and the films allowed for a better understanding of the fluctuating relationship between film and historical studies. Also, the examination of this filmography from the perspective of women resisters permitted filmic analysis to move beyond the traditional and politically oriented evaluations of films based on Gaullist or communist memory.
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Jones, Benjamin F. "Freeing France the Allies, the Resistance, and the JEDBURGHs." Lawrence, KS : University of Kansas, 2008. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA488406.

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Pearson, Chris. "War on the land : an environmental history of the Second World War and its aftermath in South Eastern France, 1939-1945." Thesis, University of Bristol, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1983/c756556a-201f-4102-9598-36aa8d064b30.

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Through a detailed case study of South-Eastern France, this thesis represents the first environmental history of the "dark years" and their aftermath. Contributing to Vichy historiography, environmental histories of war, and French environmental history, this study argues that nature mattered during the years of war and occupation, both materially and culturally. The natural environment was a site of combat, a means for constructing identities during a time of political and social upheaval, and a "victim" of human conflict. Following defeat in 1940, the Vichy regime launched an ultimately unsuccessful war against "wasteland," born of ideological convictions and severe material shortages. Forests represented a particularly important source of natural resources and were consequendy over-exploited, as well as being transformed into political spaces by both Vichy and the resistance. In addition, occupation armies plundered forest resources and used them for military manoeuvres, developments which French foresters struggled to restrain. Similarly, nature preservationists battled to preserve the Camargue from agricultural modernisation, military manoeuvres, and German submersion plans, aided (unwittingly) by nature. Elsewhere, Vichy and the Club Alpin Franc?ais mobilised mountains as a space in which to remake French masculinity. This mobilisation of the mountains was echoed by the resistance, especially in the Vercors, which was transformed into a "natural fortress." This intense human activity necessitated the reconstruction of the environment in the postwar era, which was planned and state-led through schemes such as the Fonds Forestier National. Just as it had between 1940 and 1944, nature continues to matter, and plays a role in preserving and obscuring memories of the war. Drawing on governmental and other archival sources (some previously unexamined), this thesis aims to demonstrate the relevancy of environmental history to wider historiography, as well as inform contemporary concerns about the complex relationship between war and nature.
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Woolner, David B. 1955. "Storm in the north Atlantic : the St. Pierre and Miquelon affair of 1941." Thesis, McGill University, 1990. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=59988.

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About twelve miles to the south of Newfoundland's Burin Peninsula, there are two small islands, called St. Pierre and Miquelon which have belonged to France for nearly four centuries. In June of 1940 when France succumbed to the onslaught of the Nazis, the territory, like all other French holdings in the New World, fell under the control of the Vichy French government. But on December 24th, 1941, the Islands were seized by a Free French Naval task force acting under the direction of Charles de Gaulle, who had ordered this action not only in direct contradiction to the expressed wishes of the Allies, but also after having specifically assured them that he would not attempt to undertake such a move. The result was a serious diplomatic crisis, the ramifications of which far outweighed any importance the Islands themselves may have had. For by seizing this territory de Gaulle had brought himself into direct conflict with U.S. policy regarding the Western Hemisphere and, in addition, created great difficulties between the Allies over the issue of U.S. recognition of Vichy, versus British support for de Gaulle.
This thesis, then, will examine the events which led up to this crisis, and will attempt to ascertain what significance, if any, it had on the conduct of the war as a whole.
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Goldenstedt, Christiane. "Les femmes dans la Résistance." Herbolzheim : Centaurus-Verl, 2006. http://deposit.d-nb.de/cgi-bin/dokserv?id=2842449&prov=M&dok_var=1&dok_ext=htm.

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Floto, Mark Edward 1959, and Mark Edward 1959 Floto. "France 1940: the anatomy of a rout." Thesis, The University of Arizona, 1986. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/558055.

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Flint, E. R. "The Development of British civil affairs and its employment in the British sector of allied military operations during the Battle of Normandy, June to August 1944." Thesis, Department of Applied Science, Security and Resilience, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1826/4017.

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Civil Affairs and its more robust sibling, Military Government, were military organisations designed to ensure that basic civil order and welfare were maintained in those allied and enemy states encountered on operations during the Second World War. In so doing, they enabled formation commanders to focus on defeating enemy forces without being distracted by possible civilian problems. Using the battle of Normandy as a case study, this research assesses the utility of Civil Affairs in supporting military needs during operations. This contrasts with previous studies that concentrate on aspects of social and diplomatic history. If the need for Civil Affairs was generally axiomatic, there was much debate as to the extent and method of delivery required. Civil Affairs quickly recognised that in dealing with direct problems such as “disorganisation, disease and unrest” it was necessary for seemingly indirect aspects of civilian life to be maintained. Various forms of bureaucratic friction resulted and several Civil Affairs approaches were used, before the model for the North West Europe campaign was agreed. Nevertheless, the organisation employed in Normandy was arguably the most extensive and best prepared of the war. However, it also had to deal with many different civilian problems and in trying military circumstances. Consequently, the battle is fertile ground for the examination of the extent and nature of the organisation’s operational utility. Using primary and secondary sources, this paper argues that Civil Affairs was militarily both useful and necessary. Furthermore, it was able to provide wider diplomatic and political benefits as well as serving core military needs. The research concludes by acknowledging that whilst mistakes were made, the various improvements made to Civil Affairs in preparation for, together with the lessons learnt during, Normandy stood the organisation in good stead for the significantly larger problems encountered later in the war.
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Books on the topic "World War, 1939-1945 – France – Drama"

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Remember my name: A story of survival in wartime France. New York: S. French, 1989.

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Franco-Serrano Suñer: Un drama político. Barcelona, España: Planeta, 1986.

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Présence de Job dans le théâtre d'après-guerre II en France. Berne: P. Lang, 1988.

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The drama of fallen France: Reading la comédie sans tickets. Albany: State University of New York Press, 2004.

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Hill, Reginald. The collaborators. Woodstock, Vt: Countryman Press, 1989.

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Theatres of war: French committed theatre from the Second World War to the Cold War. Exeter: University of Exeter Press, 1998.

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Dunan, Georges. Le chemin d'ailleurs: Drame passionnel sous l'Occupation. Nîmes: C. Lacour, 1994.

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Le drame de l'Armée française: Du Front populaire à Vichy. Paris: Pygmalion, 2010.

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Becker, Gabriel. Le drame ukrainien en France (1941-1944): Camp du Ban-Saint-Jean (Moselle) : mementote--. [France: s.n., 2005.

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Louis, Malle. Au revoir, les enfants. [Paris]: Gallimard, (Imprimerie Bussière), 2001.

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Book chapters on the topic "World War, 1939-1945 – France – Drama"

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Douglas, Roy. "The Battle of France." In The World War 1939–1945, 30–43. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003187998-4.

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Douglas, Roy. "North Africa and France, 1942-3." In The World War 1939–1945, 156–65. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003187998-14.

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Conner, Thomas H. "The American Battle Monuments Commission and World War II, 1939–1945." In War and Remembrance, 143–75. University Press of Kentucky, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5810/kentucky/9780813176314.003.0006.

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This chapter discusses the measures taken in order to secure the safety of the American memorials and the employees who tended them during the Second World War. Concern over the spreading war and growing hardship culminated in the evacuation of all the American employees of the commission, along with their dependents, from France and Belgium in 1941. Surprisingly, the monuments only suffered minor damage during the war. This chapter also highlights the efforts of army captain Charles G. Holle and Colonel T. Bentley Mott, the last two Americans to lead the Paris office of the ABMC before the United States entered the war, to preserve the memorial sites. Mott actually returned to wartime France in 1942 to supervise such efforts directly, and ultimately spent months in German custody. When the Allied armies liberated the ABMC sites in 1944, General Eisenhower sent an extremely joyful cable to Pershing announcing the good condition of the cemeteries and monuments.
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"10. From Internees to Liberators: Spanish Republican Exiles in France, 1939–1945." In Spain, the Second World War, and the Holocaust, 199–213. University of Toronto Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/9781487532505-014.

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Weinberg, Gerard L. "2. World War II begins." In World War II: A Very Short Introduction, 20–32. Oxford University Press, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780199688777.003.0003.

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The German attack on Poland began on September 1 1939, and triggered the declaration of war on Germany by Britain, France, Canada, Australia, New Zealand, and the Union of South Africa. Germany and the Soviet Union were agreed on a dual attack on Poland from the West and East, which left Poland unable to defend itself. An important aspect of the war between Germany and the Allies was the war of the oceans. The battles between warships, targets on merchant ships, and the use of submarines in the Atlantic and Arctic Oceans continued from 1939 up until Germany's surrender in May 1945 and drew in many Baltic and Scandinavian countries.
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Abulafia, David. "Mare Nostrum – Again, 1918–1945." In The Great Sea. Oxford University Press, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195323344.003.0047.

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While most naval action within the Mediterranean during the First World War took place in the east and in the Adriatic, in waters that lapped the shores of the disintegrating empires of the Ottomans and the Habsburgs, the entire Mediterranean became the setting for rivalry between 1918 and 1939. At the centre of the struggle for mastery of the Mediterranean lay the ambitions of Benito Mussolini, after he won control of Italy in 1922. His attitude to the Mediterranean wavered. At some moments he dreamed of an Italian empire that would stretch to ‘the Oceans’ and offer Italy ‘a place in the sun’; he attempted to make this dream real with the invasion of Abyssinia in 1935, which, apart from its sheer difficulty as a military campaign, was a political disaster because it lost him whatever consideration Britain and France had shown for him until then. At other times his focus was on the Mediterranean itself: Italy, he said, is ‘an island which juts into the Mediterranean’, and yet, the Fascist Grand Council ominously agreed, it was an imprisoned island: ‘the bars of this prison are Corsica, Tunisia, Malta and Cyprus. The guards of this prison are Gibraltar and Suez.’ Italian ambitions had been fed by the peace treaties at the end of the First World War. Not merely did Italy retain the Dodecanese, but the Austrians were pushed back in north-eastern Italy, and Italy acquired much of Italia irredenta, ‘unredeemed Italy’, in the form of Trieste, Istria and, along the Dalmatian coast, Zara (Zadar), which became famous for the excellent cherry brandy produced by the Luxardo family. Fiume (Rijeka) in Istria was seized by the rag-tag private army of the nationalist poet d’Annunzio in 1919, who declared it the seat of the ‘Italian Regency of Carnaro’; despite international opposition, by 1924 Fascist Italy had incorporated it into the fatherland. One strange manifestation, which reveals how important the past was to the Fascist dream, was the creation of institutes to promote the serious study (and italianità, ‘Italianness’) of Corsican, Maltese and Dalmatian history.
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Polańska, Anna. "„Miasto–ruina”. Obraz powojennego Gdańska w fotografiach Kazimierza Lelewicza." In Oblicza Wojny. Tom 5. Miasto i wojna. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/8220-699-9.18.

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Metropolises and cities have always fascinated artists, including those who use photography. World War II brought a hitherto unknown image of the city–ruins. Those who survived the annihilation made an attempt to depict the destruction. The photographs were supposed to be a testimony of the cruelty of war, and years later they also became material used by researchers from many scientific disciplines. Here emerges the specificity of showing the ruins in the context of a photo, which can be a document, but also a piece of art. The ruins became a journalistic and artistic challenge for the creators. Images of the destroyed cities began to be exhibited in museums and galleries, not only in the first years after the end of World War II. In Poland, the way of showing the devastation of Warsaw is symptomatic compared to the cities in the Recovered Territories. The capital has become a symbol of the drama of the whole country. The image of the city from before 1939 was often compared with the image of war damage. The photographs of the ruined: Gdańsk, Szczecin and Wrocław, had a slightly different message. In these cities, they looked for evidence of Polish identity, a centuries-old tradition and historical belonging to the Polish state. The views of the destroyed cities were juxtaposed with the image of the country’s reconstruction, emphasizing the new geopolitical order. It is estimated that ninety percent of the historic center of Gdańsk was destroyed during World War II. In the fall of 1945, Kazimierz Lelewicz (1896–1986), an engineer and artist-photographer by education, came to such a ruined city. He began a long process of documenting the destruction and reconstruction of Gdańsk. What is striking in Lelewicz’s photographs is the juxtaposition of the image of a city–ruin, an extinct, autonomous space, with a city-building, full of life. This combination of images of the urban tissue has a very symbolic and allegorical meaning. In this context, the image of the ruin and the way it was interpreted by Kazimierz Lelewicz is also worth considering. The topic itself provokes the consideration of the theme of ruin in the discourse of memory or oblivion.
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