Journal articles on the topic 'World War, 1939-1945 – Children – Ukraine'

The article provides a comparative analysis of the methodology for concealing war crimes committed by Russia against Ukraine from the beginning of World War II to the current Russian-Ukrainian war (since 2014); show the similarity of the actions of the Nazi regime of Hitler and the racist regime of Putin in the struggle against the Ukrainian national liberation movement and its leaders in the European context. The beginning of Russia’s unprovoked war against Ukraine, the horrific atrocities of the Russian army in Bucha, Irpin, Borodyanka, Mariupol and other cities and villages of our country, uncovered in racist areas, confirmed that nothing had changed from Stalin’s punitive occupiers. times, and in many cases it became even more inhumane and cruel, surpassing the atrocities of the Nazis during World War II. The mass atrocities of the Russian military against civilians, especially women and children, the destruction of maternity hospitals, kindergartens, schools, hospitals, and cultural institutions surpassed the Nazi atrocities of the Nazis during World War II. Today, Russia has acted as a Nazi aggressor not only against Ukraine, but also against the entire Western world. At the same time, the Russian leadership is trying to cover up the traces of their crimes, or shift the blame on the Ukrainians themselves, as in previous years on the Poles, Germans, Finns and others. The aggression of the Russian Federation against Ukraine is manifested in the use of armed force against the sovereignty, territorial integrity, and political independence of Ukraine. War crimes were committed by representatives of the authorities of the Russian Federation, the leadership of its armed forces, regular troops and military units that are not formally subordinate to the leadership of the armed forces under current law. Methods of fabricating and disclosing false information and the methodology of Russian lies have a long tradition. The historical parallels between Hitler’s Nazi regime during World War II and modern-day Putin’s Russia, and the answer to the question of whether their crimes are different, clearly show that there is no such difference. After all, Bucha, Mariupol, Irpin and other Russian-occupied towns and villages in eastern and southern Ukraine have shown the true nature, scale and consequences of the racist regime in action. Key words: Ukrainian national liberation movement, Nazism, racism, war crimes, World War II, Russian-Ukrainian war (since 2014).

After World War II, the welfare workers of the United Nations Relief and Rehabilitation Administration and International Refugee Organization took care of refugee children in post-war Germany and assisted them in returning to their home countries. This article analyses the changes in welfare workers’ decisions about the future of unaccompanied displaced children of presumably Ukrainian origin in the light of the post-1945 transformations. It explores the relationship of transformations in the humanitarian approach to child resettlement with geopolitical ruptures between the former Allies after 1945. It aims to demonstrate that by 1947, welfare workers’ preconceived notion that the ‘best interests’ of Ukrainian children were served by reconnecting them with family and homeland, wherever possible, had given way in the face of political transformations that welfare workers confronted on the ground during the transition from war to peace. Despite their deep commitment to restoring children to their national and familial roots, they soon began to consider that allowing Ukrainian refugee children to emigrate was better for them than their repatriation to Soviet Ukraine.

The history of boarding schools’ formation and development in Ukraine in general and in Transcarpathia in particular is an important source of pedagogical experience, the study, analysis and systematization of which will contribute to understanding of modern globalization in education and designing its future.Purpose is to fnd out the main trends in the boarding schools development and practice in Transcarpathia during the Second World War.Methods: bibliographical search is for the archival and library catalogs study, collections and descriptions; archival materials content analysis (orders government instructions); chronological is for determining the main trends in the boarding schools’ development and practice in Transcarpathia in 1939–1944.Results. Transcarpathian lands territorial subordination to Hungary in 1939 led to a change in the name of the region: instead of Subcarpathian Russia (during the period of Transcarpathian lands belong to the Czechoslovak Republic) Transcarpathian lands that returned to Hungary were called “Subcarpathia”. Childhood education and social protection were the the Podkarpackie Regent Commissioner’s responsibility, who appointed the principal of the Podkarpackie school district, and decisions on orphans and children deprived of parental care were the district orphanage courts’ responsibility. The Hungarian government organized a number of humanitarian actions in the returned territories through the involvement of government organizations “Hungarian for Hungarian” and the State League for the Protection of Children. With the beginning of hostilities, some boarding schools were subject to re-profiling: a separate structural unit of the Mukachevo State Orphanage “Orphanage for the crippled” was reorganized into the therapeutic department of the hospital in Mukachevo, and the educational building of the orphanage in Nad Sevlyush transferred to the use of the Hungarian army. The living and feeding conditions of pupils in boarding schools in Podkarpackie, and especially in orphanages (Greek-Catholic orphanage “Holy Family”) and family-type settlements have become more complicated. Constant changes in the pupils’ contingent, state orphanages employees’ places of work have led to late and incorrect payment of salaries to teachers and support staff of boarding schools.Conclusions. The boarding schools practice in Transcarpathia in the period 1939–1944 is characterized by the following trends: 1)boarding education curtailment in connection with the hostilities start, which reduced staffing and reduced the level of material and technical support of the educational process in boarding schools; 2)spreading the religious and public organizations influence (League for the Children’s Protection, “Levente”, “Hungarian for Hungarian”, etc.)Key words: boarding schools, orphanages, Transcarpathia, Hungary.

The history of boarding schools’ formation and development in Ukraine in general and in Transcarpathia in particular is an important source of pedagogical experience, the study, analysis and systematization of which will contribute to understanding of modern globalization in education and designing its future.Purpose is to fnd out the main trends in the boarding schools development and practice in Transcarpathia during the Second World War.Methods: bibliographical search is for the archival and library catalogs study, collections and descriptions; archival materials content analysis (orders government instructions); chronological is for determining the main trends in the boarding schools’ development and practice in Transcarpathia in 1939–1944.Results. Transcarpathian lands territorial subordination to Hungary in 1939 led to a change in the name of the region: instead of Subcarpathian Russia (during the period of Transcarpathian lands belong to the Czechoslovak Republic) Transcarpathian lands that returned to Hungary were called “Subcarpathia”. Childhood education and social protection were the the Podkarpackie Regent Commissioner’s responsibility, who appointed the principal of the Podkarpackie school district, and decisions on orphans and children deprived of parental care were the district orphanage courts’ responsibility. The Hungarian government organized a number of humanitarian actions in the returned territories through the involvement of government organizations “Hungarian for Hungarian” and the State League for the Protection of Children. With the beginning of hostilities, some boarding schools were subject to re-profiling: a separate structural unit of the Mukachevo State Orphanage “Orphanage for the crippled” was reorganized into the therapeutic department of the hospital in Mukachevo, and the educational building of the orphanage in Nad Sevlyush transferred to the use of the Hungarian army. The living and feeding conditions of pupils in boarding schools in Podkarpackie, and especially in orphanages (Greek-Catholic orphanage “Holy Family”) and family-type settlements have become more complicated. Constant changes in the pupils’ contingent, state orphanages employees’ places of work have led to late and incorrect payment of salaries to teachers and support staff of boarding schools.Conclusions. The boarding schools practice in Transcarpathia in the period 1939–1944 is characterized by the following trends: 1)boarding education curtailment in connection with the hostilities start, which reduced staffing and reduced the level of material and technical support of the educational process in boarding schools; 2)spreading the religious and public organizations influence (League for the Children’s Protection, “Levente”, “Hungarian for Hungarian”, etc.)Key words: boarding schools, orphanages, Transcarpathia, Hungary.

The purpose of the research paper is to analyze the influence of the social and political conditions on changes in confessional life in the occupied Ukrainian lands during World War II. The scientific novelty: it is claimed that it was social and political conditions that caused drastic changes in the confessional map of Ukraine in 1939-1945. The determinant factor of the occupation policy – the destruction of the established confessional configuration that traditionally existed on Ukrainian lands in the USSR, Poland and Romania – has been proven. Autocephalous tendencies in Orthodox life in the General Governorate, Reichskommissariat ‘Ukraine’ and ‘Transnistria’ were studied. The personal visions of the leading Orthodox bishops regarding the institutional status of the Orthodox Church in Ukraine are reflected. The specific approaches of the German and Romanian administrations to the organization of church life are highlighted. Conclusions: it is proved that despite the attempt to create a single Orthodox Church in the territory occupied by the Wehrmacht, this did not happen due to the position of the German leadership and different views of the hierarchs of the Orthodox churches. It has been proven that all institutional changes of the occupiers grossly violated the existing traditions and canonical norms, which deprived the Church of its autonomy. It was determined that multiconfessionalism and the lack of autocephalous status of Ukrainian Orthodoxy complicated the process of forming a single Orthodox Church of Ukraine. The influence of the Moscow Patriarchate, as well as the opposition of Berlin, made this process impossible during the war. It is noted that the Romanian administration in the occupied south-western lands of Ukraine (‘Transnistria’), with the support of the Romanian Orthodox Mission, contributed to the revival of Christianity, relied on the pre-revolutionary church organization, clerics and monarchism. The Ukrainian-phobic attitudes of the majority of Romanian bishops and the occupation authorities which led to the fight against the sprouts of Ukrainian autocephaly are shown. It has been proven that the rebuilt churches, the restoration of services in them, the involvement of hundreds of clerics, Christian charity and charity, raising children in the spirit of piety, etc., contributed to the revival of ancient Christian traditions and, at the same time, were a tool for the affirmation of the occupation regime.

The article analyzes the peculiarities of the process of politicization and militarization of children’s leisure in Soviet Ukraine in 1929–1939. The content of the transformation of traditional and creation of new forms of children’s leisure is revealed. The key concepts of ideological substantiation of the need to maximally fill the child’s free time with political and educational practices are identified. The evolution of the new tradition of club leisure and its filling with political content is analyzed. Forms of political and educational work with children in their free time have been reconstructed. The methods of involving children in the political campaigns of the Soviet government by filling the discourse of children’s leisure with the political and militaristic rhetoric are described. The mechanisms of introduction of the state control over such kinds of children’s leisure as reading, thanks to the formation of new children’s literature and creation of the system of propaganda of new work are investigated. It shows how a network of libraries was built into this system, which was tasked with organizing the work of forming a new mass reader. The process of involving children in the culture of the new Bolshevik holidays and its connection with the main tasks of the government in the field of education of conscious and loyal citizens is demonstrated. During the second half of the 1930s, at the initiative of the Ukrainian Soviet leadership, the Christmas tree was restored and transformed, which was filled with new ideological content and used to promote Bolshevik’s achievements and demon- strate the Communist Party’s concern for young citizens. The influence of the political situation on the development of the game sphere of children’s leisure is highlighted, and the power of the process of its militarization on the eve of the Second World War is emphasized. This applied to both mobile children’s games and board games, which were made according to the party’s tasks with an ideological load and included political games and military-themed games. Children’s toys were also modernized, including Christmas tree decorations and toys related to military equipment, military and political events, collective farm construction, and Soviet symbols were added to the traditional toy theme.

The oral history of Ukraine in the 1930s and 1940s is an important independent body of sources for the study of this period. An encumbered story about one’s life or specific historical events best conveys experience, the world of ideas and perceptions, and the individual vision of direct eyewitnesses of past events. Pre-planned methods of the interview process, experienced interviewers, a selection of narrators, a sufficient number of recordings with the “saturation effect” are the keys to the success of the oral history project. The article analyzes the oral biographical narratives of the oldest generation of Western Ukraine residents about the Soviet government in 1939‒1941, highlights the main content lines of stories and dominant images of the first Soviet occupation, the transformation of moods. The empirical basis of the research are interviews recorded as part of the project “Social Anthropology of Filling the Void: Poland and Ukraine after World War II” and processed by the author for their publication by the Center for Urban History of East Central Europe in Lviv. The interviews were recorded by an interdisciplinary group of Polish-Ukrainian female researchers in 2017‒2019 with residents of villages and towns of Ternopil, Lviv, and Ivano-Frankivsk oblasts born in the 1920s‒1930s. The stories are biographical and pertain to the whole life interviewees, with a special focus made on the 1930s‒1940s and World War II. The oldest participants were born in 1923 and the youngest were born in the late 1930s. Their stories are biographies of average native Halychyna residents, who shared their life experience for the first time and, consequently, shared what in their opinion was important to remember, as no recorded memory will be left when they pass away. The narration of the “big” story is made of a palette of “small” reactions to events, it is the inner world of a person – their worries and experiences, successes, hopes, and expectations. The images of Soviet authorities and the Soviet people in the memories of children are not holistic and meaningful, but are connected with the outer world – home and parents, close family and friends, the street and acquaintancies, neighbors, school, religious traditions and the church. Children’s memories recorded not so much everyday routine, but crucial and traumatic, strong emotional experience, which was filled with the years of the first Soviet regime in the region; their stories are replete with numerous unique case stories that may not have reached or come into view of adults. After having met the Red Army in September 1939, the hopes placed on the Soviet government by the adult population vanished almost immediately. People, then children, explained the first disappointments with the brutality of the Red Army: accidental or deliberate executions of innocent people, repressions in autumn 1939. For Galician peasants and small-town residents the image of the Soviets in 1939‒1941 is a radically changed world of their childhood with a fairy-tale palace and a local landowner with his family; depending on the social status of the family, the allotted land and the joy of harvesting their own field; inhuman deportations of Polish neighbors in the frosty winter of 1940. The primary “own” grief was the emotional culmination of life stories from the period of the first Soviet occupation: mostly in June 1941 they lost their loved ones due to the last, fourth, wave of deportations or executions in prisons during the retreat of the Soviets. In the memoirs of Galician villagers, unlike to the memoirs of the inhabitants of the cities, there are almost no mentions of the reaction of Poles and Jews to the arrival of the Red Army in September 1939.

This study analyzes the effects of age, period, and birth cohorts on long-term mortality in Ukraine. For the first time, the APC model was used to analyze mortality in Ukraine for the 1850-2011 period and the cohorts born from 1850 to 1923. These estimations allow us to discriminate the impact of the historical and contemporary factors (at specific times) that could change the mortality rates. The following statistical methods are used: calculation of period and cohort death rates; age-period-birth cohort (APC) model that provides a method to assess the significance of the three interrelated factors (age, calendar period of death, and birth cohort) on mortality. As indicated by the results of APC analysis, the contribution of the period effect to the long-term mortality in Ukraine is likely to be larger than that of the cohort effect, and both effects are found to be more influential for men than for women. The analysis revealed intergenerational variations in death rates and inversion in cohort mortality when survival rates for the younger generations are worse than for the older generations. In particular, almost all generations born during the first half of the XX century had higher mortality rates than the reference cohort born in 1900, while lower mortality rates are found only for those born after 1945. At the same time, the overall decline in mortality among cohorts born after 1945 varied across different age groups: while death rates at the age 0 to 15 declined with each new generation, mortality in the 45 to 60 age group for younger generations tended to be higher than for older generations. The cohorts born in 1915—1925 and especially in 1917—1921 appeared to be the most disadvantaged and the hardest affected in terms of survival. A comparative analysis of the probability of dying in large age intervals for different generations showed that, first, among the cohorts of adult men who participated in World War II, those born in 1915—1925 were the most affected; second, during the First World War, the Ukrainian Revolution of 1917—1921 and the famine of 1921—1923 young and middle-aged men born in 1880—1890 suffered the greatest losses whereas the highest mortality due to Holodomor of 1932—1933 was observed among children and adolescents, as well as older persons born in the 1870s.

Hitler occupation of Ukraine became the most difficult challenge for the Ukrainian people as the "new order" leaders’ aim was to eliminate the population of captured territories, to prepare a living space for the "Aryan people" whom Hitler and his ascendants considered the Germans to be. The policy of the Nazi regime on the occupied territories, which were regarded as an object of exploitation, oppression and robbery, led to significant changes in the practice of everyday life of the civilian population. History becomes more anthropological and it encourages the study of everyday life in order to understand holistic picture of historical events. This picture had its own peculiarities in different regions of Ukraine. In the Soviet period the issues of everyday life in occupied areas were considered fragmentarily, with the main focus on the other images - the nationwide struggle against the invaders, the moral and political unity of the Ukrainian people, the leading role of the party in fighting back the occupiers, etc. In fact, modern national scientists had to study the problem of anthropological measurements of occupation from scratch. However, in recent decades in Ukraine there has appeared a lot of historical research, the subject of which is the anthropological defining of occupation. These studies are being considered in the given article. A particular subject of research and this publication as well is certain categories of population: women, minors and intelligentsia. The existence of these categories of people in occupation has certain features that researchers disclose from different, often opposite, points of view. At the present stage various aspects of the Ukrainian peasantry life during the years of Nazi occupation are investigated by O. Potylchak, O. Perekhrest, V. Revehuk, T. Nagayko and others. The works of T. Vronska, K. Kurylyshyn, L. Kovpak, O. Isaikin, M. Herasimov, V. Kononenko, A. Yankovska and others were dedicated to the everyday life issues in the years of the Second World War and in the first post-war decade. The material, household and social spheres in the post-occupation period in different regions of Ukraine were studied by S. Galchenko, M. Dedkov, I. Spudka. However, in most of these works, the strategies of town people’s survival in the liberated territories in 1943-1945 are briefly outlined. Some researchers (T. Zabolotna, T. Nahayko, O. Savitska, V. Yakovenko) emphasize the everyday life of individual cities. I. Vetrov researched the economic robbery of the national economy and the population of Ukraine by invaders. Some aspects of the social policy of occupiers are highlighted in the study of O. Potylchak. M. Shevchenko, V. Hedz conducted a study of "female" narrative sources. Nowadays there are two directions of coverage of children lives during the occupation. The first direction is represented by D. Slobodynsky, who assumes that the state of children during the Nazi occupation of Ukraine was unbearable. H. Holysh and L. Holysh consider that children and teens played a very active role in the struggle against the Nazis. The state of the intelligentsia during the occupation was studied by L. Bidocha, V. Hinda, O. Salata, T. Zabolotna. The researchers point to the reasons of cooperation of this segment of the population with the occupants, which in fact did not differ from the motives of other groups of society. The author comes to the conclusion that the Nazi occupation had a negative impact on the various spheres of life of the society at that time, which led to significant changes in the everyday life of the local population of Central Ukraine. At that period the majority of people tried to fulfill their existential needs, for example to preserve their own lives and protect their loved ones in particular. The author comes to the conclusion that the aspects of people’s life during the Nazi occupation, disclosed by the authors in modern historiography, constitute a far-incomplete picture of Ukrainians’ life during this period. There are issues that require a detailed study and analysis of researchers in order to imagine life and daily realities on the occupied territory and what problems they had to deal with in order to survive in those conditions. There is a considerable spectrum of problems associated with the occupational routine, which requires a detailed study and analysis of researchers and it allows to make a coherent picture of living conditions on the occupied territories of Ukraine.

In the second half of the 1940s, Ukrainian literature outside of Soviet Ukraine experienced an unusually intensive period of development in the Displaced Person’s camps in western Germany and Austria. Thrown together from various regions of Ukraine, writers managed to develop an amazing literary activity. A key role in this period was played by one of the most important Ukrainian émigré scholar, literary critic and essayist – Yuryii Shevelov (born on 17 December 1908 in Kharkiv, died 12 April 2002 in New York.) Having emigrated to Germany in 1944, he taught at the Ukrainian Free University in Münich (1946–9) and obtained a doctorate there (1949). He was also a vice-president of the MUR literary association (1945–8) and edited a monthly journal Arka. Shevelov is the author of some 500 articles, reviews, and books on Slavic philology and linguistics and the history of literature. He was one of the organizers of émigré literary life in Germany after the Second World War. In the postwar period Yurii Shevelov (pseud: Yu. Sherekh) has been the most infl uential literary critic within the Ukrainian émigré community in the West. In his articles in the journal Arka (1947–8) he formulated the principles of a ‘national-organic style’ and stimulated a lively discussion that continued for some time. Another émigré critic, Volodymyr Derzhavyn, produced articles that combined the Neoclassicist and modernist approaches. They both began a discussion that contributed to a revival of postwar Ukrainian literature. The principal intellectual discord between them was an understanding of what “national” means and what kind of tradition should serve as a “source of revival” for Ukrainian culture in exile. His numerous articles in the fi eld of literature and literary criticism were collected in Ne dlia ditei (Not for Children, 1964), Druha cherha: literatura, teatr, ideolohiï (The Second Round: Literature, Theater, Ideologies, 1978), and Tretia storozha (The Third Watch, 1991). Most of these essays were reprinted in Kharkiv in 1998 in a two-volume edition Porohy i zaporizhzhia (The Rapids and zaporizhzhia).

After the fall of communism in 1989–1991, Poland and Ukraine could have become partners in international, economic, and cultural fields. Yet despite many positive achievements, the contemporary Polish-Ukrainian cooperation did not fully develop. Among many reasons that slow down the Polish-Ukrainian rapprochement, historical memories seem to be especially detrimental. The remembrances of World War II are the most destructive. Both Poles and Ukrainians understand that the only way to change this situation is to study and discuss the common history. A list of works on Polish-Ukrainian relations during World War II is long. Yet most of these publications offer broad pictures and present Polish-Ukrainian relations in general or in particular regions, such as Volhynia (Wołyń) or Eastern Galicia. This microstudy, devoted to the town of Boryslav (Borysław) in the years 1939 to 1945, tries to show how the conflicts were born, how they became embedded in human memory, and, finally, how they were transformed into historical stereotypes. The text concentrates on the crucial moments of World War II in Boryslav and describes how Poles and Ukrainians reacted differently to the consecutive challenges and how these various reactions shaped their relationship. The article ends with a conclusion that the five years of the war tore apart the Poles and Ukrainians of Boryslav and the post-1945 iron Polish-Soviet border divided the both sides and created a situation in which World War II attitudes froze for a long time.

This article seeks to demonstrate how Finnish refugee children experienced living in Swedish refugee camps during the Second World War (1939–1945). The study focuses on children’s opinions and experiences reflected through adulthood. The data were collected through retrospective interviews with six adults who experienced wartime as children in Finland and were evacuated to Sweden as refugees. Five of the interviewees were female and one of them was male. The study shows, it was of decisive importance to the refugee children’s well-being to have reliable adults around them during the evacuation and at the camps. The findings demonstrate that careful planning made a significant difference to the children´s adaptations to refugee camp life. The daily routines at the camp, such as regular meals, play time and camp school, reflected life at home and helped the children to continue their lives, even under challenging circumstances.

One of the negative phenomena of the modern world are attempts to falsify history and the results of the Second World War, 1939-1945., is an important component of the ideological confrontation in the information space of neoliberal forces of Russian society with patriotic and non-violent, is a tool for achieving geopolitical goals of a number of states. United States, European Union and Ukraine tend to distort the results of the Second World War to remove the history of the Great Patriotic War, the feat of the Soviet people, who saved the world from fascism, and the Soviet Union (Russian Federation), together with Nazi Germany put in the dock of history, accusing all the troubles of the XX century. At the same time attempts to rehabilitate fascism and substitution postwar realities lead to the destruction of the entire system of contemporary international relations and, as a consequence, to the intensification of the struggle for the redivision of the world, including military measures. China is actively implementing the historiography of the statement that World War II began June 7, 1937 and is linked to an open aggression of Japan against China. Given these circumstances, the Military Doctrine of the Russian Federation noted that the trend of displacement of military dangers and military threats in the information space and the inner sphere of the Russian Federation. The main internal risks attributable activity information impact on the population, especially young citizens of the country, which has the aim of undermining the historical, spiritual and patriotic traditions in the field of defense of the Fatherland.

World War II had a profound, but uneven, impact on the delivery of services designed to support the bodies and minds of English children. This article, which is based on a study of a rural local authority located in North-West England, explores the influence of World War II on children's welfare services. Drawing on detailed case files relating to individual children and reports published by local and national policy makers, the article advances three related arguments which together nuance existing understandings of the conflict and its longer-term consequences. First, the article argues that many of the problems associated with evacuees were already familiar to medical and social work professionals. This awareness has important consequences for how we conceptualise the wartime proposals that attracted policy makers’ attention. Second, the article shows that the arrival of evacuees into reception areas initially resulted in an expansion of children’s services. A fuller understanding of Britain's welfare state, however, must acknowledge that local authorities continued to wield significant influence over the delivery of specialist services once the conflict ended. As a result, the priorities of local officials could lead to the needs of looked after children being overlooked despite wartime improvements to children's services. Finally, the article argues that amidst the totality of World War II, the British state remained unwilling to intrude on the rights of parents to influence the care of their children. Closer examination of the implementation of evacuation and the experiences of individuals reveals that important tensions existed between the state appointed experts and the civilians they were tasked with supporting.

After World War II (1939-1945) a bipolar world order emerged under the leaderships of the United States and the Soviet Union. The postwar period was later called as the Cold War Era that witnessed a great tension between the Western and Eastern blocs. Both sides abstained from a direct war and generally competed in such fields as military, political, economic, cultural, and so on. Although avoiding from military interventions was the main principle, the continuous hostility between two nuclear superpowers inevitably forced them to consider military options. In this point, security question became a vital subject between the United States and the Soviet Union, and deeply influenced the shaping of characteristics of two powers’ relations. It was foreseen that the security concerns based on nuclear threat would come to an end with the collapse of the Soviet Union and with the end of the Cold War. However, the expansion of NATO to the Eastern Europe and Baltic region, and possibility of new member’s admission to NATO, including Ukraine, in one hand, Russia’s efforts to be a superpower in the world politics, on the other hand, revealed that the security concerns have not completely disappeared with the end of the Cold War. Thus, revisiting some discussions on the security concerns during the Cold War, and bringing them to the attention of academic world would be stimulating. This article will focus on some fundamental discussions on the security concerns during the Cold War. Firstly, the formation of the US national security understanding, and the role of National Security Council Report 68 (NSC-68) in shaping of the US security concept during the Cold War will be explained. Secondly, the role of nuclear deterrence in the establishment of national security concept will be discussed. Finally, the concept of ‘security dilemma’ and the opinions of Robert Jervis on security dilemma will be evaluated.

The concept of Child rights in Islam is as old as Islam is. Hazrat Muhammadﷺ focused on two major aspects regarding children one is their right to life with all basic necessities and secondly on their nourishment, education and civilization irrespective of any form of discrimination. While on the other hand, in western world, this concept was given in middle Ages only up to this extent that the children were called as “small adults”. Only there are three turns in history in which this topic of child rights was focused seriously with practical approach but with discriminatory behaves, after world war 1st (1914-1918) in 1919 by Eglantyne Jebb, an English woman, established an organization as “Save the Children Fund” for rehabilitation of European children, affected by war. In 1946 after world war 2nd (1939-1945), “UNICEF” in 1953 was established, with the aim of restoration of children affected by war and then in 1989, the most successful and universally accepted child rights convention was held as UNCRC, 1989. In Pakistan many NGO’s are working on child rights from which Akhuwat Foundation and Saylani Welfare Trust are most prominent. Most importantly, the major role is being played by madrassas and jamiaat by providing free of cost children education, medical and residence. Therefore, it can be said that the participation and services provided by these religious centers (madarassas, dini marakaz, jamiaat and mosques) are more than any other national or international NGO’s and organizations including institutions backed by Government as well.

The concept of Child rights in Islam is as old as Islam is. Hazrat Muhammadﷺ focused on two major aspects regarding children one is their right to life with all basic necessities and secondly on their nourishment, education and civilization irrespective of any form of discrimination. While on the other hand, in western world, this concept was given in middle Ages only up to this extent that the children were called as “small adults”. Only there are three turns in history in which this topic of child rights was focused seriously with practical approach but with discriminatory behaves, after world war 1st (1914-1918) in 1919 by Eglantyne Jebb, an English woman, established an organization as “Save the Children Fund” for rehabilitation of European children, affected by war. In 1946 after world war 2nd (1939-1945), “UNICEF” in 1953 was established, with the aim of restoration of children affected by war and then in 1989, the most successful and universally accepted child rights convention was held as UNCRC, 1989. In Pakistan many NGO’s are working on child rights from which Akhuwat Foundation and Saylani Welfare Trust are most prominent. Most importantly, the major role is being played by madrassas and jamiaat by providing free of cost children education, medical and residence. Therefore, it can be said that the participation and services provided by these religious centers (madarassas, dini marakaz, jamiaat and mosques) are more than any other national or international NGO’s and organizations including institutions backed by Government as well.

Background: During World War II (1939 - 1945), the National Defense League organized, in Porto Alegre, a series of commemorations with the objective of civic exaltation and patriotic mobilization. Aim: This work aimed to analyze civic solemnities of the week of the fatherland, highlighting how a campaign of patriotic exaltation was carried out, in addition to the mobilization for the nationalization of German and Italian immigrants and the acculturation of their children, the so-called coloninhos. Methods: Analysis of a work edited by the National Defense League, called Activities of 1943. Analysis of the mobilization of society around civic commemorations, organized by the National Defense League. Analysis of the speeches made by the state interventor at the time, General Cordeiro de Farias. Results and Discussion: The National Defense League made an intense mobilization of Brazilian society around the patriotic celebrations in the week of the Fatherland (September 1st to 7th), in 1943, when the Getúlio Vargas government was preparing troops to fight in Europe alongside the Allies and against the Axis countries during World War II. The images, photos, and speeches given at the festivities were edited and later published in a book. In Porto Alegre, there was a campaign for the population to participate in the celebrations actively. Parades were also held in Porto Alegre with children, sons, and daughters of German and Italian immigrants. Furthermore, the Defense League spoke about the acculturation of the children of immigrants (coloninhos), as they supposedly could become spies for enemy countries. Despite Brazil being under the dictatorial government of the Estado Novo, clearly fascist inspired and inaugurated by Getúlio Vargas in 1937, the Defense League defended that it was a democratic and receptive government. Conclusions: Due to the actions of the Defense League, it was necessary that it actively participate in activities, that it was willing to fight against Brazil s enemies. It would also be necessary to nationalize and acculturate the children of German and Italian immigrants, to demonstrate that Brazil was open to receiving them.

ABSTRACTBackground: The aim of this study was to identify long-term effects of diagnostic criteria on the Post Traumatic Stress Disorder Checklist (PCL-C) for a test group of Finnish evacuees from World War II and compare the outcome effect with a control group of children who lived in Finland during the war in 1939–1945.Methods: 152 participants were recruited by the local leader of the Finnish War Child Association in Sweden and Finland. The selected group answered questions on the Post Traumatic Stress Disorder Checklist (PCL-C) and the EMBU (Swedish acronym for “Own Memories of Parental Rearing”).Results: Evidence suggests a link between childhood parental separation and termination of the internalized attachment hierarchy of origin in a detachment process among Finnish evacuees. Based on the Post Traumatic Stress Disorder Total (PCL-C) diagnosis an extreme traumatization for 36.7% of the test group subjects was identified, including a hidden Holocaust trauma in the population of Finnish evacuees.Conclusions: The study met the criteria for satisfying global evidence value. Sixty-five years after the end of World War II and in line with other studies on war children, the data show high levels of different trauma exposures from the war with 10.6 higher risk (odds ratio) for the exposed group of Finnish evacuees. Despite some limitations, the data highlight the need for further investigation into different parts of the detachment process among seriously traumatized groups to reveal resilience and other dimensions of importance in professional mental health creation.

ABSTRACTBackground:Using diagnoses exclusively, comparable evaluations of the empirical evidence relevant to the content can be made. The term holocaust survivor syndrome according to the DSM-IV classification encompasses people with diagnoses of posttraumatic stress disorders and psychopathological symptoms exposed to the Nazi genocide from 1933–1945 identified by Natan Kellermann, AMCHA, Israel (1999).Methods:The relationships between disorders of affectionate parenting and the development of dysfunctional models on one hand, and various psychopathological disorders on the other hand were investigated. Multi-axial assessment based on PTSD diagnosis (APA, 2000) with DSM-IV classification criteria of holocaust survivor syndrome and child survivor syndrome earlier found in holocaust survivors was used as criteria for comparison among Finnish sub-populations.Results:Symptoms similar to those previously described in association with holocaust survivor syndrome and child survivor syndrome were found in the population of Finnish people who had been displaced as children between 1939–1945.Conclusions:Complex PTSD syndrome is found among survivors of prolonged or repeated trauma who have coping strategies intended to assist their mental survival. Surviving Finnish child evacuees had symptoms at similar level to those reported among holocaust survivors, though Finnish combat veterans exhibited good mental adjustment with secure attachment.

The issue of the journal opens with an article dedicated to the formation of metrology as government regulated activity in France. The article has discussed the historical process of development of metrological activity in France. It was revealed that the history of metrology is considered as an auxiliary historical and ethnographic discipline from a social and philosophical point of view as the evolution of scientific approaches to the definition of individual units of physical quantities and branches of metrology. However, in the scientific literature, the little attention is paid to the process of a development of a centralized institutional metrology system that is the organizational basis for ensuring the uniformity of measurements. The article by Irena Grebtsova and Maryna Kovalska is devoted to the of the development of the source criticism’s knowledge in the Imperial Novorossiya University which was founded in the second half of the XIX century in Odesa. Grounding on a large complex of general scientific methods, and a historical method and source criticism, the authors identified the stages of the formation of source criticism in the process of teaching historical disciplines at the university, what they based on an analysis of the teaching activities of professors and associate professors of the Faculty of History and Philology. In the article, the development of the foundations of source criticism is considered as a complex process, which in Western European and Russian science was the result of the development of the theory and practice of everyday dialogue between scientists and historical sources. This process had a great influence on the advancement of a historical education in university, which was one of the important factors in the formation of source studies as a scientific discipline. The article by Tetiana Malovichko is devoted to the study of what changes the course of the probability theory has undergone from the end of the 19th century to our time based on the analysis of The Theory of Probabilities textbook by Vasyl P. Ermakov published in 1878. The paper contains a comparative analysis of The Probability Theory textbook and modern educational literature. The birth of children after infertility treatment of married couples with the help of assisted reproductive technologies has become a reality after many years of basic research on the physiology of reproductive system, development of oocyte’s in vitro fertilization methods and cultivation of embryos at pre-implantation stages. Given the widespread use of assisted reproductive technologies in modern medical practice and the great interest of society to this problem, the aim of the study authors from the Institute for Problems of Cryobiology and Cryomedicine of the National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine was to trace the main stages and key events of assisted reproductive technologies in the world and in Ukraine, as well as to highlight the activities of outstanding scientists of domestic and world science who were at the origins of the development of this area. As a result of the work, it has been shown that despite certain ethical and social biases, the discovery of individual predecessor scientists became the basis for the efforts of Robert Edwards and Patrick Steptoe to ensure birth of the world's first child, whose conception occurred outside the mother's body. There are also historical facts and unique photos from our own archive, which confirm the fact of the first successful oocyte in vitro fertilization and the birth of a child after the use of assisted reproductive technologies in Ukraine. In the next article, the authors tried to consider and structure the stages of development and creation of the “Yermak”, the world's first Arctic icebreaker, and analyzed the stages of preparation and the results of its first expeditions to explore the Arctic. Systematic analysis of historical sources and biographical material allowed to separate and comprehensively consider the conditions and prehistory for the development and creation of “Yermak” icebreaker. Also, the authors gave an assessment to the role of Vice Admiral Stepan Osypovych Makarov in those events, and analyzed the role of Sergei Yulyevich Witte, Dmitri Ivanovich Mendeleev and Pyotr Petrovich Semenov-Tian-Shansky in the preparation and implementation of the first Arctic expeditions of the “Yermak”icebreaker. The authors of the following article considered the historical aspects of construction and operation of train ferry routes. The article deals with the analysis and systematization of the data on the historical development of train ferry routes and describes the background for the construction of train ferry routes and their advantages over other combined transport types. It also deals with the basic features of the train ferries operating on the main international train ferry routes. The study is concerned with both sea routes and routes across rivers and lakes. The article shows the role of train ferry routes in the improvement of a national economy, and in the provision of the military defense. An analysis of numerous artefacts of the first third of the 20th century suggests that the production of many varieties of art-and-industrial ceramics developed in Halychyna, in particular architectural ceramic plastics, a variety of functional ceramics, decorative tiles, ceramic tiles, facing tiles, etc. The artistic features of Halychyna art ceramics, the richness of methods for decorating and shaping it, stylistic features, as well as numerous art societies, scientific and professional associations, groups, plants and factories specializing in the production of ceramics reflect the general development of this industry in the first half of the century and represent the prerequisites the emergence of the school of professional ceramics in Halychyna at the beginning of the 20th century. The purpose of the next paper is to analyze the formation and development of scientific and professional schools of art-and-industrial ceramics of Halychyna in the late 19th – early 20th centuries. During the environmental crisis, electric transport (e-transport) is becoming a matter for scientific inquiry, a subject of discussion in politics and among public figures. In the program for developing the municipal services of Ukraine, priorities are given to the development of the infrastructure of ecological transport: trolleybuses, electric buses, electric cars. The increased attention to e-transport on the part of the scientific community, politicians, and the public actualizes the study of its history, development, features of operation, etc. The aim of the next study is to highlight little-known facts of the history of production and operation of MAN trolleybuses in Ukrainian cities, as well as to introduce their technical characteristics into scientific circulation. The types, specific design solutions of the first MAN trolleybus generation and the prerequisites for their appearance in Chernivtsi have been determined. Particular attention has been paid to trolleybuses that were in operation in Germany and other Western European countries from the first half of the 1930s to the early 1950s. The paper traces the stages of operation of the MAN trolleybuses in Chernivtsi, where they worked during 1939–1944 and after the end of the Second World War, they were transferred to Kyiv. After two years of operation in the Ukrainian capital, the trolleybuses entered the routes in Dnipropetrovsk during 1947–1951. The purpose of the article by authors from the State University of Infrastructure and Technologies of Ukraine is to thoroughly analyze unpaved roads of the late 18th – early 19th century, as well as the project of the first wooden trackway as the forerunner of the Bukovyna railways. To achieve this purpose, the authors first reviewed how railways were constructed in the Austrian Empire during 1830s – 1850s. Then, in contrast with the first railway networks that emerged and developed in the Austrian Empire, the authors made an analysis of the condition and characteristics of unpaved roads in Bukovyna. In addition, the authors considered the first attempt to create a wooden trackway as a prototype and predecessor of the Bukovyna railway.

This essay contains a description and critical appraisal of the contemporary Ukrainian state’s policy in regard to memory of the Volhynian and Galician massacres of 1943–1945. The author engages in polemics with Tomasz Stryjek, who recently published a book on this and other issues: Ukraina przed końcem Historii. Szkice o polityce państw wobec pamięci [Ukraine Before the End of History: Essays on State Policy in Regard to Memory]. In the author’s opinion, Stryjek one-sidedly, or even naively, places hope in the idea that the EU, in the not-too-distant future, will exert effective pressure on the government in Kiev to make it adapt its narrative about the activities of the OUN and UIA against Poles and Jews to European standards of memory about the Second World War. In the author’s opinion, the Ukrainian narrative about the activities of the OUN and UIA is based on the erroneous conviction—which is comfortable for the Ukrainian side—of equal guilt in the Polish-Ukrainian conflict of 1939–1947. He argues that there should be no cessation of efforts to remind Ukrainian historians and authorities about the responsibility to condemn, unambiguously, the mass crimes committed by national independence groups.

Angus McGill Mowat was an inspirational voice for public library work during the Great Depression. In 1937, after he became Inspector of Public Libraries in the Ontario Department of Education, he helped revive spirits and raise service ambitions in smaller rural libraries. Building on the “modern library” concept popularized after the First World War, he re-energized trustees, librarians, and library workers with hundreds of visits to promote local efforts before 1939. His inspections encompassed the advisement of trustees on management and financial processes; the promotion of librarianship and staff training; the improvement of collections and services for adults and children; the reorganization of functional building space; the formation of county systems; and support for new public school curriculum reading reforms. Although warfare interrupted his work, Mowat’s wide-ranging inspection method brought renewed optimism and laid the groundwork for genuine progress in the provincial public library system after 1945.

Valentin Feliksovich was born on April 27, 1877 in the eastern part of the Crimea, in one of the oldest cities in the world, at a unique resort located on two seas at once Kerch. His father, Felix Stanislavovich, was a pharmacist and worked as a manager of a private pharmacy of D.I. Kundin, whose daughter, Maria Dmitrievna, was his mother. Valentin Feliksovich was born into a family belonging to an ancient family of impoverished Polish nobles. Of his 14 sisters and brothers, only five survived to adulthood.In 1880, the family of Valentin Feliksovich left Kerch for Kherson, then to Chisinau, in 1889 to Kiev. In 1896, Valentin Feliksovich graduated from the gymnasium and art school of Nikolai Ivanovich Murashko.Then Valentin Feliksovich studied for a year at the Faculty of Law, at the private art school of Knirr in Munich, but in 1898, deciding to become a doctor, he entered the medical faculty of Kiev University.Valentin Feliksovich, having received a doctor's degree, worked at the Red Cross hospital in Kiev, during the Russian-Japanese war he headed the surgical department of the Chita hospital as part of the Red Cross medical detachment, later worked as a surgeon in Ardatov, Simbirsk province, in the village of Verkhny Lyubazh and Fatezh, Kursk region. During this period, he married the daughter of the estate manager, sister of mercy Anna Vasilyevna Lanskaya. In 1909, Valentin Feliksovich entered the Moscow University as an external student to Professor P.I. Dyakonov.In 1915 he published the monograph "Regional Anesthesia" and in 1916 defended it as a dissertation with the award of the degree of Doctor of Medicine. By this time, Valentin Feliksovich had mastered operations on the heart, brain, organs of vision, gastrointestinal tract, including stomach, intestines, bile ducts, kidneys, spine and joints. Until 1917, Valentin Feliksovich worked as a doctor in hospitals in central Russia, later as the chief physician of a hospital in Tashkent, professor at the Central Asian State University. Moving to Tashkent is associated with the progression of his wife's tuberculosis, which required her to stay in a warmer climate, but in 1919, the wife of V.F. Voino-Yasenetsky died, leaving him to take care of four children. In February 1921, he was ordained a deacon, a week later a priest, on May 31, 1923, he was tonsured a monk and consecrated a bishop with the name Luke, and a week later he was arrested.At the beginning of 1926, Valentin Feliksovich returned to Tashkent. But on May 6, 1930, he was detained and transferred to Arkhangelsk. In the autumn of 1933, from exile, Valentin Feliksovich wrote a letter to the People's Commissar of Health about the need to organize an institute of surgical infection in the country and, having received no response, went to Moscow at the first opportunity for a personal meeting, at which he rejected the offer to renounce holy orders and instead accept the post of director of the institute.In the autumn of 1934, Valentin Feliksovich published a widely known monograph, including abroad: "Essays on purulent surgery". For several years, Professor Voino-Yasenetsky headed the main operating room of the Tashkent Institute of Emergency Care, but on July 24, 1937, he was arrested again, for the third time. Since March 1940, he has been working as a surgeon a hundred kilometers from Krasnoyarsk in the Bolshaya Murta of the Yelovskaya volost.After the outbreak of the Great Patriotic War, Valentin Feliksovich sends a telegram to M.I. Kalinin, in which he asks to be sent as a surgeon to the hospital, expressing his readiness to continue exile after the Victory.In September 1941, the chief surgeon of the region took V.F. Voino-Yasenetsky by plane to Krasnoyarsk to work as the chief surgeon of the evacuation hospital No. 1515, which was later recognized as the best of the 17 hospitals of the region.Since October 1941, Valentin Feliksovich has been a consultant to hospitals in the Krasnoyarsk Territory and chief surgeon of the evacuation hospital. In the autumn of 1942, he was elevated to the rank of archbishop and appointed to the Krasnoyarsk department. In 1944, Valentin Feliksovich published his monographs: "On the course of chronic empyema and chondrates", "Late resections of infected gunshot wounds of joints". Since February 1944, Archbishop Luke has been the head of the Tambov Department, and is a consultant surgeon at Tambov hospitals. In February 1945, Valentin Feliksovich was awarded by Patriarch Alexy I the right to wear a diamond cross. He is writing the book "Spirit, Soul and Body". Since May 1946, he has headed the Crimean Department in Simferopol and in the same year was awarded the Stalin Prize for the monograph "Essays on purulent Surgery", 130 out of 150 thousand of which he gives to the needs of wartime orphans.In 1955, Valentin Feliksovich completely went blind, but continuing to work and in 1957 dictated his memoirs. V.F. Voino-Yasenetsky died on June 11, 1961 in the rank of Archbishop of Crimea and Simferopol on the Day of All Saints who shone in the Russian land.Valentin Feliksovich is the author of 55 scientific works on medicine, ten volumes of sermons. He was elected an honorary member of the Moscow Theological Academy in Zagorsk. He was awarded the Chojnatski Prize from the University of Warsaw (1916), the Diamond Cross (1944), the medal "For Valiant Labor in the Great Patriotic War" (1945).In 1995, Valentin Feliksovich was canonized as a locally venerated saint in the Crimean diocese, in 2000 he was glorified as a confessor (saint) in the host of New martyrs and confessors of Russia. His relics are installed for worship in the Cathedral of Simferopol.On July 14, 2008, V.F. Voino-Yasenetsky posthumously became an Honorary Citizen of Pereslavl-Zalessky. On June 19, 2020, by Decree of the President of the Russian Federation, the Medal of Luke Krymsky was established, awarded for merits in healthcare.In memory of V.F. Voino-Yasenetsky, over 69 churches of St. Luke were opened, including in Russia (Moscow, Balashikha, Voronezh, Yevpatoria, Yeysk, Yekaterinburg, Donetsk, Zheleznogorsk, Kerch, Kovrov, Krasnoyarsk, Murmansk, Nizhny Novgorod, Novosibirsk, Novy Svet, Obninsk, Olginka, Orenburg, Perm, Petrozavodsk, Saki, Saratov, Simferopol, Stavropol, Ulyanovsk, Chelyabinsk, Chita, Yuzhno-Sakhalinsk), in Ukraine (Kiev, Sumy, Odessa, Vinnytsia, Dnipro), Greece and other countries. Monuments and busts were installed only in Russia in the years Moscow, Yeysk, Krasnoyarsk, Lipetsk, Nizhny Novgorod, Simferopol, Tambov and other cities. The name of Professor V.F. Voino-Yasenetsky was given to the Krasnoyarsk State Medical University, St. Petersburg Clinical Hospital, and the Society of Orthodox Doctors of St. Petersburg.

The article is devoted to assistance, rescue to the Jewish people in Romanian territory, including "Transnistria" in 1939–1945. Using the archival document from different institutions (USHMM, Franklyn D. Roosevelt Library) and newest literature, the author shows the scale of the assistance, its mechanism and kinds. It was determined some of existed charitable organizations and analyzed its mechanism of cooperation between each other. Before the war, the Romanian Jewish Community was the one of largest in Europe (after USSR and Poland) and felt all tragedy of Holocaust. Romania was the one of the Axis states; the anti-Semitic policy has become a feature of Marshal Antonescu policy. It consisted of deportations from some regions of Romania to newly-created region "Transnistria", mass exterminations, death due to some infectious disease, hunger, etc. At the same moment, Romania became an example of cooperation of the international organizations, foreign governments on providing aid. The scale of this assistance was significant: thanks to it, many of Romanian Jews (primarily, children) could survive the Holocaust: some of them were come back to Romanian regions, others decide to emigrate to Palestine. The emphasis is placed on the personalities, who played important (if not decisive) role: W. Filderman, S. Mayer, Ch. Colb, J. Schwarzenberg, R. Mac Clelland and many others. It was found that the main part of assistance to Romanian Jews was began to give from the end of 1943, when the West States, World Jewish community obtained numerous proofs of Nazi crimes against the Jews (and, particularly, Romanian Jews). It is worth noting that the assistance was provided, mostly, for Romanian Jews, deported from Regat; some local (Ukrainian) Jews also had the possibility to receive a lot of needful things. But before the winter 1942, most of Ukrainian Jews was exterminated in ghettos and concentration camps. The main kinds of the assistance were financial (donations, which was given by JDC through the ICRC and Romanian Jewish Community), food parcels, clothes, medicaments, and emigrations from "Transnistria" to Romania, Palestine (after 1943). Considering the status of Romania (as Nazi Germany's ally in World War II), the international financial transactions dealt with some difficulties, which delayed the relief, but it was changed after the Romania's joining to Allies. The further research on the topic raises new problem for scholars. Particularly, it deals with using of memoirs. There is one other important point is inclusion of national (Ukrainian) historiography on the topic, concerning the rescue of Romanian Jews, to European and world history context.

POLAND IN UKRAINIAN CINEMAMultinational Ukraine in the time of Ukrainization conducted a policy which was supportive of the national identity, allowed the possibility of the cultural development of, among others, Jews, Crimean Tatars, and Poles. Cinema was exemplary of such policy, in 1925 through to the 1930s a number of films on Jewish and Crimean Tatar topics were released by Odessa and Yalta Film Studios. However, the Polish topic, which enjoyed most attention, was heavily politicized due to tensions between the USSR and the Second Commonwealth of Poland; the Soviet government could not forgive Poland the refusal to follow the Bolshevik path. The Polish topic was particularly painful for the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic due to the fact that the Western fringe of Ukrainian lands became a part of Poland according to the Treaty of Riga which was signed between Poland and Soviet Russia. This explains why Polish society was constantly denounced in the Ukrainian Soviet films The Shadows of Belvedere, 1927, Behind the Wall, 1928. Particular propagandistic significance in this case was allotted to the film PKP Piłsudski Kupyv Petliuru, Piłsudski Bought Petliura, 1926, which showed Poland subverting the stability of the Ukrainian SSR and reconstructed the episode of joint battles of Ukrainians and Poles against the Bolsheviks in the summer of 1920 as well as the Winter Campaign. The episodes of Ukrainian history were also shown on the screen during this favorable for cinema time, particularly in films Zvenyhora 1927 by Oleksandr Dovzhenko and a historical epopee Taras Triasylo 1927. The 1930s totalitarian cinema presented human being as an ideological construct. Dovzhenko strived to oppose this tendency in Shchors 1939 where head of the division Mykola Shchors is shown as a successor of Ivan Bohun, specifically in the scene set in the castle in which he fights with Polish warriors. Dovzhenko was also assigned by Soviet power to document the events of the autumn of 1939, when Soviet troops invaded Poland and annexed Western Ukraine. The episodes of “popular dedications” such as demonstrations, meetings, and elections constituted his journalistic documentary film Liberation 1940. A Russian filmmaker Abram Room while working in Kyiv Film Studios on the film Wind from the East 1941 did not spare on dark tones to denunciate Polish “exploiters” impersonated by countess Janina Pszezynska in her relation to Ukrainian peasant Khoma Habrys. Ihor Savchenko interpreted events of the 17th century according to the topic of that time in his historical film Bohdan Khmelnitsky 1941 where Poles and their acolytes were depicted as cruel and irreconcilable enemies of Ukrainian people both in terms of story and visual language, so that the national liberation war lead by Khmelnytsky appeared as a revenge against the oppressors. The Polish topic virtually disappeared from Ukrainian cinema from the post-war time up until the collapse of the Soviet Union. The minor exclusions from this tendency are Zigmund Kolossovsky, a film about a brave Polish secret service agent shot during the evacuation in 1945 and the later time adaptations of the theatre pieces The Morality of Mrs Dulska 1956 and Cracovians and Highlanders 1976. Filmmakers were able to return to the common Polish-Ukrainian history during the time of independence despite the economic decline of film production. A historical film Bohdan Zinoviy Khmelnitsky by Mykola Mashchenko was released in 2008. It follows the line of interpretation given to Khmelnitsky’s struggle with Polish powers by Norman Davies, according to whom the cause of this appraisal was the peasant fury combined with the actual social, political and religious injustices to Eastern provinces. The film shows how Khmelnitsky was able to win the battles but failed to govern and protect the independence of Hetmanate which he had founded. The tragedies experienced by Poland and Ukraine during the Second World War were shown in a feature film Iron Hundred 2004 by Oles Yanchuk based on the memoirs of Yuri Borets UPA in a Swirl of Struggle as well as in documentaries Bereza Kartuzka 2007, Volyn. The Sign of Disaster 2003 among others.Translated by Larisa Briuchowecka

POLAND IN UKRAINIAN CINEMAMultinational Ukraine in the time of Ukrainization conducted a policy which was supportive of the national identity, allowed the possibility of the cultural development of, among others, Jews, Crimean Tatars, and Poles. Cinema was exemplary of such policy, in 1925 through to the 1930s a number of films on Jewish and Crimean Tatar topics were released by Odessa and Yalta Film Studios. However, the Polish topic, which enjoyed most attention, was heavily politicized due to tensions between the USSR and the Second Commonwealth of Poland; the Soviet government could not forgive Poland the refusal to follow the Bolshevik path. The Polish topic was particularly painful for the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic due to the fact that the Western fringe of Ukrainian lands became a part of Poland according to the Treaty of Riga which was signed between Poland and Soviet Russia. This explains why Polish society was constantly denounced in the Ukrainian Soviet films The Shadows of Belvedere, 1927, Behind the Wall, 1928. Particular propagandistic significance in this case was allotted to the film PKP Piłsudski Kupyv Petliuru, Piłsudski Bought Petliura, 1926, which showed Poland subverting the stability of the Ukrainian SSR and reconstructed the episode of joint battles of Ukrainians and Poles against the Bolsheviks in the summer of 1920 as well as the Winter Campaign. The episodes of Ukrainian history were also shown on the screen during this favorable for cinema time, particularly in films Zvenyhora 1927 by Oleksandr Dovzhenko and a historical epopee Taras Triasylo 1927. The 1930s totalitarian cinema presented human being as an ideological construct. Dovzhenko strived to oppose this tendency in Shchors 1939 where head of the division Mykola Shchors is shown as a successor of Ivan Bohun, specifically in the scene set in the castle in which he fights with Polish warriors. Dovzhenko was also assigned by Soviet power to document the events of the autumn of 1939, when Soviet troops invaded Poland and annexed Western Ukraine. The episodes of “popular dedications” such as demonstrations, meetings, and elections constituted his journalistic documentary film Liberation 1940. A Russian filmmaker Abram Room while working in Kyiv Film Studios on the film Wind from the East 1941 did not spare on dark tones to denunciate Polish “exploiters” impersonated by countess Janina Pszezynska in her relation to Ukrainian peasant Khoma Habrys. Ihor Savchenko interpreted events of the 17th century according to the topic of that time in his historical film Bohdan Khmelnitsky 1941 where Poles and their acolytes were depicted as cruel and irreconcilable enemies of Ukrainian people both in terms of story and visual language, so that the national liberation war lead by Khmelnytsky appeared as a revenge against the oppressors. The Polish topic virtually disappeared from Ukrainian cinema from the post-war time up until the collapse of the Soviet Union. The minor exclusions from this tendency are Zigmund Kolossovsky, a film about a brave Polish secret service agent shot during the evacuation in 1945 and the later time adaptations of the theatre pieces The Morality of Mrs Dulska 1956 and Cracovians and Highlanders 1976. Filmmakers were able to return to the common Polish-Ukrainian history during the time of independence despite the economic decline of film production. A historical film Bohdan Zinoviy Khmelnitsky by Mykola Mashchenko was released in 2008. It follows the line of interpretation given to Khmelnitsky’s struggle with Polish powers by Norman Davies, according to whom the cause of this appraisal was the peasant fury combined with the actual social, political and religious injustices to Eastern provinces. The film shows how Khmelnitsky was able to win the battles but failed to govern and protect the independence of Hetmanate which he had founded. The tragedies experienced by Poland and Ukraine during the Second World War were shown in a feature film Iron Hundred 2004 by Oles Yanchuk based on the memoirs of Yuri Borets UPA in a Swirl of Struggle as well as in documentaries Bereza Kartuzka 2007, Volyn. The Sign of Disaster 2003 among others.Translated by Larisa Briuchowecka

Alexander Bakulev was born in the village Nebankovskaya Vyatka province. He studied first at the parish school, and then at the Vyatka theological Seminary. In 1911 he entered the medical faculty of Saratov University. In 1918, he passed the exams for a doctor's degree ahead of schedule and remained in the hospital surgery clinic of the University. In 1926 A. N. Bakulev entered the residency at the Department of surgery of the 2nd Moscow medical Institute. In 1928 he successfully defended his thesis and was sent for a one-year internship in Germany. For the first time in the domestic practice, he proposed the introduction of radiopaque substances in the brain tissue, a method of ureteral transplantation, improved methods of x-ray examination of vessels, kidneys and ureters, developed methods of plastic esophagus (1935), surgery on the biliary tract, methods of surgical treatment of peptic ulcer, for the first time in the world surgically eliminated the fixation of the heart muscle to the heart bag with pericarditis, developed new methods of treatment of brain abscesses. A. N. Bakulev is considered a pioneer of intubation anesthesia in the USSR, the founder of thoracic and radical pulmonary surgery. He performed a successful lobectomy for chronic abscess (1938) and lung actinomycosis (1939). In 1943 A. N. Bakulev became head of the Department. During the great Patriotic war A. N. Bakulev - front, and then chief surgeon of the evacuation hospitals of Moscow, head of the surgical Department of the hospital medical and sanitary Department of the Kremlin. He successfully removed a lung from a patient with chronic suppurative process (1945), for the first time carried out a successful operation in nezaradene known to inhibit the Bayou (1948), have developed a method comissurotomy. In 1949, A. N. Bakulev was awarded the Stalin prize (1949). He was the first to impose an anastomosis between the superior Vena cava and pulmonary artery, performed surgery for aneurysm of the thoracic aorta, created a technology of heart operations in hypothermia, for the first time in the world he began to operate on children suffering from congenital heart defects. In 1955 on the initiative of A. N. Bakuleva was established Institute of thoracic surgery (now the Institute of cardiovascular surgery. A. N. Bakuleva), the first Director of which he became. Among his developments can be noted the method of electrocardio-stimulation, intended for the treatment of heart rhythm disorders, a method of plasty of coronary vessels in acute myocardial infarction. In the mid-fifties A. N. Bakulev lays the foundations of shunting operations on the vessels of the heart. In 1957 he was awarded the Lenin prize. In 1959 A. N. Bakulev performed a successful operation for valvular stenosis of the pulmonary artery. In 1958, the scientist was elected a full member of the USSR Academy of Sciences. From 1953 to 1960 President of the USSR Academy of Sciences. A. N. Bakulev was awarded three orders of Lenin, the order of the red banner of Labor and the red Star, was awarded the highest international award of surgeons the award "Golden scalpel". On March 31, 1967, Alexander Bakulev died suddenly from cardiac arrest and was buried at Novodevichy cemetery. In memory of Alexander Nikolaevich in 2005, a documentary film "the Key to the heart" was shot in front of the Institute of cardiovascular surgery named after A. N. Bakulev monument to the scientist, and the building a plaque.

The article discusses the situation of Russian emigrants in Poland. factors of influence on its change. After the defeat of Poland in September 1939 and the Soviet-German non-aggression pact on the territory of Western Belarus and Western Ukraine, Red Army troops entered on September 17, 1939. Here they first met with emigrants. Special groups of the People’s Commissariat of Internal Affairs (NKVD) were stationed in the same territory. The board members of all without exception Russian emigrant organizations: cultural, educational, professional, student, charitable and others were arrested. All of them then disappeared in the Stalinist camps. In central Poland, the German invaders created the governor-general under their complete control. In October 1939, A. Hitler appointed G. Frank the Governor-General of the occupied zone. The latter believed that Poland should become a German colony, and the Poles should becomeslaves of the Great German Empire. In 1939, the Russian population of Poland consisted of Polish citizens and emigrants, their interests were defended by the Russian Committee created in 1940, and it was headed by S. L. Wojciechowski. The committee became a recognized representative of the occupation authority of the Russian part of the population of the Governor General. He issued documents for living in the country and leaving it. After the German attack on the USSR, the chairman of the Russian Committee, S. L. Wojciechowski, believed that the overthrow of the Bolshevik power was possible only with German help. However, A. Hitler and the conductor of German Eastern policy Rosenberg advocated the dismemberment of living space. This scenario does not suit most Russian emigrants. Such is the difficult fate of the Russian emigration during the Second World War.

Цель исследования – выявление круга основных проблем, находящихся в фокусе внимания украинских ученых, исследующих историю Второй мировой войны. Материалами послужили монографии, сборники статей и отдельные статьи в наиболее авторитетных научных журналах страны, опубликованные в 2014–2019 гг. Применены историко-генетический, сравнительно-исторический и типологический методы, позволившие установить, что в последние годы ведущие историки Украины продолжили менять концепцию истории Великой Отечественной войны с учетом «Методических материалов…» Украинского института национальной памяти. Сделаны выводы, касающиеся тематического спектра публикаций современных украинских историков. Отмечено, что особое внимание ими уделялось изучению пропаганды (как советской, так и гитлеровской), вопросам противоборства советских и нацистских спецслужб, уточнялись определения ряда терминов, связанных с событиями 1939–1945 гг. Выявлено большое влияние на содержание данных публикаций преобладающей сегодня на Украине идеологии. The aim of the study is to identify the circle of the main problems that are in the focus of attention of Ukrainian researchers of the history of World War II. In this case, materials published in 2014–2019 served as materials: monographs, collections of articles, and individual articles in leading scientific journals of the country (The Ukrainian Historical Journal and Pages of War History of Ukraine). The historical-genetic, comparative-historical and typological methods are applied. It is noted that, after the events of 2014, there have been quite noticeable changes in the Ukrainian historiography of World War II and its component, the Great Patriotic War. The author notes that, in recent years, leading historians of Ukraine continued to change the concept of the history of the Great Patriotic War, taking into account the “Methodological Materials for the 70th Anniversary of the Expulsion of Nazi Occupiers from Ukraine” by the Ukrainian Institute of National Remembrance, published in 2014. These recommendations consolidated the process associated with the exclusion of the term “Great Patriotic War” from scientific discourse in Ukrainian historiography. The author notes that Ukrainian historians clarified some basic military categories, concepts, and terms (military art, strategy, operational art, battle, military operation, etc.) used to describe the events of the Great Patriotic War. The material of theoretical articles is analyzed, which reflects the changes that are introduced into the mythologemes of the Ukrainian concept of World War II. It is indicated that, in many works, there is a negative criticism of the actions of the Soviet Union on the eve and during World War II, as well as criticism of the modern Russian concept of the Great Patriotic War, which is sometimes surprising. The importance of disclosing archival funds (including the archives of the Security Service of Ukraine, both central and regional) for historical research is emphasized. Conclusions are drawn regarding the thematic range of publications of modern Ukrainian historians. It is noted that a special attention is paid to studying both Soviet and Nazi propaganda, issues of confrontation between Soviet and Nazi intelligence services, the fate of German prisoners of war, celebration of the Victory Day on May 9 in different cities of the country. The author points out that the ideology prevailing in Ukraine has a great influence on the content of publications.

During World War II, the Soviet Union’s food supply was in a state of crisis. Hitler’s army had occupied the agricultural heartlands of Ukraine and Southern Russia in 1941 and, as a result, agricultural production for the entire nation had plummeted. Soldiers in Red Army, who easily ate the best rations in the country, subsisted on a daily allowance of just under a kilogram of bread, supplemented with meat, tea, sugar and butter when and if these items were available. The hunger of the Red Army and its effect on the morale and strength of Europe’s eastern warfront were causes for concern for the Soviet government and its European and American allies. The one country with a food surplus decided to do something to help, and in 1942 the United States agreed to send thousands of pounds of meat, cheese and butter overseas to help feed the Red Army. After receiving several shipments of the all-American spiced canned meat SPAM, the Red Army’s quartermaster put in a request for a more familiar canned pork product, Russian tushonka. Pound for pound, America sent more pigs overseas than soldiers during World War II, in part because pork was in oversupply in the America of the early 1940s. Shipping meat to hungry soldiers and civilians in war torn countries was a practical way to build business for the U.S. meat industry, which had been in decline throughout the 1930s. As per a Soviet-supplied recipe, the first cans of Lend-Lease tushonka were made in the heart of the American Midwest, at meatpacking plants in Iowa and Ohio (Stettinus 6-7). Government contracts in the meat packing industry helped fuel economic recovery, and meatpackers were in a position to take special request orders like the one for tushonka that came through the lines. Unlike SPAM, which was something of a novelty item during the war, tushonka was a food with a past. The original recipe was based on a recipe for preserved meat that had been a traditional product of the Ural Mountains, preserved in jars with salt and fat rather than by pressure and heat. Thus tushonka was requested—and was mass-produced—not simply as a convenience but also as a traditional and familiar food—a taste of home cooking that soldiers could carry with them into the field. Nikita Khrushchev later claimed that the arrival of tushonka was instrumental in helping the Red Army push back against the Nazi invasion (178). Unlike SPAM and other wartime rations, tushonka did not fade away after the war. Instead, it was distributed to the Soviet civilian population, appearing in charity donations and on the shelves of state shops. Often it was the only meat product available on a regular basis. Salty, fatty, and slightly grey-toned, tushonka was an unlikely hero of the postwar-era, but during this period tushonka rose from obscurity to become an emblem of socialist modernity. Because it was shelf stable and could be made from a variety of different cuts of meat, it proved an ideal product for the socialist production lines where supplies and the pace of production were infinitely variable. Unusual in a socialist system of supply, this product shaped production and distribution lines, and even influenced the layout of meatpacking factories and the genetic stocks of the animals that were to be eaten. Tushonka’s initial ubiquity in the postwar Soviet Union had little to do with the USSR’s own hog industry. Pig populations as well as their processing facilities had been decimated in the war, and pigs that did survive the Axis invasion had been evacuated East with human populations. Instead, the early presence of tushonka in the pig-scarce postwar Soviet Union had everything to do with Harry Truman’s unexpected September 1945 decision to end all “economically useful” Lend-Lease shipments to the Soviet Union (Martel). By the end of September, canned meat was practically the only product still being shipped as part of Lend-Lease (NARA RG 59). Although the United Nations was supposed to distribute these supplies to needy civilians free of cost, travelers to the Soviet Union in 1946 spotted cans of American tushonka for sale in state shops (Skeoch 231). After American tushonka “donations” disappeared from store shelves, the Soviet Union’s meat syndicates decided to continue producing the product. Between its first appearance during the war in 1943, and the 1957 announcement by Nikita Khrushchev that Soviet policy would restructure all state animal farms to support the mass production of one or several processed meat products, tushonka helped to drive the evolution of the Soviet Union’s meat packing industry. Its popularity with both planners and the public gave it the power to reach into food commodity chains. It is this backward reach and the longer-term impacts of these policies that make tushonka an unusual byproduct of the Cold War era. State planners loved tushonka: it was cheap to make, the logistics of preparing it were not complicated, it was easy to transport, and most importantly, it served as tangible evidence that the state was accomplishing a long-standing goal to get more meat to its citizenry and improving the diet of the average Soviet worker. Tushonka became a highly visible product in the Soviet Union’s much vaunted push to establish a modern food regime intended to rival that of the United States. Because it was shelf-stable, wartime tushonka had served as a practical food for soldiers, but after the war tushonka became an ideal food for workers who had neither the time nor the space to prepare a home-cooked meal with fresh meat. The Soviet state started to produce its own tushonka because it was such an excellent fit for the needs and abilities of the Soviet state—consumer demand was rarely considered by planners in this era. Not only did tushonka fit the look and taste of a modern processed meat product (that is, it was standard in texture and flavor from can to can, and was an obviously industrially processed product), it was also an excellent way to make the most of the predominant kind of meat the Soviet Union had the in the 1950s: small scraps low-grade pork and beef, trimmings leftover from butchering practices that focused on harvesting as much animal fat, rather than muscle, from the carcass in question. Just like tushonka, pork sausages and frozen pelmeny, a meat-filled pasta dumpling, also became winning postwar foods thanks to a happy synergy of increased animal production, better butchering and new food processing machines. As postwar pigs recovered their populations, the Soviet processed meat industry followed suit. One official source listed twenty-six different kinds of meat products being issued in 1964, although not all of these were pork (Danilov). An instructional manual distributed by the meat and milk syndicate demonstrated how meat shops should wrap and display sausages, and listed 24 different kinds of sausages that all needed a special style of tying up. Because of packaging shortages, the string that bound the sausage was wrapped in a different way for every type of sausage, and shop assistants were expected to be able to identify sausages based on the pattern of their binding. Pelmeny were produced at every meat factory that processed pork. These were “made from start to finish in a special, automated machine, human hands do not touch them. Which makes them a higher quality and better (prevoskhodnogo) product” (Book of Healthy and Delicious Food). These were foods that became possible to produce economically because of a co-occurring increase in pigs, the new standardized practice of equipping meatpacking plants with large-capacity grinders, and freezers or coolers and the enforcement of a system of grading meat. As the state began to rebuild Soviet agriculture from its near-collapse during the war, the Soviet Union looked to the United States for inspiration. Surprisingly, Soviet planners found some of the United States’ more outdated techniques to be quite valuable for new Soviet hog operations. The most striking of these was the adoption of competing phenotypes in the Soviet hog industry. Most major swine varieties had been developed and described in the 19th century in Germany and Great Britain. Breeds had a tendency to split into two phenotypically distinct groups, and in early 20th Century American pig farms, there was strong disagreement as to which style of pig was better suited to industrial conditions of production. Some pigs were “hot-blooded” (in other words, fast maturing and prolific reproducers) while others were a slower “big type” pig (a self-explanatory descriptor). Breeds rarely excelled at both traits and it was a matter of opinion whether speed or size was the most desirable trait to augment. The over-emphasis of either set of qualities damaged survival rates. At their largest, big type pigs resembled small hippopotamuses, and sows were so corpulent they unwittingly crushed their tiny piglets. But the sleeker hot-blooded pigs had a similarly lethal relationship with their young. Sows often produced litters of upwards of a dozen piglets and the stress of tending such a large brood led overwhelmed sows to devour their own offspring (Long). American pig breeders had been forced to navigate between these two undesirable extremes, but by the 1930s, big type pigs were fading in popularity mainly because butter and newly developed plant oils were replacing lard as the cooking fat of preference in American kitchens. The remarkable propensity of the big type to pack on pounds of extra fat was more of a liability than a benefit in this period, as the price that lard and salt pork plummeted in this decade. By the time U.S. meat packers were shipping cans of tushonka to their Soviet allies across the seas, US hog operations had already developed a strong preference for hot-blooded breeds and research had shifted to building and maintaining lean muscle on these swiftly maturing animals. When Soviet industrial planners hoping to learn how to make more tushonka entered the scene however, their interpretation of american efficiency was hardly predictable: scientifically nourished big type pigs may have been advantageous to the United States at midcentury, but the Soviet Union’s farms and hungry citizens had a very different list of needs and wants. At midcentury, Soviet pigs were still handicapped by old-fashioned variables such as cold weather, long winters, poor farm organisation and impoverished feed regimens. The look of the average Soviet hog operation was hardly industrial. In 1955 the typical Soviet pig was petite, shaggy, and slow to reproduce. In the absence of robust dairy or vegetable oil industries, Soviet pigs had always been valued for their fat rather than their meat, and tushonka had been a byproduct of an industry focused mainly on supplying the country with fat and lard. Until the mid 1950s, the most valuable pig on many Soviet state and collective farms was the nondescript but very rotund “lard and bacon” pig, an inefficient eater that could take upwards of two years to reach full maturity. In searching for a way to serve up more tushonka, Soviet planners became aware that their entire industry needed to be revamped. When the Soviet Union looked to the United States, planners were inspired by the earlier competition between hot-blooded and big type pigs, which Soviet planners thought, ambitiously, they could combine into one splendid pig. The Soviet Union imported new pigs from Poland, Lithuania, East Germany and Denmark, trying valiantly to create hybrid pigs that would exhibit both hot blood and big type. Soviet planners were especially interested in inspiring the Poland-China, an especially rotund specimen, to speed up its life cycle during them mid 1950s. Hybrdizing and cross breeding a Soviet super-pig, no matter how closely laid out on paper, was probably always a socialist pipe dream. However, when the Soviets decided to try to outbreed American hog breeders, they created an infrastructure for pigs and pig breeding that had a dramatic positive impact of hog populations across the country, and the 1950s were marked by a large increase in the number of pigs in the Soviet union, as well as dramatic increases in the numbers of purebred and scientific hybrids the country developed, all in the name of tushonka. It was not just the genetic stock that received a makeover in the postwar drive to can more tushonka; a revolution in the barnyard also took place and in less than 10 years, pigs were living in new housing stock and eating new feed sources. The most obvious postwar change was in farm layout and the use of building space. In the early 1950s, many collective farms had been consolidated. In 1940 there were a quarter of a million kolkhozii, by 1951 fewer than half that many remained (NARA RG166). Farm consolidation movements most often combined two, three or four collective farms into one economic unit, thus scaling up the average size and productivity of each collective farm and simplifying their administration. While there were originally ambitious plans to re-center farms around new “agro-city” bases with new, modern farm buildings, these projects were ultimately abandoned. Instead, existing buildings were repurposed and the several clusters of farm buildings that had once been the heart of separate villages acquired different uses. For animals this meant new barns and new daily routines. Barns were redesigned and compartmentalized around ideas of gender and age segregation—weaned baby pigs in one area, farrowing sows in another—as well as maximising growth and health. Pigs spent less outside time and more time at the trough. Pigs that were wanted for different purposes (breeding, meat and lard) were kept in different areas, isolated from each other to minimize the spread of disease as well as improve the efficiency of production. Much like postwar housing for humans, the new and improved pig barn was a crowded and often chaotic place where the electricity, heat and water functioned only sporadically. New barns were supposed to be mechanised. In some places, mechanisation had helped speed things along, but as one American official viewing a new mechanised pig farm in 1955 noted, “it did not appear to be a highly efficient organisation. The mechanised or automated operations, such as the preparation of hog feed, were eclipsed by the amount of hand labor which both preceded and followed the mechanised portion” (NARA RG166 1961). The American official estimated that by mechanizing, Soviet farms had actually increased the amount of human labor needed for farming operations. The other major environmental change took place away from the barnyard, in new crops the Soviet Union began to grow for fodder. The heart and soul of this project was establishing field corn as a major new fodder crop. Originally intended as a feed for cows that would replace hay, corn quickly became the feed of choice for raising pigs. After a visit by a United States delegation to Iowa and other U.S. farms over the summer of 1955, corn became the centerpiece of Khrushchev’s efforts to raise meat and milk productivity. These efforts were what earned Khrushchev his nickname of kukuruznik, or “corn fanatic.” Since so little of the Soviet Union looks or feels much like the plains and hills of Iowa, adopting corn might seem quixotic, but raising corn was a potentially practical move for a cold country. Unlike the other major fodder crops of turnips and potatoes, corn could be harvested early, while still green but already possessing a high level of protein. Corn provided a “gap month” of green feed during July and August, when grazing animals had eaten the first spring green growth but these same plants had not recovered their biomass. What corn remained in the fields in late summer was harvested and made into silage, and corn made the best silage that had been historically available in the Soviet Union. The high protein content of even silage made from green mass and unripe corn ears prevented them from losing weight in the winter. Thus the desire to put more meat on Soviet tables—a desire first prompted by American food donations of surplus pork from Iowa farmers adapting to agro-industrial reordering in their own country—pushed back into the commodity supply network of the Soviet Union. World War II rations that were well adapted to the uncertainty and poor infrastructure not just of war but also of peacetime were a source of inspiration for Soviet planners striving to improve the diets of citizens. To do this, they purchased and bred more and better animals, inventing breeds and paying attention, for the first time, to the efficiency and speed with which these animals were ready to become meat. Reinventing Soviet pigs pushed even back farther, and inspired agricultural economists and state planners to embrace new farm organizational structures. Pigs meant for the tushonka can spent more time inside eating, and led their lives in a rigid compartmentalization that mimicked emerging trends in human urban society. Beyond the barnyard, a new concern with feed-to weight conversions led agriculturalists to seek new crops; crops like corn that were costly to grow but were a perfect food for a pig destined for a tushonka tin. Thus in Soviet industrialization, pigs evolved. No longer simply recyclers of human waste, socialist pigs were consumers in their own right, their newly crafted genetic compositions demanded ever more technical feed sources in order to maximize their own productivity. Food is transformative, and in this case study the prosaic substance of canned meat proved to be unusually transformative for the history of the Soviet Union. In its early history it kept soldiers alive long enough to win an important war, later the requirements for its manufacture re-prioritized muscle tissue over fat tissue in the disassembly of carcasses. This transformative influence reached backwards into the supply lines and farms of the Soviet Union, revolutionizing the scale and goals of farming and meat packing for the Soviet food industry, as well as the relationship between the pig and the consumer. References Bentley, Amy. Eating for Victory: Food Rationing and the Politics of Domesticity. Where: University of Illinois Press, 1998. The Book of Healthy and Delicious Food, Kniga O Vkusnoi I Zdorovoi Pishche. Moscow: AMN Izd., 1952. 161. Danilov, M. M. Tovaravedenie Prodovol’stvennykh Tovarov: Miaso I Miasnye Tovarye. Moscow: Iz. Ekonomika, 1964. Khrushchev, Nikita. Khrushchev Remembers. New York: Little, Brown & Company, 1970. 178. Long, James. The Book of the Pig. London: Upcott Gill, 1886. 102. Lush, Jay & A.L. Anderson, “A Genetic History of Poland-China Swine: I—Early Breed History: The ‘Hot Blood’ versus the ‘Big Type’” Journal of Heredity 30.4 (1939): 149-56. Martel, Leon. Lend-Lease, Loans, and the Coming of the Cold War: A Study of the Implementation of Foreign Policy. Boulder: Westview Press, 1979. 35. National Archive and Records Administration (NARA). RG 59, General Records of the Department of State. Office of Soviet Union affairs, Box 6. “Records relating to Lend Lease with the USSR 1941-1952”. National Archive and Records Administration (NARA). RG166, Records of the Foreign Agricultural Service. Narrative reports 1940-1954. USSR Cotton-USSR Foreign trade. Box 64, Folder “farm management”. Report written by David V Kelly, 6 Apr. 1951. National Archive and Records Administration (NARA). RG 166, Records of the Foreign Agricultural Service. Narrative Reports 1955-1961. Folder: “Agriculture” “Visits to Soviet agricultural installations,” 15 Nov. 1961. Skeoch, L.A. Food Prices and Ration Scale in the Ukraine, 1946 The Review of Economics and Statistics 35.3 (Aug. 1953), 229-35. State Archive of the Russian Federation (GARF). Fond R-7021. The Report of Extraordinary Special State Commission on Wartime Losses Resulting from the German-Fascist Occupation cites the following losses in the German takeover. 1948. Stettinus, Edward R. Jr. Lend-Lease: Weapon for Victory. Penguin Books, 1944.

IntroductionThis article is about the transformation of coffee, from having no place in the everyday lives of the people of Bangladesh, to a new position as a harbinger of liberal values and Western culture. The context is a group of Australian photojournalism students who embarked on a month-long residency in Bangladesh; the content is a Nescafé advertisement encouraging the young, middle-class Bangladesh audience to consume coffee, in a marketing campaign that promotes “my first cup.” For the Australian students, the marketing positioning of this advertising campaign transformed instant coffee into a strange and unfamiliar commodity. At the same time, the historic association between Bangladesh and tea prompted one of the photographers to undertake her own journey to explore the hidden side of that other Western staple. This paper explores the tradition of tea culture in Bangladesh and the marketing campaign for instant coffee within this culture, combining the authors’ experiences and perspectives. The outline of the Photomedia unit in the Bachelor of Creative Industries degree that the students were working towards at Edith Cowan University (ECU) in Australia states that:students will engage with practices, issues and practicalities of working as a photojournalist in an international, cross cultural context. Students will work in collaboration with students of Pathshala: South Asian Institute of Photography, Dhaka Bangladesh in the research, production and presentation of stories related to Bangladeshi society and culture for distribution to international audiences (ECU). The sixteen students from Perth, living and working in Bangladesh between 5 January and 7 February 2012, exhibited a diverse range of cultures, contexts, and motivations. Young Australians, along with a number of ECU’s international students, including some from Norway, China and Sweden, were required to learn first-hand about life in Bangladesh, one of the world’s poorest and most densely populated countries. Danielle Fusco and ECU lecturer Duncan Barnes collaborated with staff and students of Pathshala, South Asian Media Institute (Pathshala). Their recollections and observations on tea production and the location are central to this article but it is the questions asked by the group about the marketing of instant coffee into this culture that provides its tensions. Fusco completed a week-long induction and then travelled in Bangladesh for a fortnight to research and photograph individual stories on rural and urban life. Barnes here sets the scene for the project, describing the expectations and what actually happened: When we travel to countries that are vastly different to our own it is often to seek out that difference; to go in search of the romanticised ideals that have been portrayed as paradise in films, books and photographs. “The West” has long been fascinated with “The East” (Said) and for the past half century, since the hippie treks to Marrakesh and Afghanistan, people have journeyed overland to the Indian sub-continent, both from Europe and from Australia, yearning for a cultural experience they cannot find at home. Living in Perth, Western Australia, sometimes called the most isolated capital city in the world, that pull to something “different” is like a magnet. Upon arrival in Dhaka, you find yourself deliciously overwhelmed by the heavy traffic, the crowded markets, the spicy foods and the milky lassie drinks. It only takes a few stomach upsets to make your Western appetite start kicking in and you begin craving things you have at home but that are hard to find in Bangladesh. Take coffee for example. I recently completed a month-long visit to Bangladesh, which, like India, is a nation of tea drinkers. Getting any kind of good coffee requires that you be in what expatriates call “the Golden Triangle” of Dhaka city—within the area contained by Gulshan-Banani-Baridhara. Here you find the embassies and a sizeable expatriate community that constitutes a Western bubble unrepresentative of Bangladesh beyond these districts. Coffee World is an example of a Western-style café chain that, as the name suggests, serves coffee beverages. It has trouble making a quality flat white. The baristas are poorly trained, the service is painfully slow, yet the prices are comparable to those in the West. Even with these disadvantages, it is frequented by Westerners who also make use of the free WiFi. In contrast, tea is available at every road junction for around 5 cents Australian. It’s ready in seconds: the kettle is always hot due to a constant turnover of local customers. It was the history of tea growing in Bangladesh, and a desire to know more about a commodity that people in the West take for granted, that most attracted Fusco’s interest. She chose to focus on Bangladesh’s oldest commercial tea garden (plantation) Sylhet, which has been in production since 1857 (Tea Board). As is the case with many tea farms in the Indian sub-continent, the workers at Sylhet are part of Bangladesh’s Hindu minority. Fusco left Dhaka and travelled into the rural areas to investigate tea production: Venturing into these estates from the city is like entering an entirely different world. They are isolated places, and although they are close in distance, they are completely separate from the main city. Spending time in the Khadim tea estate amongst the plantations and the workers’ compounds made me very aware of the strong relationship that exists between them. The Hindu teaching of Samsara refers to the continuous cycle of repeated birth, life, death and rebirth [Hinduism], which became a metaphor for me, for this relationship I was experiencing. It is clear that neither farm [where the tea is grown] nor village [which houses the people] could live without each other. The success and maintenance of the tea farm relies on the workers just as much as the workers rely on the tea gardens for their livelihood and sustenance. Their life cycles are intertwined and in synch. There are many problems in the compounds. The people are extremely poor. Their education opportunities are limited, and they work incredibly hard for very little money for their entire lives. They are bound to stay and work here and as those generations before them, were born, worked and died here, living their whole lives in the community of the tea farm. By documenting the lives of the people, I realised I was documenting the process of the lives of the tea trees at the same time. This is how I met Lolita.Figure 1. Bangladeshi tea worker, Lolita, stands in a small section of the Khadim tea plantation in the early morning. Sylhet, Bangladesh (Danielle Fusco, Jan. 2012). This woman emulated everything I was seeing and feeling about the village and the garden. She spoke about the reliance on the trees, especially because of the money and, therefore, the food, they provide for her and her husband. I became aware of the injustice of this system because the workers are paid so little while this industry is booming. It was obvious that life here is far from perfect, but as Lolita explains, they make do. She has worked on the tea estate for decades. As her husband is no longer working, she is the primary income earner. They are able, however, to live in relative comfort now their children have all married and left and it is just the two of them. Lolita describes that money lies within these trees. Money for her means that she can eat that day. Money for the managers means industrial success. Either way, whether it is in the eyes of the individual or the industry, tea always comes down to Taka [the currency of Bangladesh]. Marketing Coffee in a Culture of Tea and Betel Nut With such a strong culture of tea production and consumption and a coffee culture just existing on the fringe, a campaign by Nescafé to encourage Bangladeshi consumers to have “my first cup” of Nescafé instant coffee at the time of this study captured the imagination of the students. How effective can the marketing of Nescafé instant coffee be in a society that is historically a producer and consumer of tea, and which also still embraces the generations-old use of the betel nut as an everyday stimulant? Although it only employs some 150,000 (Islam et al.) in a nation of 150 million people, tea makes an important contribution to the Bangladesh economy. Shortly after the 1971 civil war, in which East Pakistan (now Bangladesh) became independent from West Pakistan (now Pakistan), the then-Chairman of the Bangladesh Tea Board, writing in World Development, commented:In the highly competitive marketing environment of today it is extremely necessary for the tea industry of Bangladesh to increase production by raising the per acre yield, improve quality by adoption of finer plucking standards and modernization of factories and reduce per unit cost of production so as to be able to sell more of our teas to foreign markets and thereby earn higher amounts of much needed foreign exchange for the country as well as generate additional resources within the industry for ploughing back for further development (Ali 55). In Bangladesh, tea is a cash crop that, even in the 1970s following vicious conflicts, is more than capable of meeting local demand and producing an export dividend. Coffee is imported commodity that, historically, has had little place in Bangladeshi life or culture. However important tea is, it is not the traditional Bangladesh stimulant. Instead, over the years, when people in the West would have had a cup of tea or coffee and/or a cigarette, most Bangladeshis have turned to the betel nut. A 2005 study of 100 citizens from Araihazar, Bangladesh, conducted by researchers from Columbia University, found that coffee consumption is “very low in this population” (Hafeman et al. 567). The purpose of the study was to assess the impact of betel quids (the wad of masticated nut) and the chewing of betel nuts, upon tremor. For this reason, it was important to record the consumption of stimulants in the 98 participants who progressed to the next stage of the study and took a freehand spiral-drawing test. While “26 (27%) participants had chewed betel quids, 23 (23%) had smoked one or more cigarettes, [and] 14 (14%) drank tea; on that day, only 1 (1%) drank caffeinated soda, and none (0%) drank coffee” (Hafeman et al. 568). Given its addictive and carcinogenic properties (Sharma), the people who chewed betel quids were more likely to exhibit tremor in their spiral drawings than the people who did not. As this (albeit small) study suggests, the preferred Bangladeshi stimulant is more likely to be betel or tobacco rather than a beverage. Insofar as hot drinks are consumed, Bangladesh citizens drink tea. This poses a significant challenge for multinational advertisers who seek to promote the consumption of instant coffee as a means of growing the global market for Nescafé. Marketing Nescafé to Bangladesh In Dhaka, in January 2012, the television campaign slogan for Nescafé is “My first cup”, with the tagline, “Time you started.” This Nescafé television commercial (NTC) impressed itself upon the Australian visitors, both in terms of its frequency of broadcast and in its referencing of Western culture and values. (The advertisement can be viewed at http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=2E8mFX43oAM). The NTC’s three stars, Vir Das, Purab Kohli, and leading Bollywood actress Deepika Padukone, are highly-recognisable to young Bangladeshi audiences and the storyline is part of a developing series of advertisements which together form a mini-soap opera, like that used so successfully to advertise the Nescafé Gold Blend brand of instant coffee in the West in the 1980s to 1990s (O’Donohoe 242; Beale). The action takes place in Kohli’s affluent, Western-style apartment. The drama starts with Das challenging Kohli regarding whether he has successfully developed a relationship with his attractive neighbour, Padukone. Using a combination of local language with English words and sub-titles, the first sequence is captioned: “Any progress with Deepika, or are you still mixing coffee?” Suggesting incredulity, and that he could do better, Das asks Kohli, according to the next subtitle, “What are you doing dude?” The use of the word “dude” clearly refers to American youth culture, familiar in such movies as Dude, where’s my car? This is underlined by the immediate transition to the English words of “bikes … biceps … chest … explosion.” Of these four words only “chest” is pronounced in the local tongue, although all four words are included as captions in English. Kohli appears less and less impressed as Das becomes increasingly insistent, with Das going on to express frustration with Kohli through the exclamation “u don’t even have a plan.” The use of the text-speak English “u” here can be constructed as another way of persuading young Bangladeshi viewers that this advertisement is directed at them: the “u” in place of “you” is likely to annoy their English-speaking elders. Das continues speaking in his mother tongue, with the subtitle “Deepika padukone [sic] is your neighbour and you are only drinking coffee,” with the subsequent subtitle emphasising: “Deepika and only coffee.” At this point, Padukone enters the apartment through the open door without knocking and confidently says “Hi.” Kohli explains the situation by responding (in English, and subtitled) “my school friend, Das”. Padukone, in turn, responds in a friendly way to both men (in English, and subtitled) “You guys want to have coffee?” Instead of responding directly to this invitation, Das models to Kohli what it is to take the initiative in this situation: what it is to have a plan. “Hello” (he says, in English and subtitled) “I don’t have coffee but I have a plan. You and me, my bike, right now, hit the town, party!” Kohli looks down at the floor, embarrassed, while Padukone looks quizzically at him over Das’s shoulder. Kohli smiles, and points to himself and Padukone, clearly excluding Das: “I will have coffee” (in English, and subtitle). “Better plan”, exclaims Padukone, “You and me, my place, right now, coffee.” She looks challengingly at Das: “Right?,” a statement rather than a request, and exits, with Kohli following and Das left behind in the apartment. Cue voice-over (not a subtitle, but in-screen speech bubble) “[It’s] time you started” (spoken) “the new Nescafé” (shot change) “My first cup” (with an in-screen price promotion). This commercial associates coffee drinking with Western values of social and personal autonomy. For young women in the traditional Muslim culture of Bangladesh, it suggests a world in which they are at liberty to spend time with the suitors they choose, ignoring those whom they find pushy or inappropriate, and free to invite a man back to “my place, right now” for coffee. The scene setting in this advertisement and the use of English in both the spoken and written text suggests its target is the educated middle class, and indicates that sophisticated, affluent, trend-setters drink coffee as a part of getting to know their neighbours. In line with this, the still which ends the commercial promotes the Facebook page “Know your neighbours.” The flirtatious nature of the actors in the advertisement, the emphasis on each of the male characters spending time alone with the female character, and the female character having both power and choice in this situation is likely to be highly unacceptable to traditional Bangladeshi parental values and, therefore, proportionately more exciting to the target audience. The underlying suggestion of “my first cup” and “time you started” is that the social consumption of that first cup of coffee is the “first step” to becoming more Western. The statement also has overtones of sexual initiation. The advertisement aligns itself with the world portrayed in the Western media consumed in Bangladesh, and the implication is that—even if Western liberal values are not currently a possible choice for all—it is at least feasible to start on the journey towards these values through drinking that first cup of coffee. Unbeknownst to the Bangladesh audience, this Nescafé marketing strategy echoes, in almost all material particulars, the same approach that was so successful in persuading Australians to embrace instant coffee. Khamis, in her essay on Australia and the convenience of instant coffee, argues that, while in 1928 Australia had the highest per capita consumption of tea in the world, this had begun to change by the 1950s. The transformation in the market positioning of coffee was partly achieved through an association between tea and old-fashioned ‘Britishness’ and coffee and the United States: this discovery [of coffee] spoke to changes in Australia’s lifestyle options: the tea habit was tied to Australia’s development as a far-flung colonial outpost, a daily reminder that many still looked to London as the nation’s cultural capital: the growing appeal of instant coffee reflected a widening and more nuanced cultural palate. This was not just ‘another’ example of the United States postwar juggernaut; it marks the transitional phase in Australia’s history, as its cultural identity was informed less by the staid conservativism of Britain than the heady flux of New World glamour (219). Coffee was associated with the USA not simply through advertising but also through cultural exposure. By 1943, notes Khamis, there were 120,000 American service personnel stationed in Australia and she quotes Symons (168) as saying that “when an American got on a friendly footing with an Australian family he was usually found in the kitchen, teaching the Mrs how to make coffee, or washing the dishes” (168, cited in Khamis 220). The chances were that “the Mrs”—the Australian housewife—felt she needed the tuition: an Australian survey conducted by Gallup in March 1950 indicated that 55 per cent of respondents at that time had never tried coffee, while a further 24 per cent said they “seldom” consumed it (Walker and Roberts 133, cited in Khamis 222). In a newspaper article titled, “Overpaid, Oversexed and Over Here”, Munro describes the impact of exposure to the first American troops based in Australia during this time, with a then seven year old recalling: “They were foreign, quite a different culture from us. They spoke more loudly than us. They had strange accents, cute expressions, they were really very exotic.” The American troops caused consternation for Australian fathers and boyfriends. Dulcie Wood was 18 when she was dating an American serviceman: They had more money to spend (than Australian troops). They seemed to have plenty of supplies, they were always bringing you presents—stockings and cartons of cigarettes […] Their uniforms were better. They took you to more places. They were quite good dancers, some of them. They always brought you flowers. They were more polite to women. They charmed the mums because they were very polite. Some dads were a bit more sceptical of them. They weren’t sure if all that charm was genuine (quoted in Munro). Darian-Smith argues that, at that time, Australian understanding of Americans was based on Hollywood films, which led to an impression of American technological superiority and cultural sophistication (215-16, 232). “Against the American-style combination of smart advertising, consumerism, self-expression and popular democracy, the British class system and its buttoned-up royals appeared dull and dour” writes Khamis (226, citing Grant 15)—almost as dull and dour as 1950s tea compared with the postwar sophistication of Nescafé instant coffee. Conclusion The approach Nestlé is using in Bangladesh to market instant coffee is tried and tested: coffee is associated with the new, radical cultural influence while tea and other traditional stimulants are relegated to the choice of an older, more staid generation. Younger consumers are targeted with a romantic story about the love of coffee, reflected in a mini-soap opera about two people becoming a couple over a cup of Nescafé. Hopefully, the Pathshala-Edith Cowan University collaboration is at least as strong. Some of the overseas visitors return to Bangladesh on a regular basis—the student presentations in 2012 were, for instance, attended by two visiting graduates from the 2008 program who were working in Bangladesh. For the Australian participants, the association with Pathshala, South Asian Media Institute, and Drik Photo Agency brings recognition, credibility and opportunity. It also offers a totally new perspective on what to order in the coffee queue once they are home again in Australia. Postscript The final week of the residency in Bangladesh was taken up with presentations and a public exhibition of the students’ work at Drik Picture Agency, Dhaka, 3–7 February 2012. 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