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1
Sabancı, Zeynep, and Somer Alp Şimşeker. "A NEW TYPE OF WARFARE: Chemical Filling Facilities in Istanbul, 1914–1918." Journal of the International Committee for the History of Technology 28, no. 2 (December 15, 2023): 63–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.11590/icon.2023.2.03.
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In the total war era, states committed their scientific research to rapidly changing warfare conditions, making the management of war the primary goal of contemporary states. The weakness of primary weapons in neutralising the enemy (or enemies) was obvious from the beginning of the First World War. Constantly changing war strategies, integration of civilians into warfare, and the growing sense of impotence as the war proceeded longer than expected, prompted a return to the components of violence. Although research into the use of different chemicals, gases, and suffocating substances in weapons was not something new, its successful employment climaxed during the First World War. This study provides an analysis of the employment of chemical weapons during the First World War and revisits the scarce arguments on whether the Ottomans had taken part in producing chemical weapons. The primary focus here is the gasfilling facilities established in Istanbul under the supervision of German efforts for military purposes. Additionally, the unanticipated extraordinary effects of the use of chemical weapons, the strategies employed to cause attrition in trenches, and its effects on the Ottoman army are within the scope of this article.
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WATSON, ALEXANDER. "Managing an ‘Army of Peoples’: Identity, Command and Performance in the Habsburg Officer Corps, 1914–1918." Contemporary European History 25, no. 2 (April 12, 2016): 233–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777316000059.
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AbstractThis article examines the officers who led the Habsburg Army during the First World War. It highlights the complexity of their identities, demonstrating that this went well beyond the a-national – nationalist dichotomy in much historiography. It also argues that these officers' identities had a profound impact on how their army functioned in the field. The article first studies the senior command in 1914–16, showing how its wartime learning processes were shaped by transnational attitudes. These officers had belonged in peace to an international military professional network. When disaster befell their army at the outset of the First World War, it was natural for them to seek lessons from foreign armies, at first from their major enemies, the Russians, and later their German allies. The second half of the article explores the changing loyalties of the reserve officers tasked with frontline command in the later war years. It contends that the officer corps' focus on maintaining social and educational standards resulted in an influx of middle-class junior leaders whose conditional commitment to the Empire and limited language skills greatly influenced the Habsburg Army's record of longevity but mediocre combat performance.
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Barford, Paul. "Three Publications about Archaeology of a Segment of the First World War's Forgotten Eastern Front." Archaeologia Polona 59 (December 20, 2021): 189–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.23858/apa59.2021.2869.
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While the horrors of the trench warfare on the Western Front in Belgium and France are part of the European cultural memory, to some degree the much more extensive and mobile Eastern Front of the 1914–1918 conflict has become the forgotten front (Die vergessene Front). Although for just over eleven months in 1914/15, the central part of a major front, some 1000 km long on which three million people died ran through the middle of what is now Poland, for a number of reasons the memory of this has there been all but erased from memory and from the cultural landscape.
The reviewed three volumes are the result of a project that has attempted to address the poor state of historical memory of the momentous events and human drama that took place a century earlier on the segment of the front, 55 km west of Warsaw. Here, from mid-December 1914, the Russian Imperial army tried to hold back the eastward advance of the German troops on defences built along the Bzura and Rawka rivers. For the next seven months, the fighting here took the form of the same type of prolonged static trench warfare more familiar on the Western Front (the only place in the eastern sphere of war that this happened). The German army made every effort (including mining and several major gas attacks), to advance on Warsaw but failed to break through. It was only after the Great Retreat of the Russian army in the summer of 1915 that these defences were overrun and Warsaw fell.
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Bezha, Anastas. "The Rise of a National Army or a Colonial One? Albanian Troops in the Austro-Hungarian Army during World War I." Hungarian Historical Review 11, no. 1 (2022): 141–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.38145/2022.1.141.
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The article discusses the under-researched topic of the Albanian troops in the Austro-Hungarian military during World War One. The topic represents a forgotten moment in World War One Balkan historiography, and it is also an unstudied colonial example. Based on English, Hungarian, and German archival and secondary sources, the article first provides a short historical description of the Albanian fighting units under the Ottoman Empire, their organization, and their infamously bellicose nature, up until the independence of the country. The paper then analyzes how these units became part of the Great War (despite the fact that the country itself remained neutral) under the Austro-Hungarian Army; first, as irregular fighting troops (Freischärler Albanien) between 1914 and 1916 and later as ethnical regimental units (Albanisches Korps or Albanische Abteilungen) between 1916 and 1918. Finally, the article compares the Albanian troops to other colonial forces of the time, including how these Albanian units were recruited, trained, and used in the battlefields with the purpose of creating a sense of loyalty to the Habsburg Monarchy. The case study of the Albanian Corps is a prime example of how the inability to ensure safety by force in a newly created state met with the geo-strategic and war necessities of a Great Power through colonial martial practices disguised as transnational help.
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Kettler, Mark T. "“Incurable Megalomania” and “Fantasies of Expansion”: The German Army Reimagines Empire in Occupied Poland, 1915–1918." Central European History 54, no. 4 (December 2021): 621–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938921000017.
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AbstractPlans for a Polish “border strip” are frequently cited to argue that the German army entered the First World War committed to pacifying conquered space through Germanization. This article contends that, in 1914, the German officer corps did not understand national homogeneity as essential for imperial security. Many influential officers insisted that Polish identity was compatible with German imperial loyalty. They supported a multinational imperial model, proposing to trade Poland its cultural and political autonomy for the acceptance of German suzerainty in foreign policy and military command. The army's preference for Germanizing space developed during the occupation of Russian Poland, as officers learned to conflate diversity with imperial fragility. Only a series of political crises after 1916 shifted military opinion against multinational imperialism. Increasingly convinced that Poland would betray the German Empire, some officers abandoned multinationalism. Others revised their plans to contain Poland and fortify Germany by annexing and Germanizing Polish space.
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Erokhina, O. V. "Status of Germans in Russian Empire during First World War (1914-1917)." Nauchnyi dialog 13, no. 5 (June 29, 2024): 390–408. http://dx.doi.org/10.24224/2227-1295-2024-13-5-390-408.
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This article focuses on characterizing the everyday life, moods, and situation of Germans residing in the territory of the Russian state from 1914 to 1917. The author analyzed letters written by representatives of different social groups, nationalities, and ages during this period, as well as materials from periodical publications. Special attention is given to significant events for the German population, such as the renaming of settlements from German to Russian names, the development and application of “liquidation legislation” towards them in 1914-1915, and the interactions in the army between German and Russian military personnel. Based on the materials studied, it is concluded that Germans had mixed perceptions of the socio-political events in the country. Some sought to blend in with the crowd and not emphasize their national identity, while others tried to draw the attention of State Duma deputies to their issues. They did not understand how to prove their loyalty to the authorities and why they were labeled as “internal enemies”, despite being Russian subjects. The most dissatisfaction was expressed by soldiers who fought as well as Russians, received deserved military awards, but were subjected to humiliations by their superiors.
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Belova, Irina B. "“Returned with Saddened Hearts”: Memoirs of the World War I Refugee, 1914–18." Herald of an archivist, no. 4 (2023): 1150–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-0101-2023-4-1150-1160.
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The article uses method of historical commentary to examine valuable memoirs of Roman Bagrovsky, a World War I refugee from the Grodno gubernia, born in 1906; the memoirs were transcribed in 2000 by local historian Vladimir Sidoruk. The events of the Great War of 1914–18 affected the population of the Western territories of the Russian Empire directly, as they, unlike the inhabitants of the interior regions, had to leave their native lands, fleeing the Germans, and they were leaving for long years. It should be noted that the memoirs reflect all periods of the Bagrovskys’ refugee life: their evacuation, their residence in the Ryazan gubernia prior to the Bolsheviks’ rise to power and in the Soviet period, and their return to the homeland. The source allows us to visualize the realities of the summer of 1915, when, the Russian army retreating and the threat of German occupation of the Grodno gubernia growing, the entire population of R. Bagrovsky’s native village joined the refugee column riding to Belovezha. The memoirs can be used to reconstruct the unprecedented process of horse-drawn movement of people masses in the summer of 1915 and to identify its circumstances: willy-nilly low speed, shortage of water, heat, adversely affecting the refugees’ well-being and health. The source demonstrates informal side of such fleeing, never recorded in official documents: for example, moving by rail, deliveries, stationing in rural areas (village of Bolshoe Pirogovo, Ryazan gubernia). According to the memoirs’ author, local farmers and refugees lived well before the revolution. Everything changed with the rise of the Bolsheviks: the refugees experienced hunger, lack of essential goods, they witnessed dissatisfaction of the local peasants with the “new order,” their armed resistance and its consequences. The final part of the memoirs is also important, as it permits to detail the difficult process of returning: first, the refugees reached Moscow, then Brest, then home, where in August 1920 they found “only ruins” and their fathers’ land “overgrown with weeds.” Roman worked as shepherd. New life began. Only 12 years later Roman Bagrovsky started his own family, as he and his father had first to restore the farm. Thus, taking into account that the memoirs of the First World War refugees are rarely used in the Russian scholarship, the publication may be of interest not only to specialists, but also to anyone interested in the humanitarian aspects of the history of the First World War and problems of the Russian wartime refugees.
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Prigodich, Nikita. "German cars in the Russian army during the first world war: Features of the military transport crisis." SHS Web of Conferences 190 (2024): 03002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/shsconf/202419003002.
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The article discusses the challenges of supplying the formations of the army of the Russian Empire with automotive equipment on the eve and during the First World War. Prior to the war, the utilization of road transport in the army and rear was fragmented. However, as of 1914-1915, the advantages of road transport in military logistics became evident to both the command and government. Nonetheless, ordering new cars from the Entente countries posed several difficulties. Drawing from the documents of the military-technical department of the General Staff of the Russian army, the article highlights the extent of dependence on German production. It delves into the complexities faced by the Russian government at the onset of the war. The research convincingly demonstrates that, contrary to previous studies and customs statistics for Russia, the primary issue lay not in the inability to replace cars from Germany, but rather in the necessity to multiply the number of cars when altering the logistics of supplies from other countries that also had to pass through Germany. These two interconnected problems became key issues that proved insurmountable for Russia, ultimately leading to catastrophic consequences.
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JĘDRYSIAK, Jacek. "The Lost Chance for Integration? The German Army Concept of Rebuilding the Railways in Poland, Lithuania and Courland During the First World War." Journal of European Integration History 29, no. 2 (2023): 227–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0947-9511-2023-2-227.
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The First World War had differentiated effects on the development and integration of the railway network in northern East Central Europe. Until 1914 this region was part of the German and Russian Empires and the rail network densities in the states were very contrasted. During the war, destroyed railway lines were quickly rebuilt; the railway network even expanded and was standardised in terms of gauge as a part of the German plan to rebuild the architecture of the system of East Central Europe. On the one hand, this was done for military reasons. But there was also a broader concept behind it: the idea of submitting the railways of the resurrected states of Poland, Lithuania and Courland to the unified system managed by the Germany. The aim of the article is to indicate to what extent Imperial German policy during the Great War actually contributed to the creation of a new, uniformed railway network in the occupied areas.
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Salivon, Elisha. "What Does Jewish Praying Book from the World War Tell: after the Publication by Rabbi Dr. Sali Levy." Tirosh. Jewish, Slavic & Oriental Studies 18 (2018): 110–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2658-3380.2018.18.3.2.
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This paper presents an article by Rabbi Dr. S. Levi published in 1921 in Monatsschrift für Geschichte und Wissenschaft des Judentums about French Jewish army rabbis and Jewish praying books from World War One distributed among Jewish soldiers in French Army. Levi served himself as an Army Rabbi in German army. He used his own experience to highlight the most interesting and significant features of French approach toward Jewish military service in time of war. This article of Rabbi Levi serves as an example of continuation of the pre-war GermanJewish self-identification as both culturally German and religiously Jewish. However, it also presented an interesting depiction of the technical details about French Army praying book. In contrast to German Jewry, their French counterparts published praying book under the auspices of the Chief Rabbi of France and distributed in with the help of his office. Levi pointed out that these praying books reflect in their content the original war time religiosity, which was still important to reconstruct and to reflect about in the after war epoch. The Great Rabbi of France gave his sanctions for the publishing the Prayer for the War Time and Prayer for France, both prayers bore his name and originated in the years 1914-1915. Dr. Levi justly saw in the figure of the Great Rabbi a central authority for the Jews in the French uniform. The French praying book was designated not only for the French Jews of European origin who mostly had had Alsace and Lorraine roots, but also for the Sephardic Jews from the French colonies in North Africa (Morocco and Algiers). Because of this fact, this praying book was different in its content from both German Jewish praying books. It provided two versions of the Hebrew texts in accordance to Ashkenazi and Sephardic rites. Both versions, the Ashkenazi (and the German one as Dr. Levi called it) and the Sephardic were printed together. Dr. Levi thought that it was necessary to highlight the differences between these two Jewish rites. He found that there elements in general were of great importance whereas his Ashkenazi German readers would find it confusing to differentiate between ritual nuances with their Sephardic co-religionists, namely in the conducting the death-, burial- and mourning praying ceremonies. In accordance to the articles published in the Monatsschrift Jewish experiences during the First World War were positively evaluated by their German co-religionists.
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KIM, Geonwoo. "The ‘Influenza of 1918’ and World War I: Focusing on the response and influence of the German army." Korean Society For German History 50 (August 31, 2022): 77–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.17995/kjgs.2022.8.50.77.
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The most fundamental starting point of this study is to discover cases of infectious diseases in the past in the process of entering a new era due to the COVID-19 pandemic that mankind is experiencing, to find historical lessons, and to find ways to prevent and overcome the pandemic that may come again.
The place where the ‘influenza’ began is still uncertain in detail, and the first appearance in the German military was on the Western Front against France. And it suffered the most during the first pandemic. When the first pandemic spread to the military, specific, systematic, and medical responses to the epidemic were not implemented within the German military, and countermeasures were not properly implemented. Due to the first pandemic, the German general offensive on the Western Front in 1918 had to disrupt the mobilization of soldiers. Along with various other events, it appears as the cause of failure. However, it is difficult to say that the ‘1918 influenza’ had a decisive impact on the end of the war.
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Kutsyk, Ruslan, and Bohdan Bezpalko. "“DEMONIZATION” OF THE ENEMY AS METHOD OF RUSSIAN IMPERIAL PROPAGANDA DURING THE FIRST WORLD WAR." Kyiv Historical Studies, no. 1 (2020): 75–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.28925/2524-0757.2020.1.10.
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The article deals with the main features of creating the negative image of the enemy by the Russian imperial authorities among the population of the Ukrainian lands of the Right Bank of Ukraine in 1914–1917s. The relevance and current state of scientific development of the problem are indicated in the article as well. It is found that during the war, the Russian Empire authorities were aware of high importance specific information campaign as a successful method of struggle. And one of the key areas in this context was connected with the negative image of the Germans and their allies. For this purpose, the authorities, through various mechanisms of informational influence on the society, in practice using of such method of propaganda as “demonization”, whose main task was not simply to form a negative image of the enemy, but to transform it into the plane of religious and dogmatic confrontation of good with evil and the collision of two worlds: Russian as civilized and German as barbaric. The key ideas of the method were: Germany, led by William II, the main culprit of the war; the German army and its allies committed immoral acts, manifested by numerous “atrocities” against civilians and prisoners of war; the Germans and their allies are nothing but absolute evil and the barbarians of the twentieth century, who seek to destroy the civilized world and to enslave free nations. During the war, such theses were not just widespread in society, but became a mass product of the Empire’s propaganda.
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Vogel, Jakob. "Military, Folklore, Eigensinn: Folkloric Militarism in Germany and France, 1871–1914." Central European History 33, no. 4 (December 2000): 487–504. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156916100746437.
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In his poem “Our Military!” published in 1919, Kurt Tucholsky describes the great enthusiasm that he, or rather his pseudonym Kaspar Hauser, felt as a boy before World War II for the sis–boom–bah of martial music when the soldiers marched by. Only when he was a soldier himself “in the Russian wind” of the First World War were the young man's eyes opened to the barbarity, desperation, and despair of war and the actual power relations in the army. While the poem's antimilitaristic intentions are readily apparent, Tucholsky nevertheless also managed to capture a view widely held during the interwar years: that before 1914 there still existed in the population an unbroken enthusiasm for the army and its colorful displays, but that the experience during the war of death on such a massive scale put an end to it. Walter Rathenau echoed precisely these sentiments in his 1919 treatise Der Kaiser: Eine Betrachtung, seeing the prewar society of the German Empire as a “militarily-drilled mass” that sought “to display their acquired military arts in grand public spectacles.” The stereotypical image of a bygone prewar era of military glory and pageantry received a more popular, less “critical” treatment in the 1934 film “Frühjahrsparade,” a musical that evoked “the good old days” of the Habsburg Empire and the k. u. k. army, and not least the passion of women for “the man in uniform.”
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Le Naour, Jean-Yves. "Femmes tondues et répression des « femmes à boches» en 1918." Revue d’histoire moderne et contemporaine 47, no. 1 (2000): 148–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/rhmc.2000.2005.
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After the liberation of the occupied territories in Northern France in 1918, the « bad women » who had slept with the enemy didn't have their shaved off as they did in Belgium and Germany. There was no gap between the german power and the french power, and the inhabitants of the recently liberated areas did not have the opportunity to exorcize their hatred against the women whose unbearable behavior had deeply hurt their patriotism. Thus, the crackdown that followed the first world war is an official, organized one : it was carried out by the army, and order was re-established by evacuating people or puting them in internment camps, not by shaving off any woman's hair.
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Grawe, Lukas. "Report from Paris. The German Military Attaché in France, Detlof von Winterfeldt, and his views of the French Army, 1909–1914." War in History 26, no. 4 (May 13, 2018): 470–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0968344517730103.
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Although historiography often attributes the German military leadership a high responsibility for the outbreak of the First World War, the action of the German military attaché in Paris, Detlof von Winterfeldt, has so far been ignored. This article shows how Winterfeldt assessed the strengths and weaknesses of the French army and describes how his reporting influenced the General Staff’s evaluations in Berlin. It examines the concrete effects of his reporting on German military policies and military planning before 1914 to ascertain whether the General Staff relied on Winterfeldt’s reports and if so, what difference they made.
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Komar, Volodymyr, and Adam Szymanowicz. "COSSACK MILITARY FORMATIONS IN OTHER STATES POLICY (1918–1945)." Kyiv Historical Studies, no. 1 (2019): 17–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.28925/2524-0757.2019.1.2.
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During the civil war in Russia in 1918–1921, the liberation efforts of the Cossacks of Don, Kuban, and Terek were unsuccessful, and their lands were incorporated into the USSR. Their representatives emigrating from their homeland found themselves in difficult material conditions. While in exile, many of them cooperated with Polish and German authorities. Interwar Poland was interested in the use of the Cossacks in the fight against the USSR. The General Staff of the Polish Armed Forces showed particular interest in the Free Cossack movement, as Don, Kuban, and Terek areas were the main places where the Red Army cavalry was formed.The Cossacks who stayed in their homeland experienced tragic times. The introduction of Soviet power also brought with it the elimination of the Cossacks through hunger, repressions, and deportations. However, at the end of the 1930s, the Soviet authorities introduced a new course of policy towards the Cossacks, thereby recognizing the advantages of Cossack military formations in the Red Army. At the beginning of the German-Soviet War in August 1941, the Soviet authorities formed sixteen Cossack cavalry divisions, six of which were immediately sent to the front.During World War II tens of thousands of the Cossacks also fought in German formations on the territory of the USSR. They were used mainly for anti-partisan actions. Due to the support of the Germans, the so-called Cossack State consisting of tens of thousands of Cossacks was created for the refugees from Don. They fought against partisans in Belarus, Poland, Yugoslavia, and Italy. After the capitulation of the Third Reich, the Cossack State, as well as other Cossack formations, found itself on the territory of Austria, and the Cossacks were taken into British captivity. As a result of the British-Soviet agreement, they were turned over to the Soviet authorities, from whose hands death or at best deportation to the camps awaited them.In addition, Cossack military formations were formed in the Far East with the support of Japan, which used them to fight against the USSR.
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Djordjevic, Dimitrije. "The Austro-Hungarian occupation regime in Serbia and its break-down in 1918." Balcanica, no. 46 (2015): 107–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc1546107d.
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This paper discusses the occupation of Serbia during the First World War by Austro-Hungarian forces. The first partial occupation was short-lived as the Serbian army repelled the aggressors after the Battle of Kolubara in late 1914, but the second one lasted from fall 1915 until the end of the Great War. The Austro-Hungarian occupation zone in Serbia covered the largest share of Serbia?s territory and it was organised in the shape of the Military Governorate on the pattern of Austro-Hungarian occupation of part of Poland. The invaders did not reach a clear decision as to what to do with Serbian territory in post-war period and that gave rise to considerable frictions between Austro-Hungarian and German interests in the Balkans, then between Austrian and Hungarian interests and, finally, between military and civilian authorities within Military Governorate. Throughout the occupation Serbia was exposed to ruthless economic exploitation and her population suffered much both from devastation and from large-scale repression (including deportations, internments and denationalisation) on the part of the occupation regime.
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Townshend, Charles. "Military Force and Civil Authority in the United Kingdom, 1914–1921." Journal of British Studies 28, no. 3 (July 1989): 262–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/385937.
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If liberal England died strangely, no moment in its passing was more bizarre than the close encounter it experienced between the army and a political system from which the military had been banished since the seventeenth century. Habitually all but invisible at home, confining its exploits to lands without the law, and maintaining a political silence equal—though in easier circumstances—to that of the neighboring grande muette, the British army moved to the center of the public stage. It obtained a popular following. This was not merely the result of Britain's involvement in world war. Manifestations of popular militarism, albeit sporadic or marginal, were evident in the later nineteenth century. The second Boer War accelerated a shift in social attitudes. Hostility to “pro-Boers,” if not beginning to resemble the hysteria of 1914, adumbrated the response of a shaken community temporarily recovering cohesion through warlike solidarity. Most public energy was expended in mafficking, but vocal groups continued to campaign for national efficiency and universal military service. The scout movement was the precipitant of a considerable mass sentiment, solidarized by suspicion of Germany and giving back a faint but clear echo of the leagues formed to support the expansion of the German army and navy.Yet if a novel enthusiasm was eroding traditional aversion to the army, it was scarcely capable of creating a public tolerance for its involvement in domestic affairs. Unlike the navy, whose nature more or less precluded its domestic employment, the army was a suspect weapon. The cultivation of nonpolitical professionalism represented in part a functional response to such public suspicion. Modern major generals would not think of doing what their Cromwellian predecessors had done.
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Mikhailov, V. V. "MOBILISATION IN AUSTRALIA AND THE FORMATION OF THE AUSTRALIAN AND NEW ZEALAND CORPS (ANZAC) IN 1914." Scientific Notes of V.I. Vernadsky Crimean Federal University. Historical science 6(72), no. 2 (2020): 95–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.37279/2413-1741-2020-6-2-95-104.
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The author studies the history of formation of the Australian-new Zealand army corps (ANZAC) formations after the beginning of the First world war. The mobilization activities of the governments of Australia and New Zealand, the reaction of societies in these countries to the world war and participation in it, the features of recruitment of the Australian Imperial Force (AIS) and the new Zealand expeditionary force, the characteristics of the corps command are studied. It shows the main events during the transport of the first convoy with ANZAC troops to training camps in Egypt in the autumn of 1914, the victory of the Australian cruiser Sydney over the German raider – light cruiser Emden during the AIS convoy. Special attention is paid to the connection of events of formation and transport ANZAC with Russia – the presence in the body of Russian emigrants volunteers, and participation in the protection of the convoy and against German raiders in the Pacific and Indian oceans warships of the Russian Navy, «Pearl» and «Askold». The article uses archival materials of the Australian War Memorial and English archives, diary entries and letters of participants of the first convoy from Australia to Alexandria (Egypt).
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Lannik, Leonty. "“Germany Armed to the Teeth”: the Military Potential of the Kaiser's Army by the Beginning of the Great War." ISTORIYA 13, no. 12-1 (122) (2022): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840023775-1.
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One of the main motives not only for the war propaganda of the Entente countries, but also for subsequent historiography was the thesis about the extreme degree of militarism of the German Empire, which reached a new level just before the First World War. In addition to a comparative analysis of the war efforts of the great powers, it is important to compare the capabilities of Germany and the results achieved by it by August 1, 1914 in military construction. Taking into account the peculiarities of the Kaiserreich, from its federal structure to subjective factors in the functioning of its higher authorities, makes it possible to significantly relativize primary statistical conclusions, once again raising the question of the ratio of objective indicators and propaganda stamps in the historiography of the causes of the Great War formed over a century and its “timeliness” for certain great powers.
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Zverev, Vadim, and Oleg Polovnikov. "Betrayal and the Fight against German and Austrian Espionage on the Eastern Front of the First World War (1914— 1916)." OOO "Zhurnal "Voprosy Istorii" 2022, no. 1-1 (January 1, 2022): 13–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.31166/voprosyistorii202201statyi25.
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The nature of the phenomenon of betrayal on the western borders of the Russian defense is studied. Some operational-search and administrative-legal measures of prevention and prevention of facts of treason and German espionage are considered. The authors believe that the practice of forced eviction of “hostile population groups” from the Vistula region has justified itself. The conclusion is made about insufficient study of archival documents on the history of counterintelligence ensuring the security of the Russian army in the western theater of military operations of the First World War.
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Van der Kloot, William. "Lawrence Bragg's role in the development of sound-ranging in World War I." Notes and Records of the Royal Society 59, no. 3 (September 6, 2005): 273–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1098/rsnr.2005.0095.
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In 1915, when Lawrence Bragg was a 25-year-old Second Lieutenant in the Royal Horse Artillery, seconded to ‘Maps GHQ’, he learned that he and his father had shared the Nobel Prize in physics. Lawrence's equation was crucial for winning the prize and he had been wounded by his father's early dissemination of their work with casual attribution to ‘my son’. Lawrence was responsible for developing methods for pinpointing the position of enemy artillery pieces by recording the boom of their firing with an array of microphones. It was a simple idea but difficult to implement. Step by step, Bragg and the group he assembled solved the problems and developed a system that worked. Sound-ranging was valuable in the British victory at Cambrai in 1917 and vital for that at Amiens in 1918: the ‘black day of the German Army’. He received the MC and the OBE. His Army service manifested both his scientific leadership and administrative skills, which culminated in the demonstrations of the validity of the dream he enunciated in his Nobel lecture: that X-rays could be used to resolve the structure of the most complicated molecules.
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Baczkowski, Michal. "Żołnierze żydowscy w armii austro-węgierskiej podczas I wojny światowej." Res Gestae 13 (January 7, 2022): 96–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.24917/24504475.13.5.
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The military service of Jewish soldiers during World War I caused controversies, with the term“Jew” itself being problematic. In Austria-Hungary, a Jewish nationality was not recognized, andthe only criterium of identification was a declaration of practicing religion (Judaism). This isnot a problem for establishing the number of Jewish privates, but it disrupts the statistics of theofficer corps, where it was common to abandon Judaism. In the Austro-Hungarian Army, Jewshad the ability to acquire higher officer ranks (general), but in practice, this was only applicableto Jews assimilated to German culture. The percentage of Jews among reserve officers was higherthan average due to their high level of education. According to data from 1910, Jews constituted3.1% of all privates in the Austro-Hungarian monarchy. World War I took the lives of about25,000 Austro-Hungarian Jews, i.e. about 8.3% of all followers of Judaism mobilized to the army.This was a percentage slightly lower than for Christians, which became fodder to anti-Semitism.Jewish soldiers showed loyalty to the state and did not engage in military rebellions in 1918. After the war, the memory of Jewish soldiers was not cultivated in the Austro-Hungarian monarchy’s successor states. In contrast to Germany, however, they were not accused of acting to undermine the empire’s military potential during World War I.
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Healy, Maureen. "Becoming Austrian: Women, the State, and Citizenship in World War I." Central European History 35, no. 1 (March 2002): 1–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156916102320812382.
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Inlate July 1914, upon partial mobilization of the Austro-Hungarian army, an urgent appeal to “Austria's women” circulated widely in the Viennese press. It urged women to “perform service in the time of war” and reminded them that in this moment of state peril, women had to suppress their “differences” and display the “strongest solidarity” among themselves. “Women's unity, women's energy, and women's work” would be crucial for the survival of Austria. The notice was published by one of the women's groups in what would become the Frauenhilfsaktion Wien, an umbrella organization founded in early August, comprising the major women's groups in the city. Together with similar subsequent appeals to duty, service, sacrifice, and an inner bond uniting all women, the notice marked the beginning of World War I as a potential turning point in women's relationships with each other and with the state. Across the political spectrum, noble, bourgeois, and working-class women, Christian and Jewish, German-speaking, and others, were asked to put aside their differences and perform war service as “Austria's women.”
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Radice, Ryan. "A War Against Disease and Despair: Immigrants, Nurses, Soldiers, and the Transformation of Patient Care on Ellis Island During World War I." New Jersey Studies: An Interdisciplinary Journal 7, no. 1 (January 22, 2021): 179–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.14713/njs.v7i1.241.
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Located on what is today New Jersey soil, the hospital facilities on Ellis Island, run by the Public Health Service (PHS) to treat immigrant patients, were a medical marvel of their time. While known primarily for its use as an immigration facility, Ellis Island went through several major changes from the time war was declared in Europe in 1914, to the time that the last military members left the Island in 1919. During the First World War, Ellis Island and its associated hospital facilities would be the victims of German terrorism, a mobilization point for thousands of Red Cross nurses bound for the frontlines, and a debarkation hospital that was the first stop home for countless sick and wounded soldiers returning from the battlefield. This paper examines how the PHS, the Red Cross, and the Army Medical Corps tried to protect public health, screen immigrants for disease, and care for our military casualties, all under the tension and strain of a world war and a global pandemic.
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Lavrenko, Valeriia. "Images of Germans and peoples of Austria-Hungary during the First World War based on the memoirs of Russian veterans." Universum Historiae et Archeologiae 4, no. 2 (July 21, 2022): 156. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/26210427.
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The purpose of the article is to analyze the transformations of the images of the Germans and the peoples of Austria-Hungary as military opponents of the Russian imperial army during the First World War through the prism of the memoirs of front-line soldiers. Research methods: historical-genetic, historical-comparative, method of content analysis. Main results. The pre-war images of Germans and the peoples of Austria-Hungary who lived in Russian society were studied; the memoirs of front-line soldiers were analyzed for the use of propaganda clichés or a critical attitude towards Russian information policy; the combat and moral and psychological characteristics of the German and Austro-Hungarian armies in the memoirs of Russian combatants of the First World War were investigated; the phenomenon of the collapse of the Russian front in 1917 is considered through the prism of transformations in the perception of the military opponent by Russian lower ranks and officers. Conclusions. The experience of the First World War showed the moral unpreparedness of Russian soldiers to engage in battle with the soldiers of Germany and Austria-Hungary at the initial stage of the confrontation due to the unhistorical nature of this conflict, the alliance between these states in the past. In view of this, Russian propaganda was designed to teach front-line soldiers to hate the new enemy. However, actual combat experience had a greater influence on the perception of the enemy than propaganda. Soldiers of Germany and Austria-Hungary appear through the prism of memoirs as those who are better technologically equipped, however, often capable of personal bravery and willpower, prone to subterfuge, accustomed to fighting in better living conditions than the Russians. Real combat experience contributed to the acquisition of human traits (both positive and negative) by the enemy in the imagination of Russian soldiers. This "humanization" of the enemy contributed to a rapprochement with him and became one of the factors of mass "fraternization" of soldiers and the disintegration of the front in 1917. Practical significance: the results of the study can be used in teaching the course "Social History of Europe" (university elective course at DNU named after Olesya Honchara). Originality: for the first time, the connection between the field of ideas of the mass of soldiers and the phenomenon of the disintegration of the Eastern Front of the First World War in 1917 was analyzed. Scientific novelty: the dynamics of transformations of the images of the military adversary in the environment of the Russian army during 1914–1917 are shown; analyzed a large array of memoirs of senior officers and lower ranks of the Russian army published either during the war or shortly after its end, which were not available to domestic researchers for a long time. Type of article: analytical.
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Romić, Marko. "LAJPCIŠKI PROCESI – PRILOG PROUČAVANJU ISTORIJE MEĐUNARODNOG KRIVIČNOG PRAVA." Journal of Criminology and Criminal Law 60, no. 2 (June 2022): 183–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.47152/rkkp.60.2.9.
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The historical development of International Criminal Law in the period leading up to the First World War was of negliable value, especially when compared to the post-war period from 1918 to 1939. In Versailles Europe matured an idea, whose roots stemmed from much earlier, an idea of establishing an International Criminal Court which would protect basic human values, shared by all states no matter the form of government or political affiliations. Having noticed the link between world conflict and the development of International Criminal Law comes the conclusion that this idea first came to life after the Great War in 1918. This is how for the first time in history an institute of responsibility was formed for the rulers and military commanders concerning the war crimes committed by the state - these first examples being the trial of German Kaiser Vilhelm II and the individual Leipzig trials involving officers of the German army. Although the Kaisers trial was a failed attempt, and the Leipzig trials are considered failures due to material and formal deficiencies, especially concerning their outcomes, these parts represented an experimental phase of a historical process crucial to the forming of the international criminal justice system. Europe was aware that the modus operandi taken in this direction didn’t pass the test, and that the state and economy matters would always come first in the Versailles world. However, the repetition of this scenario wasn’t allowed during the Second World War and we can confidently say that the Nuremberg trials found their foundations stemming from Leipzig’s lessons. In the European law legacy Leipzig created the first written documents which would serve as waypoints in the further codification of International Criminal Law. Lastly, it can be said that in the period from 1918 to 1939 the European policy was introduced to the problem of realising that all further processes leading to the constitution of a uniform and legitimate international criminal justice system would undeniably lead to the redefining of two fundamental dogmas of international order: the principle of (absolute) state sovereignty and the (non)existence of international law subjectivity (and therefore the responsibility) of an individual.
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Majtenyi, David. ""Mirek" z Reportáže psané na oprátce - Jaroslav Klecan (1914-1943)." Časopis Národního muzea. Řada historická 188, no. 1-2 (2020): 3–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.37520/cnm.2019.001.
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This paper focuses on the fate of Jaroslav Klecan, a native from southern Bohemia, a pre-war member of the Communist Party who had left as a volunteer for the Spanish Civil War in late 1937. He fought in the battalion T. G. Masaryk of the 129th interbrigade. After the fall of the Spanish Republic, he was interned in the French camp in Gurs. When the Second World War begun he enrolled to the Czechoslovak Army, albeit he was probably never committed at the front. After the French capitulation, he stayed in the free zone and joined the French resistance movement in the FTP-MOI group led by Ladislav Holdoš. However, the Comintern soon ordered him and few other Czechoslovak Resistance fighters to return to the occupied homeland. Klecan arrived to the Protectorate in 1941 and affiliated the Communist resistance movement in Bohemia immediately. He was arrested by the Nazi secret police on 24 April 1942, together with Julius Fučík and others. After a series of interrogations, the German People’s Court sentenced him to death and he was executed in Berlin-Plötzensee on 8 September 1943. He is known as “Mirek” from Fučík’s Notes from the Gallows.
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Zosidze, Nugzar. "GEORGIA IN THE PLANS OF GERMANY AND ITS ALLIES AT THE INITIAL STAGE OF THE WORLD WAR I (MILITARY OPERATIONS ON THE TRANSCAUCASUS FRONT)." Innovative economics and management 10, no. 3 (November 29, 2023): 170–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.46361/2449-2604.10.3.2023.170-178.
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Nugzar zosidze
E-mail: n.zosidze@bsu.edu.ge
Associate Professor, Batumi Shota Rustaveli State University
Batumi, Georgia
https://orcid.org/0000-0003-2613-3365
Abstract. In the early twentieth century, two large opposing hostile coalitions have formed in Europe: Triple Alliance and Triple Entente.
The Triple Alliance initially included: Germany, Austria-Hungary, and Italy. After the start of the World War I, the latter withdrew from the bloc, but Ottoman Empire and Bulgaria joined it, thus forming the Quadruple Alliance. The countries included in it demanded a "place under the sun" and assumed to take the colonies from the Entente countries through war.
The core of the "Entente" consisted of the world's largest colonial empires of that time - Great Britain, France and Russia. It was between these two imperialist groups that the World War I of 1914-1918 broke out, involving thirty-eight states from different continents.
The war was imperialistic, unjust and conquering on both sides, resulting in the deaths and maiming of millions of people, destruction and extermination on a grand scale.
Germany and its allies had significant plans for Transcaucasia and the expulsion of Russia from there. This unity of these interests largely led to the Ottoman Empire joining the Alliance, following the 1908 Young Turk Revolution. After the Revolution, three leaders distinctively stood out in the political life of the Ottoman Empire: Enver Pasha, Military Minister and and de facto dictator of the Ottoman Empire; Talaat Pasha, Minister of Internal Affairs; and Ahmed Djemal Pasha, Minister of Marine. Those three were obviously prone to Germanophilism.
Young Turks, in their attempts to find ways for quickly reorganizing their army defeated in the Balkan wars, looked at Germany with hope. That is why they happily met Germany's proposal to send a military mission to the Ottoman empire, which was received. On 8 October 1913, an agreement was signed between Germany and the Ottoman Empire, which gave the Sanders military mission extensive rights (M.Larcher, La guerre Turque dans la guerre mondiale: 609-610).
The German military mission undertook considerable work in the Ottoman Empire prior to the war. The members of the mission had responsible positions in the local general staff, border corps and fortifications. The history of the period in question became especially relevant from the beginning of the 50s of the twentieth century. However, many details and features of these liasons have not yet been fully investigated, comprehensively studied and scientifically substantiated.
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Spalević, Žaklina, and Dušan Jerotijević. "The peace of Brest-Litovsk: Causes, agreement, and consequences." Zbornik radova Filozofskog fakulteta u Pristini 53, no. 2 (2023): 209–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/zrffp53-43402.
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At the beginning of the 20th century, the opposing interests of the great powers were more and more clearly outlined in international relations. Two alliances were created (the Central Powers and the Entente) which in some way connected certain countries according to a minimum of common interest. This primarily refers to the Entente bloc, because the three leading powers in it (France, Russia and the United Kingdom) had conflicting positions on some important issues (for example, the issue of control of the Bosphorus and Dardanelles, as well as the issue of Turkey's survival in the Balkans, as well as Turkey as a regional power in general). After the attack of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy on Serbia in July 1918, Imperial Russia immediately sided with the Kingdom of Serbia and entered the war, which it led on a front spanning thousands of kilometres from the Baltic to the Caucasus against the armies of all the Central Powers. After three years of gruelling war and the February Revolution, the chain of command and morale of the army collapsed after the February Revolution. An unsuccessful military campaign against the German army by the Kerensky government in the summer of 1917 led to complete chaos in the country, which led to the October Revolution and the seizure of power by the Bolsheviks. Lenin believed that capitulation was a necessity in the absence of another option. The main idea of the Soviet authorities was to show that the success of the socialist revolution was possible. Therefore, the Bolsheviks believed that the October Revolution was a prelude to a world revolution that would start with a domino effect from the heart of Europe, and that it would undo the negative consequences of signing the Brest-Litovsk Peace Agreement. The agreement was concluded on March 3, 1918 in Brest Litovsk. By signing Brest-Litovsk agreement, which was made under unexpectedly humiliating conditions, Russia renounced all rights and claims to Poland and parts of Belarus, then to Finland, Estonia, Courland (the western part of Latvia), Livonia, and Lithuania. At the request of Talat Pasha, the Russians had to hand over parts of Transcaucasia (Ardahan, Kars, and Batum), which Russia won in the Russo-Turkish War, 1877-1878, to Turkey. German and Austro-Hungarian military troops also occupied a part of Russian territory across the border stipulated by this peace treaty up to the line: Narva-Pskov-Polock-Orsha-Gomel-BelgorodMilerovo-Rostov on Don. The Brestlitovsk Agreement closed a large front and enabled German penetration deep into the interior of Russia. Russia lost a huge territory of 780,000 square kilometres where 56 million people lived before the war, i.e., a third of its population and where the country's most important mining and industrial resources were located. Finally, on August 27, 1918, in Berlin, the Russian side signed the War Reparations Agreement, which stipulated that Russia pay six billion marks in compensation to Germany. Fortunately for the Bolsheviks, the Brestlitovsk Agreement lasted only eight months. In November 1918, Germany had to renounce the agreement, because that renunciation represented one of the very important conditions for the armistice. Based on the Armistice of Comienne and the Treaty of Versailles (Article 116), the Brest-Litovsk Agreement was annulled, which opened the door to the formation of the Soviet Union, which was created on the foundations of Imperial Russia through the bloody civil war that lasted from 1918 to 1922. Germany and the USSR, by signing the Peace of Rapala on April 16, 1922, renounced their territorial and financial claims to each other, after the Brestlitovsk Agreement. With this agreement, the two governments agreed on the normalization of their diplomatic relations.
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Ganin, Andrey V. "Pyotr S. Makhrov. The Civil War in Ukraine." Slavic World in the Third Millennium 15, no. 1-2 (2020): 108–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2412-6446.2020.15.1-2.08.
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The material is a publication of an annotated excerpt from the memoirs of General Pyotr Semyonovich Makhrov about the events of the Civil War in Ukraine from the autumn of 1918 to the winter of 1919. The manuscript of Makhrov’s memoirs is kept in the Bakhmetev archive of Columbia University in the USA. This valuable testimony of an informed contemporary of crucial historical events is an important source on the history of the First World War, the Civil War in Russia and Ukraine, and Russian mili- tary emigration, and covers the period from the late nineteenth century to the fi rst half of the twentieth century. Makhrov was an offi cer of the Russian army, a graduate of the Nicholas General Staff Academy, a man of liberal views, and brilliantly wielded a pen. In 1918, Makhrov lived in Ukraine in Poltava and was an eyewitness to a series of sig- nifi cant events, including several changes of power. The memoir covers in detail the life of Ukraine under Hetman Pavlo P. Skoropadsky, the German occupation, the anti-Hetman uprising, the fall of the Hetmanate, the rampant ataman, and the establishment of the power of the Directory of Ukrainian People’s Republic in late 1918. The memoirs represent the view of a military man who was critical of the new Ukrainian state and was focused on the ideology of the White movement. Much attention is paid to the be- haviour of offi cers in the varied conditions of independent Ukraine and in its collapse.
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Le Naour, Jean-Yves. "Femmes tondues et répression des "femmes à boches" en 1918." Revue d’histoire moderne & contemporaine 47-1, no. 1 (February 1, 2000): 148–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/rhmc.g2000.47n1.0148.
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Résumé La répression des « mauvaises françaises » qui ont eu l'ennemi pour amant à l'issue de la libération des régions envahies en 1918 ne s'est pas manifestée par la cérémonie de la tonte, à l'inverse des cas belges et allemands. De l'autorité allemande à l'autorité française, l'absence de vacance du pouvoir n'a pas permis à la population libérée de procéder elle-même à l'exorcisme de l'intolérable transgression patriotique. Aussi, la répression qui suit la Première Guerre mondiale est-elle officielle, organisée et menée par l'armée, le camp d'internement et l'évacuation se substituant aux ciseaux du retour à l'ordre. After the libération of the occupied territories in Northern France in 1918, the « bad women » who had slept with the enemy didn't hâve their shaved off as they did in Belgium and Germany. There was no gap between the german power and the french power, and the inhabitants of the recently liberated areas did not hâve the opportunity to exorcize their hatred against the women whose unbearable behavior had deeply hurt their patriotism. Thus, the crackdown that followed the first world war is an officiai, organized one : it was carried out by the army, and order was re-established by evacuating people or puting them in intemment camps, not by shaving off any woman's hair.
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Irina L., Babich, and Schnelle Johannes. "Kudashev: change of political and ethnic identities in emigration." Kavkazologiya 2022, no. 3 (September 30, 2022): 137–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.31143/2542-212x-2022-3-137-150.
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This article aims to study social and political activities of three generations of the Kabardian Kudashev family: Vladimir Nikolayevich (1865-1945), his son Vladimir Vladimirovich (1905-1979) and grandson Alexander Vladimirovich (1951). After the October Revolution in 1917 and the events in 1918-1919 in Kabarda, V.N. Kudashev and V.V. Kudashev were forced to emigrate to Europe and settle in France. This study is based on new archival materials from France and Germany, as well as interviews conducted by one of this article authors with A.V. Kudashev in Berlin (2020-2022), therefore furthering the findings of Dzagalov and Shapirova (2010). During his life in France, the views of Vladimir Nikolaevich Kudashev, who once comprehensively sup-ported the Russian monarchy and the annexation of Kabarda in the Russian Empire, changed fun-damentally. During World War 2, his son even served in the German army. The change of politi-cal identity that the Kudashevs experienced during emigration was accompanied by changes in their ethnic identity. The Kabardian language and traditions disappeared and were supplanted by Russian and later German roots. As a result, grandson and great-grandchildren of Vladimir Niko-laevich have a German identity. The article examines the features of the processes leading to changes in political and ethnic identities in the Kudashev family.
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Hubbard, Janie, Adam Caldwell, Paige Moses Bahr, Ben Reed, Kristen Slade Watts, and Broolyn Mims Wood. "Shooting at the Stars: the Christmas Truce of 1914 NCSS Lesson Plan." Social Studies Research and Practice 13, no. 2 (September 10, 2018): 301–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ssrp-01-2018-0001.
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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to explore a true World War One event, the Christmas Truce of 1914. The paper is inspired by the National Council for the Social Studies (NCSS) award winning book, Shooting at the Stars: The Christmas Truce of 1914 by John Hendrix, which narrates the truce through a fictitious letter from a British soldier. On Christmas Eve, German soldiers on the western front line, specifically near the Belgium border, ceased fire and invited British soldiers to celebrate Christmas. Descriptions of events derive from oral histories and photos collected from actual soldiers who experienced this unusual historic event. Design/methodology/approach This lesson engages students in inquiry centers focused on events, location, soldiers, remembrance, and primary sources to answer the question: Why did the First World War Christmas Truce of 1914 occur? Practical implications World War One (AKA the First World War and The Great War) classroom history studies typically focus on tragic components of, what many call, a needless war. Many lessons examine military technologies, political power struggles, horrors of trench warfare, disease and casualties. In essence, “World War I saw unprecedented levels of carnage and destruction. By the time the war was over and the Allied Powers claimed victory, more than 16 million people – soldiers and civilians alike – were dead” (history.com Staff, 2009). This lesson reveals a spontaneous, impactful, emotionally charged event occurring during the worst of times. The Christmas Truce of 1914 moves students from thinking about the ravages of war into thinking deeply about what it truly means to be enemies, friends or even to mend relationships. Who are soldiers – what do they feel, need, believe and miss? During the truce, the longing for peace and human interaction superseded political ideologies, for a while. This lesson starts with students participating in a class discussion to uncover prior knowledge of the famous event. Students examine their real-life feelings regarding personal truces, answer guiding questions while rotating through classroom research centers, and collectively create a generalized response to answer the compelling question: Why did the First World War Truce of 1914 occur? Students will apply their understandings of the event, location, and feelings associated with the truce by taking a soldier’s persona and writing a letter home. Illustrations and maps further engage students’ creativity. Social implications This true story about the Christmas Truce of 1914 reminds us that countries may have differing ideologies and political beliefs which cause conflicts, yet people, as individuals, find commonalities making them seek peaceful connections with one another. Originality/value “The soldiers of 1914 remind us of the choice we all can make: we can see others as humans who matter like we matter – even when they’re our enemies. They also show us what can happen when we make that choice: enemies can become friends and, at least for a moment, there is peace” (Arbinger Institute, 2017, Section 3). This quote embodies the lesson’s value, because it brings understanding to a personal level – soldiers on the field. First World War soldiers were typically powerless. For instance, as many as 250,000 boys under the age of 18 served in the British army during the First World War. Patriotic fervor, escape from poor conditions or hopes for adventure were motives for joining. Birth certificates were uncommon; war recruiters received money for each sign-on, so boys as young as 14 went to war. In this lesson, students examine First World War background information; analyze the truce’s events, geography, soldiers and memorials. Students are immersed in large numbers of resources including videos, music, photographs, maps, books, articles, newspapers, historians’ perspectives, oral histories, museum archives and the First World War soldiers’ original letters that help reveal the story and help students understand underlying feelings of soldiers and their families.
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Miloiu, Silviu-Marian. "On the Pathway to Independence: The Congress of the Representatives of the Lithuanian Military Officers of the Romanian Front (1917)." Romanian Journal for Baltic and Nordic Studies 10, no. 2 (December 15, 2018): 67–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.53604/rjbns.v10i2_4.
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When the World War I began Lithuania was on the vanguards of the military operations. Around 60,000 Lithuanians were recruited in the Russian Army and employed on the operational fronts of the war. However, they were not blind performers of Tsarist ambitions, but, as The Amber Declaration showed, nurtured political ambitions of their own. The document issued on 4/17 August 1914 was signed, inter alia, by the patriarch of national credo, Jonas Basanavičius , and clearly affirmed the Lithuanian ideals, i.e. the aim of unifying Lithuania with Lithuania Minor then in German hands and the awarding of an autonomous status to a united Lithuania within the Russian Empire. This article tackles an enticing moment in the process of national rebirth, the Congress of the Representatives of the Lithuanian Military Officers of the Romanian Front held in Bender (Tighina), in southern Bessarabia, on 1-3 November 1917, calling for the creation of a Lithuanian national state. How this congress and the proclamation it issued fitted into the general frame of self-determination movements and Lithuanian national revival of 1917-1918, which led to the rebirth of the Lithuanian state? Who were the conveners and the participants to this congress? What arguments did they put forward in their national-building claims? What role did it play on the pathway to Lithuanian independence? Overlooked in most of the Lithuanian historical treatises, the Congress of the Representatives of the Lithuanian Military Officers of the Romanian Front in Bender City had in fact of greater significance than it allows to be understood when counting solely the relatively lower visibility of its leaders or the direct institutional lineage to the proclamation of independence.
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Zverev, V. O., and O. G. Polovnikov. "Secret Agents of the Russian Gendarmerie in the Fight against Espionage at the Beginning of the First World War." Modern History of Russia 10, no. 4 (2020): 892–901. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/11701/spbu24.2020.405.
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The article discusses the limited intelligence capabilities of the gendarmerie departments of the Warsaw Governor General (Lomzinska, Warsaw, Kielce, Lublin, and Radom provinces) in the fight against German and Austrian spies in the second half of 1914 and the first half of 1915. One reason for the secret police’s lack of readiness is the reluctance of the gendarmerie-police authorities to organize counter-response work on an appropriate basis. The rare, fragmentary, and not always valuable information received by agents of the investigating authorities did not allow the gendarmes to organize full-scale and successful operational work on a subordinate territory to identify hidden enemies of the state. The low potential, and, in some cases, the complete uselessness of secret service personnel for the interests of the military wanted list led to the fact that most politically disloyal persons were accidentally identified by other special services. In most cases, spies were detected either due to information from army intelligence and counterintelligence agencies, or due to the vigilance of military personnel of the advanced units of the Russian army. The authors conclude that the gendarmerie departments were unable to organize a systematic operational escort of military personnel of the Russian armies deployed in the Warsaw Military District. Despite the fact that the duty of the gendarmerie police included not only criminal procedures, but also operational searches, there was no qualified identification of spies with the help of secret officers.
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Wingfield, Nancy Meriwether. "Conflicting Constructions of Memory: Attacks on Statues of Joseph II in the Bohemian Lands after the Great War." Austrian History Yearbook 28 (January 1997): 147–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0067237800016362.
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In the wake of independence in October 1918, the leaders of Czechoslovakia designated a multitude of national symbols for the nascent state, among them a flag, an anthem, an emblem, coinage, holidays, and stamps. Czech (and Slovak) art, drama, literature, and music commemorated new heroes and resurrected national historic figures ignored under Austria-Hungary. In this break with the past, national memory helped legitimate the new Czechoslovakia through celebration of the anti-Habsburg leaders in the struggle for independence and through denigration of former Habsburg rulers. Some nationalist Czechs, particularly the Czech legionnaires who had served in the Czechoslovak Army Abroad during World War I, were not content with the simple construction or reconstitution of Czech national symbols, but demanded in addition the destruction of numerous symbols of Habsburg rule. Thus, physical representations of the Habsburg past, many of which were to be found in the German-populated border regions of the Bohemian lands, became targets of their opprobrium.
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Вовк, Олександр. "ISSUES OF EVERYDAY LIFE OF UKRAINIAN SOLDIERS IN THE FIRST HALF OF THE TWENTIETH CENTURY IN THE PAGES OF THE MAGAZINE "VISTI KOMBATANTA"." КОНСЕНСУС, no. 1 (2021): 19–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.31110/consensus/2021-01/019-030.
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The article tells about how the Ukrainian diaspora magazine "Visti Kombatanta" addressed the issues of everyday life of servicemen in the twentieth century. The author found that many elements of military everyday life are contained in the memories of members of various military formations in which Ukrainians served. The pages of the magazine cover the following aspects of everyday life: military training, relations in the military environment, the quality of logistics and nutrition, spiritual and material care of soldiers, participation in hostilities. Separately, the article considers how the publications of the magazine "Visti Kombatanta" covered the situation of Ukrainian prisoners of war. The journal publications reveal the peculiarities of military everyday life in the armies and military formations where Ukrainians served in the twentieth century. In particular, these are the Ukrainian Sich Riflemen, the Army of the Ukrainian People's Republic, the Free Cossacks, the Ukrainian Galician Army, the Ukrainian Insurgent Army, and the Polish Army of General Anders. In addition to the mentioned military units, it was found out what the everyday life of servicemen in the Ukrainian units of the German armed forces was like during the Second World War. In particular, the Galicia Division, air defense units. A large number of publications in the magazine are devoted to the events of November 1918, when independence was proclaimed in the western Ukrainian lands. Separate publications in the journal contain descriptions of the activities of the military medical service and the Red Cross. The author found that the publications of the "Visti Kombatanta" provide in-depth material to cover the issue of everyday life of servicemen.
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Manojlovski, Aleksandar. "Sjećanja sarajevskog jevreja Benjamina Samokovlije – Damjana o njegovom učešću u narodnooslobodilačkom i antifašističkom ratu u Jugoslaviji (1941-1945)." Historijski pogledi 5, no. 8 (November 15, 2022): 165–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2022.5.8.165.
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Benjamin Samokovlija (Sarajevo, 31.III.1918 - Skopje, 28.II.1996), comes from a Jewish family. On April 5, 1941 he was mobilized in the ranks of the army of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia. In the second half of August 1941, Benjamin joined the ranks of the National Liberation Army and the People's Liberation Army. He took part in numerous battles in the anti-fascist war for the liberation of Yugoslavia. After the Fourth Enemy Offensive of the Supreme Headquarters of the People's Liberation Army and Partisan Detachments of Yugoslavia which took place in the first half of 1943, Samokovlija together with part of his partisan unit were captured by the Germans and imprisoned in Zenica. After a month in the Zenica prison, a group of 600 prisoners, including Samokovlija, were transferred to the Thessaloniki concentration camp. In October 1943, through an EAM connection, Benjamin Samokovlija managed to escape and join ELAS. He remained in the ranks of the Greek partisans until the contact with the Macedonian partisans from the First Macedonian-Kosovo Brigade on the territory of the Aegean part of Macedonia in the period between the second half of December 1943 and January 1944. He was admitted to the III Battalion and was in charge of the agitprop of the battalion, from where he was later transferred to the ranks of the II, V and X brigades, acting as a battalion commissioner and participating in the battles for the liberation of Macedonia. At the very beginning of World War II in 1941, Benjamin Samokovlija lost many of his immediate family members, including his parents and wife. As direct witnesses to the measures taken for the physical and economic destruction of the Jews in Bosnia and Herzegovina by the German occupying authorities, their collaborators and the authorities of the Independent State of Croatia, his three sisters joined the People's Liberation War. His eldest sister Laura was killed in 1945. Benjamin Samokovlija is the holder of several military and state decorations. During his tenure, he ran a number of state-owned enterprises. It is particularly important to emphasize that for less than two decades he served as President of the Jewish community in the Republic of Macedonia, building strong friendly relations with other religious communities in the country.
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Mironov, Vladimir V. "On the Genesis of Veteran Organisations in Austria in the First Half of the 1920s in the Context of the Official "Politics of Memory"." Central-European Studies 2020, no. 3 (12) (2021): 53–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2619-0877.2020.3.3.
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The veteran movement in the Habsburg monarchy, which was, in the last third of the nineteenth and early twentieth century, the most important pillar of the political system, faced serious difficulties after the 1918 Revolution in Austria. Until the collapse of the ruling coalition of Social Democrats and Christian Socials in 1920, there were insurmountable obstacles to the revival of the “old Austrian” military traditions. Officers’ and veterans’ organizations were firmly associated in the eyes of leftist political forces with the legacy of the “old regime”. The gradual “rehabilitation” of the “old Austrian” military traditions was closely connected with the tenure of the Minister of War of Austria Carl Vaugoin, who sought to get rid of the influence of the Social Democrats on the armed forces. As a result, in 1921and 1922 the formation of new veteran organisations began, developing their activities against the background of competition between Social-Democratic, Christian-Social and pan-German narratives about the First World War in the public consciousness of the First Republic. Considering the typology of veteran associations, one should single out organisations that united veterans at the national (local) level, regardless of their place of service during the war, and veterans’ unions based on specific military units of Austria-Hungary. The latter, as contemporary research proves, played a leading role in the formation of the historical memory of the war. The main means of group self-identification was the feeling of “front-line comradeship”cultivated in the veteran unions, which was the highest value orientation of the former front-line soldiers who shared right-wing political views. The veteran supporters of Social Democrats resisted the constant appeal of the right to the “front-line comradeship”, allegedly smoothing out social contradictions within the army collective during the war. In veteran organisations, both “pure” and “mixed” forms of memory of the First World War were “confessed”. The latter were typical of the veterans of those regions of Austria that were affected by the territorial reorganisation in accordance with the Saint-Germain Peace Treaty of 1919.
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Monballyu, Jos. "De strafrechtelijke repressie van het Vlaams activisme tijdens de Eerste Wereldoorlog in de Duitse krijgsgevangenkampen (november 1918 tot juli 1925). Deel 2." WT. Tijdschrift over de geschiedenis van de Vlaamse beweging 70, no. 4 (December 7, 2011): 313–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/wt.v70i4.12287.
Full textAbstract:
Bij het bestuderen van de strafrechtelijke vervolgingen van de activisten na de Eerste Wereldoorlog, besteedde men tot nog toe alleen aandacht aan de activisten die tijdens de Eerste Wereldoorlog in het bezette gebied werkzaam waren. Voor de strafrechtelijke vervolgingen van de activisten die tijdens die Eerste Wereldoorlog in de Duitse gevangenenkampen werkzaam waren, bestond tot op heden geen interesse. Nochtans hebben een aantal studies al aangetoond dat er in die gevangenenkampen, en dan voornamelijk in dat van Göttingen, een aantal zeer actieve kernen van activisten waren die in nauw contact stonden met de vertegenwoordigers van de Raad van Vlaanderen en allerlei initiatieven namen voor een Vlaamse ontvoogding na de oorlog. Deze gevangenen waren meestal militairen en dus krijgsgevangenen. Omdat zij hun activisme in militaire dienst hadden beleden, moesten zij zich na de oorlog verantwoorden voor een militaire rechtbank, eerst voor de krijgsraad van het Groot Hoofdkwartier van het Leger en daarna voor de krijgsraad van Brabant. Uitzonderlijk werd hun zaak behandeld door de krijgsraad van Antwerpen of die van Oost-Vlaanderen of van West-Vlaanderen. Uiteindelijk werden er voor 101 Vlaamse militairen een dossier aangelegd, waarvan er maar 35 moesten verschijnen voor een krijgsraad en maar 26 tot een straf, met inbegrip van de doodstraf, werden veroordeeld. De rest werd ofwel buiten vervolging gesteld of vrijgesproken. In het hiernavolgend artikel wordt uiteengezet wie die vervolgde militairen waren, in welke kampen zij actief waren, voor welke feiten zij vervolgd werden, op grond van welke strafwetsartikelen dit gebeurde en welke straffen zij opliepen.________The criminal prosecution of Flemish activism during the First World War in German prisoner of war camps (November 1918 – July 1925)Until the present, research into the criminal prosecution of activists after the First World War only focused on activists that were active in the occupied territories. The criminal prosecution of activists who were active in German prisoner of war camps during the First World War had not raised any interest until now. However, a number of studies have demonstrated that there were a number of very active cores of activists in those camps, in particular in Göttingen. These activists were in close contact with the representatives of the Council of Flanders and took varied initiatives to promote Flemish emancipation after the war. These prisoners were usually military and therefore prisoners of war. Because they had admitted their activism during their military service, they had to account for themselves after the war to a military court, first in front of the Court Martial of the Main Headquarters of the Army and consequently in front of the Court Martial of Brabant. Exceptionally their case was dealt with by the Court Martial of Antwerp or that of East or West Flanders. Finally legal documents were prepared for 101 Flemish military, of whom only 35 were called to appear before a Court Martial, and only 26 were convicted and given a sentence including the death penalty. For the remainder, either the charges were dropped, or they were acquitted. The following article will explain who those prosecuted military were, in which camps they were active, for which crimes they were prosecuted, on the basis of which articles of the law this was done and which sentences they received.
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Šimůnek, Michal V., and Milan Novák. "Německý univerzitní patolog v přemetech mimořádné doby. K biografii Franze X. Lucksche (1872–1952)." AUC HISTORIA UNIVERSITATIS CAROLINAE PRAGENSIS 63, no. 2 (April 29, 2024): 71–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.14712/23365730.2024.3.
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The pathologist Franz Xaver Lucksch (1872–1952) seems to have been in many ways a rather distinctive personality within the academic landscape of German medicine and medical research in Bohemia. As a member of the generation that grew up during the belle époque, he witnessed all the dramatic turnovers of Central Europe in the twentieth century. A man of considerable scientific ambitions, he became assistant professor (1904) and extraordinary professor (1914) at the Institute of Pathology (Institut für Pathologie) of the German Medical Faculty in Prague under Professor Hans Chiari (1851–1916). Having researched pellagra endemics in Romania in 1910, he returned there in the late 1930s thanks to the support of the Rockefeller Foundation. To the best of our knowledge, he published 48 academic contributions in his lifetime, infectious diseases (including tuberculosis) being the most frequent subject. Lucksch fought in the First World War, ending his military service as a lieutenant colonel of the Austro-Hungarian imperial army. Although he at first considered a professional military career in Austria even after 1918, he eventually returned from Vienna to Prague in 1919. There, he continued his medical work and research as a first assistant, which was the position he held for many years. In public life, he was active in spreading awareness of public health issues – probably in reaction to the autopsies he was carrying out. He emphasised the importance of nutrition and prevention of tuberculosis, a disease highly prevalent in Czechoslovakia at the time. But above all, he focused on physical training (Leibesübungen). In 1929–36, he headed the University Physical Training Centre (Hochschulzentrale für Leibesübungen) at the German University in Prague and the German Educational Course for Physical Training of Teachers. Aside from that, he was also a member of the German Association of Gymnasts. This is how Lucksch became acquainted and rather unfortunately politically involved with Konrad Henlein (1898–1945) and his Nazi movement among the Sudeten Germans of Czechoslovakia. At first, he was an active member but shortly after the German occupation of Bohemia and Moravia in March 1939, he found himself in a rather awkward position when the political movement he had previously endorsed started making problems for his Jewish wife and two children. His son, Franz Lucksch Jr. (1916–1966), became also a physician and made a notable scientific career after 1945. In 1936, Lucksch was appointed interim director of the Institute of Pathology. In the spring of 1939, he retired. As an emeritus, he had two part-time jobs: aside from publishing, he still did some teaching and research at the Institute during the academic year, and, in the remaining period, he worked as a pathologist at the Provincial Institute for the Mentally Ill (Landesanstalt für Geisteskranke) in Kosmonosy (Kosmanos), 65km from Prague. At this institution he performed autopsies of patients who died mainly due to extremely bad conditions. After the war, Lucksch was allowed to stay in Prague, but under rather difficult conditions, including financial issues. In connection with the prosecution of Nazi ‘euthanasia’ crimes in the 1960s, a suspicion emerged that he may have conduced tuberculosis experiments on psychiatric patients. Given the particular circumstances, however, this was highly improbable, neither has anything of that kind been proved in connection with Lucksch.
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Posadsky, Anton. "The Foreign Policy Orientation of the Russian Officers and the Factors of the Formation and Failures of the White Movement: Formulating the Problem." Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, no. 3 (2022): 5. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640020233-4.
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The article examines the political and military orientation of the Russian officer corps after the October Revolution of 1917. Drawing on a wide range of ego-sources, the question is posed as to the validity of the widespread version of the outcome of the Civil War and the fate of the White Movement. The disintegration of the Russian army and the subsequent fragmentation of the vast body of the Russian Empire predetermined a change in the position on the “Russian question” of all the main participants in the Great War, above all Britain, France, Germany, and to a certain extent the United States and Japan. Military considerations dictated the active participation of these countries in the struggle around a potential Eastern Front on the territory of the former Romanov's Empire. The Russian officer corps was also forced to determine who they wanted to support – the German side, the Allies and/or the Soviets. The article provides a general characteristic of the composition and state of the corps by the autumn of 1917 and its further evolution, identifying the factors that predetermined this or that choice. The authors analyse the distribution of political and personal predilections of officers with regard to foreign policy orientation. They examine the full range of motivations for choosing an orientation in the circumstances of 1917–1918 and partly in 1919 for different categories of officers. The question of the motives of those officers who chose the path of “national” self-determination is addressed. Each case is illustrated with examples of prominent officers of the rank of general and officers of the staff. In conclusion, the authors chart the trajectories for further research on the subject of political orientations among Russian officers in exile, up to the end of the Second World War.
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Zorikhin, A. G. "The Evolution of Views of the Japanese Leadership on the Military Threat from Russia in 1895–1916." Vestnik NSU. Series: History and Philology 22, no. 10 (December 23, 2023): 89–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.25205/1818-7919-2023-22-10-89-100.
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The article examines the views of the top leadership of Japan on the degree of military threat to Russia in 1895-1916. The author concludes about the decisive influence of the fears of the Japanese Empire government about a military clash with Russia on the process of developing and implementing the foreign policy of this island state in this period. The main reasons for this were the presence of mutual territorial claims to neighbouring Manchuria and Korea in 1895–1903, the growth of the grouping of troops of the Tsarist army beyond Lake Baikal in response to the aggravation of relations with Japan from 1896 which lasted until 1914, the influence of Russian–British and Japanese- American contradictions. Therefore, since 1902, the Japanese government has been laying the basis for the defense strategy and foreign policy of the assumption of an inevitable military conflict with Russia, where Tokyo was either a victim of aggression or forced to deliver a preemptive strike on the side. In accordance with their ideas about the aggressive nature of Russian foreign policy, in 1895–1903 and in 1907–1914, the military and political leadership of the empire adopted and implemented programs for the development of the Armed Forces aimed at achieving military parity with Russia in the Far East. Nevertheless, after the Russian-Japanese war, the Imperial Navy began to increasingly declare the need to consider not only Russia, but also America as the main enemy. The final settlement of all disputed issues between St. Petersburg and Tokyo occurred only after the signing of secret agreements on the division of spheres of influence on the continent in 1907–1912, and the transfer of Tsarist troops from the Far East to the West in 1914–1915 and Russia's support of Japanese claims to German colonies in China at the beginning of the First World War led to the formation of the Russian-Japanese military bloc in 1916.
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Satskiy, Pavlo. "The Relationship Between the UPR and the Entente in December 1917 ‒ March 1918: Crisis of the Status of Ukraine As a Subject of International Relations." European Historical Studies, no. 7 (2017): 123–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2017.07.103-124.
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On the basis of the archival papers, the research of the relations of Ukrainian People’s Republic with the allies of The Triple Alliance agreement, in particular with France, has been made. The system of relations of the Ukrainian People’s Republic institutions with the representatives of The Triple Alliance in Kyiv has been researched. However, the analysis of these relations has been made in the context of the events taking place in the entire European system of relations. In particular, the analysis of works of the French representative in Kyiv, General J. Tabouis, aimed at establishing systematic relations with the General Secretariat of the Ukrainian People’s Republic. Though, it has been determined that the activity of J. Tabouis in Kyiv had been driven on suppressing the Ukrainian People’s Republic activity and had also been concentrated at creating the situation of political instability at deterring the command of the German-Austrian troops from the movement of the troops from the “Ukrainian” territory from the Eastern front to other areas. General J. Tabouis has also been actively cooperated with the Ukrainian national organizations, among members of which were the prisoners of war of Austrian-Hungarian, German, Polish and Czech and Slovaks armies. After the signing of The Treaty of Brest-Litovsk and the liberation of Kyiv from the Bolshevik army, the Council of Ministers of the Ukrainian People’s Republic clearly expressed the hostile reaction to the mission of the Triple Alliance countries in Kyiv. In particular, some Ukrainian officials expressed the accusation regarding the participation of the French mission in creating chaotic conditions in Ukraine, in their subversive activity and their agreement with the Bolsheviks. Moreover, the Council of Ministers of Ukraine expressed the idea that due to the fact that the participation of Ukraine in the First World War was over, and The Triple Alliance did not accept the Ukrainian People’s Republic, the presence of the representatives of these countries in Kyiv was unsuitable. Thus, the Council of Ministers of Ukrainian People’s Republic and the command of the German troops in Ukraine demanded from the representatives of The Triple Alliance to leave the Ukrainian territory. So, the Ukrainian People’s Republic constrainedly put itself in the position of the actual collaborationist government, which had to withdraw the missions of the countries of The Triple Alliance because of the demand of occupation troops, which was not politically profitable in comparison to the state of the government of the Russian Federation.
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Borisov, Valeriy. "Commodity Exchange in the First Months of Soviet Power with Participation of Consumer Cooperation (January – April, 1918)." Izvestia of Smolensk State University, no. 2 (54) (September 4, 2021): 173–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.35785/2072-9464-2021-54-2-173-187.
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The food crisis in Russia arose during the years of the First World War. The tsarist government and the Provisional Government tried to solve this problem, but to no avail. The food crisis, as it was by inheritance, passed to the Soviet regime. All authorities had to solve the food problem in the conditions of constant
military and revolutionary upheavals, and this problem, from the socio-economic, passed into the political sphere. Famine predetermined revolutionary upheaval in the country.
The article covers the period from January to April, 1918. At this time the Austro-German army advances in southern Russia. The military, political, and socio-economic situation of the new government was extremely difficult. The Soviet government had to support the grain monopoly introduced by the tsarist and
confirmed by the Provisional Governments, although it was not officially confirmed and even introduced by the new government. To strengthen its position, the Soviet government took a number of measures to resolve the food problem. The most important, even the main one was the exchange of goods between the
city and the village. It was necessary to save the urban population from hunger, to supply the army with food. It should be noted that the initial measures including in the exchange policy of the Soviet government were not of a violent nature. The country had industrial reserves for commodity exchange in the country: manu-
factory, high-grade iron, etc. remaining from tsarism. Everything was sent to the village. There is an opinion that the Soviet government gave industrial products to the peasantry for nothing and that was true. But commodity exchange made it possible to alleviate the food crisis in the cities, feed the army, and politically
strengthen the Soviet power. For the exchange of goods, it was necessary to attract various regulatory bodies of the country that were engaged in the procurement and distribution of bread.
This article highlights the role of consumer cooperation, which was underexplored in the historical literature, in the commodity exchange. Specific examples, facts and figures are given for the bread producing provinces in southern Russia.
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Fal’ko, S. A. "Activity of European Military-Instruction Missions in the Countries of South-Eastern Europe at the beginning of the XX century." Problems of World History, no. 13 (March 18, 2021): 24–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2021-13-2.
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This article studies one of the components of the history of modernization processes in the countries of South-Eastern Europe in the latter half of the 19th century – the early 20th century – military modernization.
The purpose of research is to analyze the role of foreign military assistance in formation of military forces of Romania, Serbia, Bulgaria, Montenegro, Albania and Greece. Separate directions of military assistance provided to the countries of South-Eastern Europe in the form of military missions, training of officers in Europe, arms export and other aspects are disclosed.
One of the markers of military development during the period in question was the military instructor activity of the developed European countries in the framework of military modernization of possible military allies in these countries.
The lower limit of research is the Bosnian crisis in 1908 caused by annexation of Bosnia and Herzegovina by Austria-Hungary. The conflict was the reason of rapid militarization of the region. Military missions from the countries of Europe began their activity in Greece, Montenegro, Turkey. Thousands of officers from Balkan army studied in military establishments of Europe. The top limit of the research is the First world war І 1914-1918. The obvious success was attained with modernization of the armed forces of allies by military missions from Germany in Turkey and from France in Romania in that time.
The work deals with the process of military modernization, i.e. the activities of military instructor missions of the leading European countries during the interwar period. The time interval of the study ranges within 1908-1918. This was the period marked by modernization of new national armies in Eastern Europe. Military missions played an important role in this complex process.
The comparison of the results of transformations provides for better understanding of the regional specifics and concrete results of this form of military modernization of armed forces during the twenty-year interwar period.
The method for comparing variations of military modernization of armies of Oriental countries occurring at the turn of the 20th centuries and reorganization of military forces of the countries of South-Eastern Europe is used. This method instantiates results, consequences, failures and success of military modernization.
The research is relevant for studying modern processes of military modernization.
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Лабынцев, Юрий Андреевич. "О ГЕРМАНСКОЙ ЭКСПАНСИОНИСТСКОЙ ЛАТИНИЗАЦИИ БЕЛОРУССКОГО ОБРАЗОВАТЕЛЬНОГО ПРОСТРАНСТВА В ГОДЫ ПЕРВОЙ МИРОВОЙ ВОЙНЫ: «НАРОДНЫЙ» УЧЕБНИК ПРОФЕССОРА РУДОЛЬФА АБИХТА." Традиции и современность, no. 34 (August 25, 2023): 3–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.33876/2687-119x/2023-34/3-18.
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Аннотация. К началу ХХ столетия во многих геополитических теориях и представлениях всех уровней рассматривались вопросы больших изменений в ближайшем будущем на политической карте Европы. Тогда же выкристаллизовалась известная концепция Mitteleuropa, весьма разно трактуемая уже на первом этапе появления, будоражащая умы по сей день. Первая мировая война, захват германскими войсками огромных пространств на западе Российской империи сделали возможным появление на их части отдельной оккупационной зоны «Das Land Ober Ost», при создании которой руководствовались как военно-стратегическими, так и политико-социальными идеями высшего армейского командования, в том числе его видами на латинизацию белорусского культурно-религиозного пространства, включая школьное дело. Именно тогда и был подготовлен и издан в 1918 г. в Бреславле (Вроцлаве) профессором Бреславльского университета пастором Рудольфом Абихтом (1850–1921) реформаторский латинографичный учебник белорусского языка, который виделся автору, по сути, общенародным, способным в условиях «германских побед» предоставить белорусам возможность «освободиться от пут… русского письма». Abstract. By the beginning of the twentieth century, many geopolitical theories and views at all levels considered the issues of major changes in the near future on the political map of Europe. At the same time, the well-known concept of Mitteleuropa crystallized, very diverse already at the first stage of its appearance, exciting minds to this day. The First World War, the seizure by German troops of vast spaces in the west of the Russian Empire made it possible for a separate occupation zone «Das Land Ober Ost» to appear on their part, during the creation of which they were guided by both military-strategic and political-social ideas of the supreme army command, including its views on the romanization of the Belarusian cultural and religious space, including school business. It was then that the reformatory Latin textbook of the Belarusian language was prepared and published in 1918 in Breslau (Wroclaw) by professor of the Breslau University, Pastor Rudolf Abicht (1850–1921), which the author saw as essentially nationwide, contributing to the conditions of «German victories» to provide Belarusians with the opportunity to «free themselves from the fetters of... Russian writing».
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Michaluk, Dorota. "The Political Rivalry for Belarus Between Belarusian Socialists and Bolsheviks in 1917 – 1919. The Establishment of the Socialist Soviet Republic of Belarus." Mìžnarodnì zv’âzki Ukraïni: naukovì pošuki ì znahìdki, no. 31 (December 12, 2022): 255–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.15407/mzu2022.31.255.
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The aim of the article is to study the peculiarities of the rivalry between Bolsheviks and Belarusian socialists for the future of the Belarusian lands in 1918-1920. The research methodology is based on the principles of scholarship, historicism, systematism and historical analysis. The scientific novelty of the results of this study lies in the reconstruction of the events related to the creation of the Socialist Soviet Republic of Belarus. Conclusions: At the end of World War I, after the February Revolution, the process of formation of an independent Belarusian state by Belarusian socialists began. Although the Belarusian People's Republic was proclaimed on March 25, 1918, Belarusians did not manage to create their own state. It was determined by many internal and external factors. One of them being the political and territorial aspirations of the Bolsheviks and a rivalry between them and the Belarusian socialists for the future of the Belarusian lands. Conclusions: Belarusians, and therefore the Belarusian national movement, found themselves in a specific situation during the war. In the years 1915-1918, the Belarusian lands were divided by the Russian-German front line. As a result, military and civilians from the depths of Russia came to the frontier zone. After the February Revolution, the Russian army in the Western District and the Front began to become strongly politicized, focusing on various political and national programs. Belarusian socialists, including the military, gathered in the Central Belarusian Military Council opted for the creation of a Belarusian republic, first in a federation with Russia, and soon (after the Bolshevik coup) they leaned towards its independence. The military Bolsheviks were in favor of the incorporation of Belarusian lands into Russia as the West District. The conflict of interest between the Belarusian socialists and the Russian Bolsheviks was revealed at the All-Belarusian Congress held in Minsk in December, when Congress was brutally dispersed by the military Bolsheviks. The aspirations of the Belarusian socialists and position of the Belarusian communists were determined, among others, by the creation of the Socialist Soviet Republic of Belarus proclaimed twice on January 1, 1919 and July 31, 1920 just before the offensive against Warsaw. It was supported by Soviet Russia as a counterbalance to the activities of the Belarusian independence camp and Polish influence in Belarus
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Nahnybida, Ruslan. "FRONTLINE CITIES AND TOWNS OF PODILYA DURING THE GREAT WAR: CURRENT STATE OF PRESERVATION AND CHARACTERISTICS OF THE BUILDINGS OF THE HEADQUARTERS OF THE SOUTH-WESTERN FRONT IN KAMYANETS-PODILSKYI AND PROSKURIV." Current Issues in Research, Conservation and Restoration of Historic Fortifications 15, no. 2021 (2021): 28–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.23939/fortifications2021.15.028.
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The article provides superficial information about the state of frontline towns and cities of Podilya during the First World War. Documents on the destruction of houses in the first days of the capture of Kamyanets-Podilskyi by Austrian troops are given. The plan of the city of Kamyanets-Podilskyi in 1905, on which there were marked the buildings where the headquarters of the divisions of the South-Western Front in 1915-1916 were located, is used in the article. Selected documents from the archives of the Southern Army concerning the events on the Russian-Austrian Front in 1915-1918, preserved in AGAD, are presented in the article, as well as a brief description of them. The main emphasis in the article is on the condition of the two buildings in which the headquarters of the South-Western Front were located, and the commander of the front, O. Brusilov, probably lived there. The historical past of the house at 38 Lesya Ukrainka Street in Kamyanets-Podilskyi is analyzed and its architectural description is given. Local historians suggest that the building under study was built at the expense of the city as a residence for the reception of guests and delegations by the mayor. During his visit to Kamyanets-Podilskyi on March 30, 1916, Russian Emperor Nicholas II spent the night in the house with his adjutant, Count Vladimir Fredericks. Local historians also suggest that it was here that General Alexey Brusilov planned his famous breakthrough with Russian troops on the Austro-German front. In 1917, General Lavr Kornilov had a conversation in the house with the future Hetman of Ukraine, then General of the Russian Army Pavlo Skoropadskyi, about his participation in the coup and the overthrow of the Provisional Government. The same is done for the house at 4 Gagarina Street in Khmelnytskyi (historical name of the city is Proskuriv). The appendices contain secret maps of the Austrian military command, unpublished drawings and forgotten photographs of the 1920s and 1930s, which show the condition of some cultural heritage sites after the Great (First) World War. Of the large number of the listed real estate objects, only two of the above-described monuments, namely the house at 38 Lesya Ukrainka Street in Kamyanets-Podilskyi and the house at 4 Gagarina Street in Khmelnytskyi, monument protection accounting documentation was prepared. Other real estate objects, mentioned in the publication, in the settlements of Ternopil and Khmelnytskyi regions, which were damaged during the Great War, remain unexplored, unpromising and forgotten.