Journal articles on the topic 'World politics 20th century'
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1
Pipes, Daniel. "The dictionary of 20th-century world politics." Orbis 38, no. 2 (March 1994): 323. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0030-4387(94)90057-4.
2
Simic, Predrag. "World politics, globalization and the crisis." Medjunarodni problemi 65, no. 1 (2013): 24–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp1301024s.
Abstract:
In the early 21st century, globalization and the world economic crisis changed the balance of powers between the old (declining) and new (emerging) industrial states replacing the unilateral with a multilateral system of international relations and changing the way in which world politics was functioning. Globalization has increased the number of transnational problems (protection of human environment, international traffic and communications, flows of capital, energy, migrations, etc.) that require global governance. However, these trends also indicate that in the 21st century, international relations and world politics will function in a significantly different manner than they did within the bipolar and unipolar order, which characterized the second half of the 20th century.
3
Mair, Peter. "Representation and participation in the changing world of party politics." European Review 6, no. 2 (May 1998): 161–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798700003203.
Abstract:
The 20th-century has been the century of mass politics, and the mass parties that emerged at the beginning of this century became deeply rooted within wider society. The passing of this golden age of the party has now been marked by two distinct processes of change. On the one hand, parties have become more distant from society and more closely linked to government and the state. On the other hand, there has been a decline in the political identities of the parties, such that voters now find it increasingly difficult to distinguish between them. These changes, and the related transformation of politics into administration, have led to a growth in popular indifference to parties and to politics in general, as well as to a declining sense of engagement. Should this trend continue, it is mass spectacle rather than mass involvement that is likely to characterize the future of mass politics.
4
Roane, J. T. "Queering Growth in Mid-20th Century Philadelphia." Review of Black Political Economy 47, no. 2 (May 4, 2020): 194–211. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0034644620916909.
Abstract:
In this essay, I highlight a critical, if under-examined, dialectic between dominant urbanism and Black queer urbanism. First, I demonstrate the ways that dominant urbanists drew on a sedimented historical imaginary of the slum as a racialized site of debilitation and death in their articulation of and support for new urban infrastructures designed to support long-term stability through capitalist growth. Anti-blackness formed a fundamental aspect of the syntax and grammar of urban renewal and redevelopment. Next, I examine the efforts of the adherents of Father Divine’s Peace Mission Movement to build a world centered in spiritually appropriated, communal architectures wherein their disruptive forms of social-geographic life challenged heteronormative futurity and segregation through the haptic politics of touch and what I term ecstatic consecration.
5
Roussos, Sotiris. "Introduction—Issues and Debates on Religion and International Relations in the Middle East." Religions 11, no. 5 (May 21, 2020): 263. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel11050263.
Abstract:
By the end of the 20th century, after great political upheavals, two world wars, the decolonization process and political, social and scientific revolutions, it is hard to miss that the world is in a deep de-secularization process. In the Middle East, this process has taken multiple trajectories and has made geopolitics of religion central in reshaping regional issues and in restructuring modes of international politics and international system’s intervention in the Middle East.
6
Li, Yan. "The Influence of Changes of Islam and Politics Relations in 20th Century on the Strategy of Belt and Road." International Journal of Social Science Studies 6, no. 2 (January 23, 2018): 123. http://dx.doi.org/10.11114/ijsss.v6i2.2945.
Abstract:
In the early twentieth century, with the independence of the Islamic nations, the religion of Islam withdrew from the traditional unification of religion and state (caesaropapism) to private life. The secularization of Islam has taken its course and its political characteristics have weakened. In the process of globalization of economy, politics and culture, the development of all countries became uneven and imbalanced. In the mid-to-late 20th century, it turned out that the secularization and modernization advocated by the nationalist had failed to effectively solve the development problems which the Muslim countries faced. This made Islam continue to strengthen its position in both domestic and international political life of Muslim countries. The traditional religious identity has become a powerful tool for the domestic cohesion and international fight against power. The analysis of the changes of Islamic religion and politics relations in 20th century can help to understand and reflect on the frequent ethnic and international conflicts in the world at present. Such changes will also affect the development strategy of China’s Belt and Road initiative.
7
Twose, Nigel. "World in crisis: the politics of survival at the end of the 20th century." International Affairs 73, no. 3 (July 1997): 576–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2624304.
8
Tatum, Dillon Stone. "A pessimistic liberalism: Jacob Talmon’s suspicion and the birth of contemporary political thought." British Journal of Politics and International Relations 21, no. 4 (August 21, 2019): 650–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1369148119866086.
Abstract:
Discussions of liberalism as a political ideology often focus on the progressive, civilisational, and triumphalist ideologies of liberal thinkers. Scholarly work on liberal empire situates these issues in the context of colonialism, and contemporary discussions of liberal world order devote much intellectual space to optimism about liberalism. Scholars have spent much less time connecting liberalism to deep cynicism and suspicion. This article, in focusing on what I term a ‘pessimistic liberalism’, fills this gap by examining the ways that the spectre of totalitarianism influenced post-war liberal thought. The mid-20th century was a pivotal moment where both liberalism and its critics proceeded to make arguments about politics that began from similar attitudes about the nature of the political: suspicion, cynicism, resignation, and fear. Specifically, the article analyses historian Jacob Talmon’s genealogy of modern leftist thought to illustrate the shift in liberal thinking from its 19th century optimism to its 20th century pessimism and scepticism. Talmon’s engagement with the issues of political messianism, nationalism, and cosmopolitanism represented a ‘hermeneutics of suspicion’ ( pace Paul Ricoeur) that critiqued the triumphalism of previous political projects. The article concludes by connecting this project to the broader development of ‘contemporary political thought’ and reflects on pessimism’s place in politics.
9
Moghadam, Valentine M. "What is Revolution in the 21st Century? Towards a Socialist-Feminist World Revolution." Millennium: Journal of International Studies 47, no. 3 (May 30, 2019): 470–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0305829819838607.
Abstract:
I consider prospects for revolution in the 21st century, defined here as a thorough-going world revolution that replaces the capitalist world-system with a feminist-inflected democratic socialism. An overview of 20th century revolutions and more recent uprisings suggests distinctive contemporary features, including women’s participation and the diffusion of feminist agendas, but also constraints. In the face of reactionary social movements, and given the limits of ‘horizontalist’ politics, activists could learn from past revolutionary strategies to build a powerful global alliance of progressive forces.
10
Gerchunoff, Pablo, and Lucas Llach. "Equality or Growth: A 20th Century Argentine Dilemma." Revista de Historia Económica / Journal of Iberian and Latin American Economic History 27, no. 3 (2009): 397–426. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0212610900000823.
Abstract:
ABSTRACTArgentina's long term economic performance between 1880 and 2000 (convergence with the rich followed by divergence) can be understood in terms of the economic and political consequences of its peculiar factor endowments. Skewed endowments meant huge gains from trade during the First Globalization boom; but, conversely, disintegration of world commerce in the Depression was a heavier blow for such a naturally specialized economy. The extreme protectionism, characteristic of the post-war period, was related to the country's peculiar economic structure: comparative advantages in food production and disadvantages in (labor-intensive) manufacturing implied that closing the economy was a political winner, though it eventually hampered growth. The road to openness followed in the last quarter of the 20th century would have meant, correspondingly, an increase in inequality. Attempts to moderate it through debt accumulation and exchange rate appreciation destabilized the economy and contributed further to Argentina's comparative decline.
11
Kwon, Roy. "Hegemonies in the World-System: An Empirical Assessment of Hegemonic Sequences from the 16th to 20th Century." Sociological Perspectives 54, no. 4 (December 2011): 593–617. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/sop.2011.54.4.593.
Abstract:
Both the world-economy perspective in sociology and the world politics perspective in political science recognize the importance of examining the rise and fall of world powers, and generally agree on the main causal mechanisms responsible for the rise and fall process. However, there is much less convergence between these perspectives on the indicators used to measure the relative power of nation-states. Thus, although in agreement over theory, there is much less agreement on the identity and timing of hegemonies. This article attempts to overcome this impasse by creating a hegemony index to assess the power structure of the capitalist world-system. Though results support the world-economy view of three hegemons since the 16th century, findings also contradict this perspective and show that England is the most powerful nation during two successive hegemonic sequences. Conclusions highlight the possibility of hegemonic resuccession, while supplementary analysis provides evidence of U.S. resuccession since the 1980s.
12
Guslin, Guslin, and Amarulla Octavian. "The impact of the Bolsheviks Revolution on the political development and system of government of the new state of the 20th century." Politik Indonesia: Indonesian Political Science Review 6, no. 2 (August 20, 2021): 145–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.15294/ipsr.v6i3.31484.
Abstract:
The Bolshevik Revolution forced the end of Tsar Nicholas II's imperial rule in Russia. Furthermore, under the leadership of Vladimir Lenin, Russia formed a new government in the form of the Republic. The main power of this government is entirely under the Dictatorship of the Proletariat. Subsequent changes in the form of government in Russia, especially after World War I, inspired newly independent countries in the mid-20th century to follow the same system of government. Through theories about the state, politics, and government system, this study will analyze the influence of the Bolshevik revolution on the new system of government for new countries in the world in the 20th century. To analyze the effect of changes in the form of government, the authors use an exploratory qualitative research method with a historical approach through a literature study. After the Revolution, based on a common view of colonialism, human rights, ideology, and the strong understanding of Marxism-Leninism, several countries in the world that were newly independent in the mid-20th century were inspired by the Bolshevik Revolution by forming countries with a Republican system of government, including Indonesia.
13
Weismann, Itzchak. "THE POLITICS OF POPULAR RELIGION: SUFIS, SALAFIS, AND MUSLIM BROTHERS IN 20TH-CENTURY HAMAH." International Journal of Middle East Studies 37, no. 1 (February 2005): 39–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002074380505004x.
Abstract:
With the advent of the 20th century, Sufism found itself under increasing attack in many parts of the Muslim world. In previous centuries, mystical movements had played a prominent role in the struggle for the revival of Islam and occasionally, where governments were weak or nonexistent, also in actual resistance to European encroachment. In the wake of the increasing consolidation of the state and the spread of Western rationalism, however, Sufis came to be regarded as a major cause of the so-called decline of Islam and an obstacle to its adaptation. In the Arab world, this anti–Sufi feeling was generally associated with the Salafiyya trend. The Salafi call for a return to the example of the forefathers (al-salaf al-**sdotu**āli**hdotu**) amounted to a discrediting of latter-day tradition, which was described as cherishing mystical superstition as well as scholarly stagnation and political quietism. Under the burden of this critique, and as a response to the general expansion of education and literacy, Sufism has been forced to assimilate new ideas and to make room for a new form of organization; the populist Islamic association. These developments culminated in the establishment of the Society of the Muslim Brothers.
14
Ryurikov, D. B. "The World Order Crisis and the Threats for Russia and the World." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 1(28) (February 28, 2013): 70–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2013-1-28-70-75.
Abstract:
Crises in global finance and economy, the threat of wars and tension in world relations, the degradation of the non-material bases of civilization, i.e. morality, law, politics, and culture, do not bother a group of influential financial and political figures of the West : they believe that after a sequence of crises and wars, a "new world order", the NWO, will be established. Projected globally once by the "hard", once by the "soft" power, the ideology and practice of the NWO negates the foundations of civilization gained by ordeals and sufferings of mankind, and means the departure from the principles and norms of the actual world order valid until the end of the 20th century. Essentially, the NWO is an anticivilizacion. If the project is allowed to be implemented, the lives of humans will change beyond recognition. Thus, the key challenge of our time : do not let the project to be realized, consolidate the forces opposing the NWO.
15
Hansen, James T. "The Relevance of Postmodernism to Counselors and Counseling Practice." Journal of Mental Health Counseling 37, no. 4 (October 1, 2015): 355–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.17744/mehc.37.4.06.
Abstract:
Postmodernism is a broad intellectual movement that has been changing the way people approach art, music, literature, politics, and philosophy since the late 20th century. This article addresses the impact of postmodern thinking on the practice of counseling and its relevance to counselors' approach to understanding clients and their world.
16
Barbato, Mariano P. "Tamed Mobilization. Marian Messages, Pilgrim Masses and Papal Moderateness in Fatima since Paul VI." Religions 12, no. 9 (August 24, 2021): 671. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel12090671.
Abstract:
Marian apparitions attract modern masses since the 19th century. The radical message of the apparition asking for penitence and the return of public and politics to God resonated well within major parts of Catholicism. While popes kept promoting Marian pilgrimages in order to secure their public and political standing throughout the 20th and 21st century, they tried to control the masses and to attenuate the messages. Particularly since the Second Vatican Council, the popes tamed mobilization. Instead of stirring up the masses, popes kept modest at Marian apparitions sites. A quantitative analysis of the papal documents issued during papal journeys to Fatima, the most political apparition of the 20th century, shows that a modest religious discourse about God and world had been presented instead of promoting the critical messages of the apparition. Following the methodological ideal of parsimony, the analysis concentrates on the most uttered words during the journeys and compares the four pontificates since Paul VI. Instead of stressing the radical message of Fatima, which is introduced in the discussion of the findings, the pontificates share a modest Catholic discourse.
17
Taylor, Leonard. "Catholic Cosmopolitanism and the Future of Human Rights." Religions 11, no. 11 (October 30, 2020): 566. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel11110566.
Abstract:
Political Catholicism began in the 20th century by presenting a conception of confessional politics to a secularizing Europe. However, this article reveals the reworking of political Catholicism’s historical commitment to a balance of two powers—an ancient Imperium and Sacerdotium—to justify change to this position. A secular democratic faith became a key insight in political Catholicism in the 20th century, as it wedded human rights to an evolving cosmopolitan Catholicism and underlined the growth of Christian democracy. This article argues that the thesis of Christian democracy held a central post-war motif that there existed a prisca theologia or a philosophia perennis, semblances of a natural law, in secular modernity that could reshape the social compact of the modern project of democracy. However, as the Cold War ended, human rights became more secularized in keeping with trends across Europe. The relationship between political Catholicism and human rights reached a turning point, and this article asks if a cosmopolitan political Catholicism still interprets human rights as central to its embrace of the modern world.
18
štok, Robert, and Irina Kozárová. "Reflections on globalization processes in geopolitical thought since the second half of the 20th century." SHS Web of Conferences 129 (2021): 10006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/shsconf/202112910006.
Abstract:
Research background: Geopolitical thought at the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries was among the first to accentuate a global dimension of international politics. It stagnated in the context of WWII, however, the adoption of geopolitical approaches in U.S. foreign policy concepts contributed to its revival during the Cold War and its rapid development in the 1990s because of the need to address the changes in the power-political and spatial-political structures of the world. The relationship between geopolitical thought and globalization, however, remains controversial. In academic literature, geopolitics and globalization are perceived either as compatible or as incompatible phenomena. Purpose of the article: The paper aims to outline how geopolitical thought has reflected the development of globalization processes and how it has changed with this development since the 2nd half of the 20th century. Methods: Analytical-synthetic and historical-comparative methods are used for the study of globalization development and content analysis and comparative methods are employed to map the development of geopolitical thought and its reflection of globalization. Findings & Value added: The development, direction and consequences of globalization have been reflected in geopolitical thought mainly since the 1990s. As a result, new trends in geopolitical thought have been established; apart from the changes in the power-spatial and political-spatial structures of the world studied by classical geopolitical thought, they also reflect the relationship between global and local, an acceleration in contradictory processes in the world caused by economic, cultural, demographic, information and other factors of spatial control.
19
Davoren, Mary, Eugene G. Breen, and Brendan D. Kelly. "Dr Ada English: patriot and psychiatrist in early 20th century Ireland." Irish Journal of Psychological Medicine 28, no. 2 (June 2011): 91–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0790966700011514.
Abstract:
AbstractDr Adeline (Ada) English (1875-1944) was a pioneering Irish psychiatrist. She qualified in medicine in 1903 and spent four decades working at Ballinasloe District Lunatic Asylum, during which time there were significant therapeutic innovations (eg. occupational therapy, convulsive treatment). Dr English was deeply involved in Irish politics. She participated in the Easter Rising (1916); spent six months in Galway jail for possessing nationalistic literature (1921); was elected as a Teachta Dála (member of Parliament; 1921); and participated in the Civil War (1922). She made significant contributions to Irish political life and development of psychiatric services during an exceptionally challenging period of history. Additional research would help contextualise her contributions further.
20
Sidorenko, Irina N. "The Crisis of Democracy and the Problem of Democratic Peace." Russian Journal of Philosophical Sciences 65, no. 3 (September 16, 2022): 39–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.30727/0235-1188-2022-65-3-39-57.
Abstract:
The author analyzes three waves of the crisis of democracy during the 20th and early 21st centuries. The first crisis of democracy in the early 20th century is caused by the emergence and development of public politics, which challenged the possibility to govern the masses having conflict potential, it balanced the power of the people and universal suffrage with the control of the media in order to maintain the stability of political system. The second wave of the crisis of democracy (the last third of the 20th century) is associated with the destruction of the conventional world and the weakening of the nation-state; and its markers were: the imbalance between the branches of government, the domination of economics over politics, the predominance of equality over freedom, the problematic implementation of human rights, and, as a consequence, the inability to put into practice the national form of democracy. The third wave of crisis (early the 21st century) is accompanied by the transformation of democracy into post-democracy, in which the power of the people is replaced by the power of global capital, and the illusion of consent is reinforced by the prohibition of alternative points of view and the narrowing of the space of issues allowed for discussion in the name of public security. The crisis of the policy to achieve peace through the transformation of the balance of powers into a balance of interests called into question the principles of democracy. On the contrary, post-democracies justify the use of force to spread democracy around the world, and they take an active part in contemporary military conflicts, which can rightly be defined as hybrid proxy wars. Drawing on J. Habermas’s concept of communicative rationality, the author concludes that to overcome the crisis of democracy it is necessary to accept the very possibility of an alternative to this form of government and allow to discuss these previously marginalized issues as well as to maintain the return of the majority to genuine communication and politics, contribute to its enlightenment.
21
Dénes, Iván Zoltán. "Contributing to Healing the World." European Review 23, no. 4 (September 22, 2015): 597–613. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798715000241.
Abstract:
This paper investigates the resistance, and life-saving activities during the Shoah, of the greatest Hungarian democratic political thinker of the 20th century, István Bibó – one of the most original political theorists of his time. It places this in the context of his intellectual development, and provides an overview of his later thought on Anti-Semitism and the various forms of Jewish identity.
22
Moskovskaya, D. "FROM THE HISTORY OF 20TH-CENTURY LITERARY POLITICS. ‘LITERARY HERITAGE’ [LITERATURNOE NASLEDSTVO] AS AN ACADEMIC INSTITUTION." Voprosy literatury, no. 1 (September 30, 2018): 296–333. http://dx.doi.org/10.31425/0042-8795-2018-1-296-333.
Abstract:
A review of the editorial archive of the Literary Heritage [Literaturnoe nasledstvo] book series at the Manuscripts Department of the Russian Academy’s Gorky Institute of World Literature. The emergence of the new archaeographical publication, Literary Heritage, was at odds with the political context of the early 1930s. I. Zilbershtein’s personality and extensive connections in the publishing world, as well as the favourable disposition of the RAPP (Russian Association of Proletarian Writers) and Stalin himself, helped to launch the series and made sure that it endured despite the RAPP’s downfall and to meet the program’s goals to ‘explore the archived riches’ and ‘bring out the hitherto unpublished’. It was thanks to the utmost erudition of LH’s authors and reviewers that their editorial office remained a platform that accumulated both archival discoveries and contemporary challenges and ideas. LH’s survival amid constant scrutiny from the party and official censorship was the result of often obscure forces and political schemes put to work. It was driven by personal interests and scholarly collaborations and rivalries, something that broadly defined the trends in literary studies of the 21st century.
23
Yosypenko, Serhii. "The long twentieth century?" Filosofska dumka (Philosophical Thought) -, no. 3 (November 3, 2022): 83–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.15407/fd2022.03.083.
Abstract:
The paper describes the historical and intellectual foundations on which the European political system was built after the Second World War; this system pursued the goal to prevent any war in Europe, but proved unable to prevent the russian-Ukrainian war. The paper shows that this system was built not only because of the trauma of the First and Second World Wars, but also in accord- ance with the liberal attitude to war, which M. Vatter called «war with “war”»; at the same time, such a clear attitude does not refer to real wars, but to an imaginary «war of all against all». Based on the analysis of the principles and results of the research project “War and Society” under the direction of J. Baechler, the author outlines the principles of liberal Realpolitik as the implementation of the mentioned attitude in the realm of wars: it consists in their rationalization both at the level of goals and at the level of means of warfare; such a rationalization finally makes war irrational and unacceptable. From the point of view of such Realpolitik, war is only an extraordinary means of politics, and the russian-Ukrainian war is only an excess of violence, while in the opinion of the author, it is an inevitable consequence of the irrational and violent russian-Ukrainian extrapolitical conflict, whose stakes is the existence self of Ukraine. The author believes that one of the reasons for the inability of the European political system to prevent the russian-Ukrainian war is the belief that with the end of the Cold War, the “century of total war” in Europe also ended, and that the economic and cultural integration of post-communist countries into the European space makes such conflicts impossible. The author refers to the description of the own logic of wars of the 20th century, proposed in R. Aron’s book «The century of total war», and suggests considering the russian-Ukrainian war as a continuation of these wars. In the perspective pro- posed by R. Aron, the mentioned «century of total war» can be considered as a «long 20th century», which continues to this day.
24
Guo, Yixiao. "Beijing Subway and the Political and Economic Development of China." Public Administration Research 8, no. 1 (April 28, 2019): 23. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/par.v8n1p23.
Abstract:
This research paper analyses the main purposes the Beijing subway system, which served from 1969 to now as a tool of political defense as well as a transportation system. The notion to construct the system arose in 1953, but the first section of today’s Line 1 did not open until September 1969. Today, the Beijing subway system is the world’s busiest in terms of annual ridership and the world’s second longest subway system, ranking only behind Shanghai’s. (Xinhua News Agency, 2017, http://www.xinhuanet.com/politics/2017-12/30/c_1122188643.htm.) The political and economic development and trends in China in the second half of 20th century and the first decade of the 21st century, such as the Cultural Revolution and the 2008 Olympics, affected the subway system’s development greatly. This paper examines Chinese documents with the aim of providing a general understanding of the development and purpose of the Beijing system, through political, economic and technical analysis, among others, of its history.
There exists almost no document, ¬¬either in English or Chinese, that analyzes the development of Beijing’s subway system. However, this topic should be considered important, as it provides an alternative way of viewing the development of China and its governing principles throughout its late-20th century and current-day history.
25
kunz, Waldemar. "The European Case for International Security." Security Dimensions 41, no. 41 (July 29, 2022): 52–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0015.9447.
Abstract:
Armed conflicts between states and friction within international organizations, not forgetting wars in the economic-technological, and economic-commercial dimension, including issues related to natural resources, raw materials, and energy, are part of an attempt to position elites in a new axiological-political space. This article takes up the complex and contentious issue of the security crisis in the European dimension, with an emphasis on international and transnational issues, while focusing on the transformation of the existing political, social, axiological, and cultural order. In other words, the issue concerns the new paradigm of civilization, which has been taking shape on a global scale since the turn of the 20th and 21st centuries. The main intention and purpose of the study is to present the complex problem of specificity of the European security, pointing to the processes and phenomena that change the architecture of the world order, taking into account the international, transnational, and migration contexts. As far as the diagnosis of the current international situation is concerned, it concerns the conviction about the regression of the old civilization and cultural patterns, valid in the 19th and 20th century, and the formation of a new paradigm from the turn of the 20th and 21st century (until 2019), determining the economy, politics, and society.
26
Rahman, Md Sayedur, and Shakila Tul-Kubra. "Economic dimension of India’s foreign policy towards Russia: Late 20th- early 21st century." Contemporary Research: An Interdisciplinary Academic Journal 4, no. 1 (November 8, 2020): 153–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/craiaj.v4i1.32757.
Abstract:
In the international framework India is finding a larger position for itself. This hope is focused on the belief that India is a prosperous democracy with substantial human and material resources; it is an increasingly strong economic power; it has a proven record as a responsible and law-abiding regime, and as a member of the non-aligned party it has consistently shared the interests of the developing nations. Indian foreign policy makers argue that India wants to re-invent itself at this point of 'take-off' as a great force. India needs new alliance for the proposed new position, including the dominant superpower, the United States of America (US). The US has said it would turn India into a great force. This essay attempts to examine the old pattern of relations with Russia that India had enjoyed. There's an Indo-US triangular alliance taking its place. How is this current type of strategic partnership distinct from that of the Indo Soviet/ Russian alliance? However, both countries' natural desire to strive towards multi polarity in world politics has helped restore the relationship, particularly over the past decade. Remarkably, ties with the US no longer stand in the way of stronger relations between India and Russia. The turbulent security climate marked by what is frequently assumed to be the state-sponsored insurgency invulnerable Asian areas, the war in Afghanistan, and the political turmoil in both Afghanistan and Central Asian countries has paved the way for a strategic alliance between India and Russia.
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Davies, Thomas Richard. "Understanding non-governmental organizations in world politics: The promise and pitfalls of the early ‘science of internationalism’." European Journal of International Relations 23, no. 4 (December 7, 2016): 884–905. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354066116679243.
Abstract:
The years immediately preceding the First World War witnessed the development of a significant body of literature claiming to establish a ‘science of internationalism’. This article draws attention to the importance of this literature, especially in relation to understanding the roles of non-governmental organizations in world politics. It elaborates the ways in which this literature sheds light on issues that have become central to 21st-century debates, including the characteristics, influence and legitimacy of non-governmental organizations in international relations. Among the principal authors discussed in the article are Paul Otlet, Henri La Fontaine and Alfred Fried, whose role in the development of international theory has previously received insufficient attention. The article concludes with an evaluation of potential lessons to be drawn from the experience of the early 20th-century ‘science of internationalism’.
28
Sokolov, Oleg A. "Unsheathing Poet’s Sword Again: The Crusades in Arabic Anticolonial Poetry before 1948." Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. Asian and African Studies 14, no. 2 (2022): 335–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu13.2022.211.
Abstract:
Both Arab and Western scholars agree that, starting in the mid-20th century, the correlation of Western Europeans with the Crusaders and the extrapolation of the term “Crusade” to modern military conflicts have become an integral part of modern Arab political discourse, and are also widely reflected in Arab culture. The existence of works examining references to the theme of the Crusades in Arab social thought, politics, and culture of the second half of the 20th century contrasts with the almost complete absence of specialized studies devoted to the analysis of references to this historical era in Arab culture in the 19th century and first half of the 20th. An analysis of references to the era of the Crusades in the work of Arab poets before 1948 shows that, already in the period of the Arab Revival, this topic occupied an important place in the imagery of anti-colonial poetry, and not only in Egypt, Syria, and Palestine, historically attacked by the Crusaders, but also in other regions of the Arab world. If, before World War I, Arab poets only praised the commanders of the past who defeated the Crusaders, then afterwards the theme of the Crusades was also used to liken the European colonialists to the “medieval Franks”. The authors of the poems containing images from the era of the Crusades were, among others, the participants of the Arab Uprising of 1936–1939 and the Arab-Israeli War of 1947–1949, who set their goal with the help of poetry to mobilize the masses for the struggle.
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Crawford, Neta. "A Discussion of Robert Vitalis's White World Order, Black Power Politics: The Birth of American International Relations." Perspectives on Politics 14, no. 4 (December 2016): 1123–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592716003091.
Abstract:
In White World Order, Black Power Politics: The Birth of American International Relations, Robert Vitalis presents a critical disciplinary history of the field of international relations, and the discipline of political science more broadly. Vitalis argues that the interconnections between imperialism and racism were “constitutive” of international relations scholarship in the U.S. since the turn of the 20th century, and that the perspectives of a generation of African-American scholars that included W. E. B. Dubois, Alain Locke, and Ralph Bunche were equally constitutive of this scholarship—by virtue of the way the emerging discipline sought to marginalize these scholars. In developing this argument, Vitalis raises questions about the construction of knowledge and the racial foundations of American political development. These issues lie at the heart of U.S. political science, and so we have invited a range of political scientists to comment on the book and its implications for our discipline.
30
Ling, L. H. M. "A Discussion of Robert Vitalis’s White World Order, Black Power Politics: The Birth of American International Relations." Perspectives on Politics 14, no. 4 (December 2016): 1126. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592716003108.
Abstract:
In White World Order, Black Power Politics: The Birth of American International Relations, Robert Vitalis presents a critical disciplinary history of the field of international relations, and the discipline of political science more broadly. Vitalis argues that the interconnections between imperialism and racism were “constitutive” of international relations scholarship in the U.S. since the turn of the 20th century, and that the perspectives of a generation of African-American scholars that included W. E. B. Dubois, Alain Locke, and Ralph Bunche were equally constitutive of this scholarship—by virtue of the way the emerging discipline sought to marginalize these scholars. In developing this argument, Vitalis raises questions about the construction of knowledge and the racial foundations of American political development. These issues lie at the heart of U.S. political science, and so we have invited a range of political scientists to comment on the book and its implications for our discipline.
31
Sabaratnam, Meera. "A Discussion of Robert Vitalis’s White World Order, Black Power Politics: The Birth of American International Relations." Perspectives on Politics 14, no. 4 (December 2016): 1129. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592716003121.
Abstract:
In White World Order, Black Power Politics: The Birth of American International Relations, Robert Vitalis presents a critical disciplinary history of the field of international relations, and the discipline of political science more broadly. Vitalis argues that the interconnections between imperialism and racism were “constitutive” of international relations scholarship in the U.S. since the turn of the 20th century, and that the perspectives of a generation of African-American scholars that included W. E. B. Dubois, Alain Locke, and Ralph Bunche were equally constitutive of this scholarship—by virtue of the way the emerging discipline sought to marginalize these scholars. In developing this argument, Vitalis raises questions about the construction of knowledge and the racial foundations of American political development. These issues lie at the heart of U.S. political science, and so we have invited a range of political scientists to comment on the book and its implications for our discipline.
32
Loginova, Nina N., Milan M. Radovanović, Anatoliy A. Yamashkin, Goran Vasin, Marko D. Petrović, and Dunja Demirović Bajrami. "Analysis of the population dynamics in the “Slavic World” with a special focus on Russia." Indonesian Journal of Geography 52, no. 3 (December 31, 2020): 317. http://dx.doi.org/10.22146/ijg.51202.
Abstract:
Population changes of the Russians and other Slavs are an important original indicator of demographic, economic, political, and cultural analysis of over 300 million Slavic inhabitants in Central, Eastern, and Southeastern Europe. The indicators are conditioned by the large number of people executed in World War I and World War II, significant economic migrations, the disintegration of the Soviet Union, Yugoslavia, and Czechoslovakia. Utilizing data from official reports, the authors proceed to analyze the demographic tendencies in order to find out the relationship between modern demographic trends and political and economic events over the past years. The results showed that economic and demographic stagnation, which favor religious and national (ethnic) ambivalence, influence the strengthening of groups ethnically isolated or religiously differentiated in the observed macroregions of Eurasia. The contemporary challenges of modern society in terms of global politics (e.g. terrorism and migrations) will be more pronounced and turbulent in these areas. For these reasons, the original data represent an important segment of the study of Slavic history, demography, and politics throughout the turbulent 20th century and the beginning of the new millennium.
33
Gradmann, Christoph, Mark Harrison, and Anne Rasmussen. "Typhoid and the Military in the Early 20th Century." Clinical Infectious Diseases 69, Supplement_5 (October 15, 2019): S385—S387. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cid/ciz672.
Abstract:
Abstract Background In the decades following the discovery of the bacillus causing typhoid, in 1880, understanding of the disease formerly known as enteric fever was transformed, offering new possibilities for prevention. Gradually, measures that aimed to prevent infection from human carriers were developed, as were inoculations designed to confer immunity against typhoid and paratyphoid fevers. These were initially introduced in European armies that were regularly ravaged by typhoid, especially garrisons stationed in the colonies. This article reviews the research undertaken in the armed forces and the measures that they implemented in the years up to and during the First World War. Methods The article is based on an analytical review of scientific literature from the early 19th century, focusing on the United Kingdom, Germany, and France. Results The armies of the United Kingdom, Germany, and France undertook important work on the transmission of typhoid in the years between 1890 and 1918. Many preventive measures were introduced to deal with the spread of typhoid but these varied between the 3 countries, depending largely on their political traditions. Inoculation was particularly successful in preventing typhoid and greatly reduced the number of casualties from this disease during the First World War. Despite this, it proved difficult to prevent paratyphoid infection, and debates continued over which vaccines to use and whether or not immunization should be voluntary. Conclusions By the end of the First World War, the value of inoculation in preventing the spread of typhoid had been proven. Its successful implementation demonstrates the importance of vaccination as a public health intervention during times of conflict and social upheaval.
34
Heimann, H. "Psychiatry at the end of the 20th century." European Psychiatry 6, no. 1 (1991): 1–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0924933800000821.
Abstract:
SummaryThe political role psychiatry plays in mental health strategies in the 20th century is discussed as well as the dangers of abuse when totalitarian ideologies rule supreme. The author comments on positive developments in the sectors of applied psychiatry and psychotherapy after World War II and the implementation of uniform requirements for the classification of psychopathological disorders as well as their limitations. Psychiatry as a scientific discipline relies on two fundaments: the conclusions drawn from the collective, present and past experience of psychiatric medicine and the impulses given by neighbouring disciplines such as neurobiology, psychology and sociology. These influences are necessary for the advancement of psychiatry, but can be restrictive in that they lead to tunnel vision by giving simple explanations for mental disorders of complex or unknown etiology. A multidimensional approach is required for the elaboration of adequate therapies and research must avoid dogmatism and short-sightedness.
35
Watanabe, Shoko. "THE PARTY OF GOD: THE ASSOCIATION OF ALGERIAN MUSLIM ʿULAMAʾ IN CONTENTION WITH THE NATIONALIST MOVEMENT AFTER WORLD WAR II." International Journal of Middle East Studies 50, no. 2 (May 2018): 271–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743818000065.
Abstract:
AbstractScholarship has long held that Islamic reform was a preparatory stage for nationalism in the Muslim world. In challenge to this view, this article shows how in the context of 20th-century Algeria Islamic reformers and nationalists continued to maintain distinct political ideas, visions, and projects. The article examines the internal framework of the Association of Algerian Muslim ʿUlamaʾ, an Islamic reform movement founded in 1931 when Algeria was under French colonial rule, and its interactions with other local movements, especially the Algerian nationalist movement. Through a comparison of the discourse of the Algerian ʿulamaʾ to that of the nationalists, it argues that while both groups claimed to be successors of Jamal al-Din al-Afghani, their understanding of politics (siyāsa) was different. Whereas the ʿulamaʾ associated politics with their own spiritual leadership, the nationalists associated it with institutions. The study situates these distinct visions within the post–World War II historical context, in which the expanding nationalist movement undermined the ʿulamaʾ’s popular appeal.
36
Petrosyan, D. V. ,. "FOREIGN POLICY ATTITUDES OF THE FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF GERMANY IN THE POSTBIPOLAR WORLD." Scientific Notes of V.I. Vernadsky Crimean Federal University. Historical science 7 (73), no. 3 (2021): 87–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.37279/2413-1741-2021-7-3-87-98.
Abstract:
The Contemporary Federal Republic of Germany is the leader of the European Union, on which the development of the European Union and European-transatlantic relations largely depends. The Federal Republic of Germany determines the main content and direction of the EU policy towards the Russian Federation. Russian-German relations have a significant impact on the solution of many world problems. The unification of two states at the end of the 20th century – the Federal Republic of Germany and the German Democratic Republic — became one of the greatest and most significant events in the history of Germany and world politics. The creation of a unified German state contributed to the change of both the economic and political situation of Germany in Europe and in international relations. They are one of the determining factors of global politics and directly related to the European world order, therefore, the study of the philosophy and nature of German foreign policy in the postbipolar world is a topic and important task for specialists. The article considers the internal and external conditions and factors affecting the foreign policy of Germany in the postbipolar world.
37
Hayakawa, Atsuko. "Translation as Politics: The Translation of Sadako Kurihara’s War Poems." TTR 25, no. 1 (April 30, 2013): 109–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1015349ar.
Abstract:
The dynamic power shift of the world picture from a dominant hegemonic power structure to a global consciousness of hybridity accelerated by postcolonialism in the late 20th century has opened up a way to re-read history from a new perspective. The major point in the process is the recognition of both the cultural and political others which had long been made invisible and silent by the politics of power. It is in this light that translation must be addressed by scholarly discourse. This paper focuses on war poems by Sadako Kurihara both in the time of and after the censorship that occurred during the occupation. Through the lens of translation and its modalities, I would propose here, history can be re-addressed. How the narrative of translation creates an arena where an individual voice is made to be heard in the language of others is closely related with the translator’s stance in the political context. The task of the translator today is much more important than ever, not only culturally but also ethically.
38
Subotin, A. "FUTURE OF US HEGEMONY." Actual Problems of International Relations, no. 139 (2019): 4–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/apmv.2019.139.0.4-12.
Abstract:
Abstract. The demise of the bipolar system of international politics has revived interest in such closely related and contested terms as "superpower", "hegemon", "empire" and "imperialism". This article represents an attempt to define the most probable trend in the future evolution of the international system with regard to the role of the United States of America as the most prominent state power of today's world. This article seeks to analyse the US power posture in today's world politics by comparing its core capabilities to those of the classical empire of the previous century - the British Empire - with analytical emphasis on both the "hard power" and the "soft power" dimensions. The author maintains that the notion of US hegemony or even American Empire is still relevant despite a clear historic tendency of hegemonic decline seen throughout the second part of the 20th century. The United States still ranks high on the scale of most traditional power factors and, what is by far more important, they continue to be able to shape and control the scale and the volume of international exposure of all other major players within the framework of contemporary global international system. The relative decline of US influence upon world politics at the beginning of the new millennia has been effectively off-set by the profound change in the nature of American power which is now assuming the form of a structural dominance. The author's personal view is that US hegemony is not doomed to wane, given the enormous impact the United States have already made economically, politically and intellectually upon the post World War II international relations. The continuance of the US playing the pivotal role in the international politics of the 21st century will be dependent on the ability of the US political class to adapt to and to harness the social power of numerous non-state international actors that are due take over the leading role in the future world's politics.
39
Rutkevich, Alexey M. "Oswald Spengler. Young Conservative Geopolitics." Almanac “Essays on Conservatism” 65 (March 1, 2020): 51–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.24030/24092517-2020-0-4-51-90.
Abstract:
Oswald Spengler belongs to the trend in the so-called “conservative revolution” which was entitled “young conservatism” (Jungkonservative) in times of Weimar Republic and was close to the political position of German business and military elites. The projects of those elites before and during the First World War and their development up to the seizer of power by the Nazis and the Second World War apply to the geopolitics, and Spengler was one of the most talented representatives and creators of those plans in world politics. His views on the world politics are determined by the Lebensphilosophie (philosophy of life) described in the fragments of his main “metaphysical” work Urfragen and his philosophy of history stated in the book “Decline of Europe”. Particular attention in the article is paid to his views on Russia, both in the second volume of “Decline of Europe” and in his last work “The Years of Decision”. The transition from culture to civilization that started in the 19th century, lead to the epoch of world wars and revolutions in the 20th century. According to Spengler, two types of revolution threatened the West, - the “white revolution” in western countries themselves, that Spengler termed “Bolshevism”, and the “colour revolution’ in the colonies. The military power of new Caesars would put the end to those revolutions, as well as liberalism and parliamentarism. According to Spengler, Germany was the only land, that preserved the main features of the “Nordic race”; and that’s why could unite Western countries in the struggle for self-preservation. Spengler’s heroic pessimism affirmed the readiness to resist the history course: the time of the “Faust” culture was nearly over, but for two more centuries it would be necessary to fight hard from the losing positions.
40
Montaner, Josep Maria, and Zaida Muxí Martínez. "Modern Housing: Heritage and Vitality." Modern Housing. Patrimonio Vivo, no. 51 (2014): 10–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.52200/51.a.m3ws825n.
Abstract:
One of the main subjects in contemporary architecture is how to deal with the physical and intellectual requirements of transforming modern housing. Joan Busquets points out in his contribution to this issue, that the special effort made by modern architects and progressive housing politics during the 20th century must be reinterpreted and followed today. Intentionally, this issue brings a special focus on the Iberoamerican world, specifically Spain, Portugal and Latin America, with the aim of relocating it in a cultural world of predominantly Anglo-American historiography. In any case, it presents a very wide spectrum, including North America, Switzerland and Great Britain. For this reason the projects are presented as case studies, both housing politics in different countries, and paradigmatic architectural examples, either positive or negative.
41
Skorospelov, P. P. "The Russian Globalization Project in the XX Century. Anatomy of a Military-Political Strategy." Russia & World: Sc. Dialogue, no. 3 (August 21, 2022): 122–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.53658/rw2022-2-3(5)-122-149.
Abstract:
The article discusses the main components of the military-political strategy of Russia in the «short» 20th century – from 1900 to 1991. Special attention is paid to how the foreign policy and the use of Armed Forces were planned. Reconstructing the intellectual ideas that created the framework of the foreign and military policy of the Russian state at that time, the author focuses on the elements that unite the leaders of Russia of the 20th century from Nikolai Romanov to Mikhail Gorbachev. Such issues as the «globalization» of the USSR in world affairs, relations with neighboring Asian centers of power, such as China and Iran, the sphere of «special state interests» of the USSR in Eastern Europe are discussed in the work. The evolution of Russian military strategy in the 20th century is studied: from betting on victory in the World War in the first half of the century to focusing on the actions of expeditionary groups during the Cold War. The article analyzes in detail the strategic deterrence measures carried out by the Armed Forces of the USSR in the 1950-1970. The issue of the resources of military-political strategy is considered separately.
42
Ihsan, Neelofar, Sana Ullah, and Hina Malik. "Regional Politics in Economic Perspective: A Case Study of Shanghai Cooperation Organization." III IV, no. III (September 30, 2019): 49–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/ger.2019(iv-iii).05.
Abstract:
This modern world cannot be encountered alone; therefore, states are preferring to involve in regional blocs. This is the century of trade and commerce. This is the era of economic development. It is due to regionalism in politics that SCO formed in the last decade of the 20th century with the initial name of Shanghai five with the purpose of the economic integration of Central Asian Republics. CARs were facing serious economic depression, and ethnic diversity in these states made the situation worse. Islamic fundamentalism was also posing a challenge to the ruling authorities in this whole region. On the other hand, the US wants to access the energy recourses of Central Asia. Although SCO members have a common interest in the exploitation of energy resources, expansion and improvement of transportation, expansion of trade links will move further towards the formation of a common economic market.
43
Lebedeva, Lidia, Yulia Kucherova, and Elena Godina. "Secular Changes in Male Body Height in the European Part of Russia during the 20th Century." Collegium antropologicum 44, no. 2 (2020): 63–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.5671/ca.44.2.1.
Abstract:
Significant political and economic transformations took place on the territory of contemporary Russia in the first part of the 20th century. We hypothesized that they would have affected male growth curve negatively. To test this idea, the dataset was collected to present the graph, which illustrates the changes in male body height during the 20th century. We searched for bibliographic sources with information about body height of men and women born during the 20th century, with full description of measurement methodology, sample design and significant geographical distribution of the dataset covering more than 15 territories of the country – cities or regions. Such criteria were met only for men. We found only 8 sources that could be considered reliable in the research. The observed graph confirms positive changes in male body height on the territory of the European part of contemporary Russia: for those, who were born in 1900‘s it was 166.1 cm, in 1920s – 166.5 cm, in 1940s – 171 cm, in 1960s – 174.8 cm and in 1980s the indicator reached 176.1 cm. No significant negative changes in this indicator have been found during the studied period. The primary hypothesis that political and socio-economic transformations affect male growth curve negatively was confirmed only partly. We concluded that unfavorable political and socio-economic events (such as revolutions, World War I and World War II, purges and famines) influenced the pace of body height increase in men. While the main period of secular trend was fixed in the first decades of the 20th century in Germany, Netherlands and France, in this part of Russia it occurred later, in 1930–1960s. However, the total increase in male height was very similar for all mentioned territories (9–11 cm) during 1900–1980’s.
44
Hatina, Meir. "WHERE EAST MEETS WEST: SUFISM, CULTURAL RAPPROCHEMENT, AND POLITICS." International Journal of Middle East Studies 39, no. 3 (August 2007): 409a. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743807070936.
Abstract:
This paper traces the significant role of Sufism in promoting Muslim—Christian dialogue at a time of growing friction and colonial encroachment. The widening gap in power and wealth between the Western and Muslim world from the 19th century onward heightened cultural animosity between the two but also evoked ecumenical efforts to diffuse this contention. One such effort was Islamic modernism, which promoted a liberal interpretation of scripture and advocated the establishment of an inclusive polity that would encompass women and religious minorities. Islamic modernism gained considerable attention in the research literature. By contrast, another important ecumenical discourse, based on Sufism, which emerged in the early 20th century and was joined by Muslims and European Christians alike, has remained largely unexplored in the literature. Cairo, Rome, and Paris constituted the geographical points of convergence of this discourse; the Sufi teachings of Ibn al-ءArabi (d. 1240) provided its ideological core. Most participants sought to position Sufi values as a cultural bridge between East and West, although political considerations were also involved. This paper shows that far from being anachronistic or detached from reality, as some of its vociferous critics charged, Sufism remained a vital tradition well into modern times. Moreover, it engendered a lively debate within Western intellectual circles over the role of spirituality in modern life.
45
Lo, Vivienne. "How can we redefine Joseph Needham’s sense of a world community for the 21st century?" Cultures of Science 3, no. 1 (March 2020): 58–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2096608320919525.
Abstract:
In the middle of World War II, my father, Kenneth Lo, accompanied Joseph Needham on a lecture tour to Colchester Co-operative Society dedicated to the support of China’s war effort and to boycotting Japanese goods. They were comrades-in-arms, soft-left socialists, inspired by the Spanish Civil War, George Orwell and WH Auden alike to take up the pen and the campaign circuit. This article is a reflection on the politics and aesthetics of research, on decentring the Eurocentric narrative of the history of science, but also on the role of poetry in the quest for a better world. Grounded in socialist, Christian and 20th-century scientific utopian belief, All under Heaven was to be One Community. Post Needham, but in the Needham spirit, I ask what shared vision drives our research?
46
Korunova, Evgenia. "From Eventual Neutrality to Non-Aligned Policy at the Initial Stage of the Cold War: the Swedish Experience." ISTORIYA 12, no. 7 (105) (2021): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840016461-6.
Abstract:
This article is devoted to the shaping of a new security doctrine in Sweden after World War II, its evolving from eventual neutrality to a deliberate avoidance of military-political alliances, meaning non-alliance politics. Later this concept was called “freedom from alliances in peacetime in order to maintain neutrality in the times of war”. The author of the article focuses on establishing of Sweden's non-alliance politics, which took place at the time of the antagonism gaining between the United States and the USSR in the late 1940s — early 1950s, describes the main difficulties that the Scandinavian state had to face during this period and ways to solve the problems, standing in the way of the realization of a new doctrine. In the article a significant attention is paid to Swedish politicians who played significant roles in the shaping and sustainable development of Swedish non-alliance politics in the second half of the 20th century.
47
Ahsan, Abdullahil. "Civilisational Conflict, Renewal, or Transformation: Potential Role of the OIC." ICR Journal 4, no. 4 (October 15, 2013): 579–600. http://dx.doi.org/10.52282/icr.v4i4.439.
Abstract:
The Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) came into existence at the end of the 20th century during the Cold War, a period that also witnessed concerns among many Western intellectuals about the decline of the West. By the end of the century and the collapse of the former Soviet Union, the “clash of civilizations” thesis had placed Islamic civilisation at the center of international politics, once again raising questions about world peace and co-existence between civilisations. Could Islamic civilisation as represented by the OIC play a role at this juncture of history? Does it possess the capacity and know-how to meet this challenge? Such questions relate also to ideas of worldview: the Renaissance worldview of the West may be seen to have been tainted by Darwinism and Freudianism while the Islamic worldview appears corrupted by extremism. Can the OIC revive the universal Islamic values such as those upheld by Muhammad Iqbal-the 20th century student of Rumi? Can it do so in the context of tumultuous intra-Muslim relations? These questions frame our discussion in this paper.
48
Salkever, Stephen. "Aristotelian Phronêsis, the Discourse of Human Rights, and Contemporary Global Practice." Polis 33, no. 1 (April 15, 2016): 7–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/20512996-12340071.
Abstract:
This essay outlines some fundamental differences between the evaluative and explanatory language of Aristotelian practical reason based on his empirical psychological theory of human development, on the one hand, and the late 20th and 21st century discourse of human rights based on a NeoKantian transcendent principle of universal human dignity on the other. To what extent are these two types of political discourse compatible in today’s globalizing world? To the extent that they are not compatible, which should be preferred? My answer is that they are compatible and even complementary, but only if the Aristotelian framework is treated as more fundamental, and the rights-and-dignity perspective is understood as a potentially good political solution, for the time being, in the contemporary context of global politics.
49
Arabatzis, Georges. "Oblique Politics and Esotericism in Michael Psellos." Peitho. Examina Antiqua 7, no. 1 (March 17, 2016): 249–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/pea.2016.1.13.
Abstract:
The paper examines the relation of esotericism and oblique politics in the Byzantine philosopher Michael Psellos (11th century) on the basis of Eva De Vries’ study of the letters that Psellos addressed to the statesman Leo Paraspondylos. Traditionally, the name of Psellos signifies a revival of Neoplatonism in medieval Constantinople according to researchers like Chr. Zervos in the beginning of 20th century. Contemporary researchers such as Anthony Kaldellis and Stratis Papaioannou point to a more organic than speculative theorization in Psellos’ work while another contemporary scholar, Frederick Lauritzen, undertakes a synthesis of the two approaches. In any case, as this paper supports, it would be inadequate to consider the relation of esotericism to politics without referring to the evolution of the moral standards considered in a contextualized manner.
50
WESSELING, H. L. "Editorial: the American Century in Europe." European Review 12, no. 2 (May 2004): 123–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798704000122.
Abstract:
In 1999, the Whitney Museum of American Art had a very successful exhibition called The American Century. Indeed, there were two exhibitions, The American Century, Part I about the first half of the 20th century and Part II dealing with the following 50 years. The presentation was divided up into decades, each of them having its own motto. The one for the 1950s was: ‘America takes command’. This may sound rather martial but the motto is indeed very appropriate, as one could argue that as from then on American leadership also included cultural leadership.The name of the exhibition, ‘The American Century’, was of course derived from the title of the famous article that Henry Luce, the editor/publisher of journals such as Life and Time, published in Life on 17 February 1941. Luce wanted the Americans to play a major role in the war for freedom and democracy that was in progress at that time and the building of the better world that would have to come after that. In his article Luce insisted that ‘our vision of America as a world power includes a passionate devotion to great American ideals’. The idea of America as a world power and, indeed, as the world power of the future, is, of course, much older than the concept of the 20th century as the American century. Already in 1902, the British liberal journalist and advocate of world peace through arbitration, W.T. Stead published a book with the title The Americanization of the World, or the Trend of the Twentieth Century. According to Stead, the heyday of the British Empire was over and the US was the Empire of the future. The enormous success of America was due to three things: education, production and democracy. Britain's choice was between subjugation or cooperation. Stead even proposed the merger of the two countries. In the following decade, this idea that America was Britain's successor and that the two countries should – and could – form a union because of their intimate familiarity, became popular among British writers.