Academic literature on the topic 'World politics 20th century'

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Journal articles on the topic "World politics 20th century":

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Pipes, Daniel. "The dictionary of 20th-century world politics." Orbis 38, no. 2 (March 1994): 323. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0030-4387(94)90057-4.

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Simic, Predrag. "World politics, globalization and the crisis." Medjunarodni problemi 65, no. 1 (2013): 24–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp1301024s.

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In the early 21st century, globalization and the world economic crisis changed the balance of powers between the old (declining) and new (emerging) industrial states replacing the unilateral with a multilateral system of international relations and changing the way in which world politics was functioning. Globalization has increased the number of transnational problems (protection of human environment, international traffic and communications, flows of capital, energy, migrations, etc.) that require global governance. However, these trends also indicate that in the 21st century, international relations and world politics will function in a significantly different manner than they did within the bipolar and unipolar order, which characterized the second half of the 20th century.
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Mair, Peter. "Representation and participation in the changing world of party politics." European Review 6, no. 2 (May 1998): 161–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798700003203.

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The 20th-century has been the century of mass politics, and the mass parties that emerged at the beginning of this century became deeply rooted within wider society. The passing of this golden age of the party has now been marked by two distinct processes of change. On the one hand, parties have become more distant from society and more closely linked to government and the state. On the other hand, there has been a decline in the political identities of the parties, such that voters now find it increasingly difficult to distinguish between them. These changes, and the related transformation of politics into administration, have led to a growth in popular indifference to parties and to politics in general, as well as to a declining sense of engagement. Should this trend continue, it is mass spectacle rather than mass involvement that is likely to characterize the future of mass politics.
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Roane, J. T. "Queering Growth in Mid-20th Century Philadelphia." Review of Black Political Economy 47, no. 2 (May 4, 2020): 194–211. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0034644620916909.

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In this essay, I highlight a critical, if under-examined, dialectic between dominant urbanism and Black queer urbanism. First, I demonstrate the ways that dominant urbanists drew on a sedimented historical imaginary of the slum as a racialized site of debilitation and death in their articulation of and support for new urban infrastructures designed to support long-term stability through capitalist growth. Anti-blackness formed a fundamental aspect of the syntax and grammar of urban renewal and redevelopment. Next, I examine the efforts of the adherents of Father Divine’s Peace Mission Movement to build a world centered in spiritually appropriated, communal architectures wherein their disruptive forms of social-geographic life challenged heteronormative futurity and segregation through the haptic politics of touch and what I term ecstatic consecration.
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Roussos, Sotiris. "Introduction—Issues and Debates on Religion and International Relations in the Middle East." Religions 11, no. 5 (May 21, 2020): 263. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel11050263.

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By the end of the 20th century, after great political upheavals, two world wars, the decolonization process and political, social and scientific revolutions, it is hard to miss that the world is in a deep de-secularization process. In the Middle East, this process has taken multiple trajectories and has made geopolitics of religion central in reshaping regional issues and in restructuring modes of international politics and international system’s intervention in the Middle East.
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Li, Yan. "The Influence of Changes of Islam and Politics Relations in 20th Century on the Strategy of Belt and Road." International Journal of Social Science Studies 6, no. 2 (January 23, 2018): 123. http://dx.doi.org/10.11114/ijsss.v6i2.2945.

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In the early twentieth century, with the independence of the Islamic nations, the religion of Islam withdrew from the traditional unification of religion and state (caesaropapism) to private life. The secularization of Islam has taken its course and its political characteristics have weakened. In the process of globalization of economy, politics and culture, the development of all countries became uneven and imbalanced. In the mid-to-late 20th century, it turned out that the secularization and modernization advocated by the nationalist had failed to effectively solve the development problems which the Muslim countries faced. This made Islam continue to strengthen its position in both domestic and international political life of Muslim countries. The traditional religious identity has become a powerful tool for the domestic cohesion and international fight against power. The analysis of the changes of Islamic religion and politics relations in 20th century can help to understand and reflect on the frequent ethnic and international conflicts in the world at present. Such changes will also affect the development strategy of China’s Belt and Road initiative.
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Twose, Nigel. "World in crisis: the politics of survival at the end of the 20th century." International Affairs 73, no. 3 (July 1997): 576–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2624304.

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Tatum, Dillon Stone. "A pessimistic liberalism: Jacob Talmon’s suspicion and the birth of contemporary political thought." British Journal of Politics and International Relations 21, no. 4 (August 21, 2019): 650–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1369148119866086.

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Discussions of liberalism as a political ideology often focus on the progressive, civilisational, and triumphalist ideologies of liberal thinkers. Scholarly work on liberal empire situates these issues in the context of colonialism, and contemporary discussions of liberal world order devote much intellectual space to optimism about liberalism. Scholars have spent much less time connecting liberalism to deep cynicism and suspicion. This article, in focusing on what I term a ‘pessimistic liberalism’, fills this gap by examining the ways that the spectre of totalitarianism influenced post-war liberal thought. The mid-20th century was a pivotal moment where both liberalism and its critics proceeded to make arguments about politics that began from similar attitudes about the nature of the political: suspicion, cynicism, resignation, and fear. Specifically, the article analyses historian Jacob Talmon’s genealogy of modern leftist thought to illustrate the shift in liberal thinking from its 19th century optimism to its 20th century pessimism and scepticism. Talmon’s engagement with the issues of political messianism, nationalism, and cosmopolitanism represented a ‘hermeneutics of suspicion’ ( pace Paul Ricoeur) that critiqued the triumphalism of previous political projects. The article concludes by connecting this project to the broader development of ‘contemporary political thought’ and reflects on pessimism’s place in politics.
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Moghadam, Valentine M. "What is Revolution in the 21st Century? Towards a Socialist-Feminist World Revolution." Millennium: Journal of International Studies 47, no. 3 (May 30, 2019): 470–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0305829819838607.

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I consider prospects for revolution in the 21st century, defined here as a thorough-going world revolution that replaces the capitalist world-system with a feminist-inflected democratic socialism. An overview of 20th century revolutions and more recent uprisings suggests distinctive contemporary features, including women’s participation and the diffusion of feminist agendas, but also constraints. In the face of reactionary social movements, and given the limits of ‘horizontalist’ politics, activists could learn from past revolutionary strategies to build a powerful global alliance of progressive forces.
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Gerchunoff, Pablo, and Lucas Llach. "Equality or Growth: A 20th Century Argentine Dilemma." Revista de Historia Económica / Journal of Iberian and Latin American Economic History 27, no. 3 (2009): 397–426. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0212610900000823.

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ABSTRACTArgentina's long term economic performance between 1880 and 2000 (convergence with the rich followed by divergence) can be understood in terms of the economic and political consequences of its peculiar factor endowments. Skewed endowments meant huge gains from trade during the First Globalization boom; but, conversely, disintegration of world commerce in the Depression was a heavier blow for such a naturally specialized economy. The extreme protectionism, characteristic of the post-war period, was related to the country's peculiar economic structure: comparative advantages in food production and disadvantages in (labor-intensive) manufacturing implied that closing the economy was a political winner, though it eventually hampered growth. The road to openness followed in the last quarter of the 20th century would have meant, correspondingly, an increase in inequality. Attempts to moderate it through debt accumulation and exchange rate appreciation destabilized the economy and contributed further to Argentina's comparative decline.

Dissertations / Theses on the topic "World politics 20th century":

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Hojdyssek, Gunter Art College of Fine Arts UNSW. "From laughing at the world to living in the world." Awarded by:University of New South Wales. Art, 2007. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/43091.

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Born in 1938 in Poland, I epxperienced wartime Berlin and post-war Stalinism. My first job, at sixteen, was with the East Berlin States Opera and the Bertold Brecht's Berliner Ensemble. The play writes Betrtold Brecht and Buechner had the strongest influence on me. Brecht's play 'Mutter Courage and her children' and Georg Buechner's 'Woyzech' encapsulated the harsh realities of post-war Europe, and confirmed my desire for social justice and reform. Yet, the main influence on my work comes from my own life experience. My life in Australia has become a kind of exile-a deprivation of the origin of my culture and my cradle. After nearly forty years in Australia I feel a little displaced. Yet I left Europe voluntarily to escape from the very culture and history I now miss. I am experiencing a common dilemma of migration. I belong neither here nor there-a kind of dislocation. There exists a twilight zone in the in-between time-a discontinuity of my Berliner development. Artists such as Kaethe Kollwitz, John Heartfield, George Grosz, Otto Dix, and Max Beckman influenced my teenage years. Later, Joseph Beuys, Anselm Kiefer and Georg Baselitz. I work with found objects, such as toys crafted by human hand. I am giving them a new meaning, a new being. They are meditations on the conflict of war, where women and children are the primary victims of political fragmentation. My sculptures evoke memories of a childhood stolen. They take on a menacing character reminding the viewer of the effects war has on humanity. But Art is the reflector and searcher; it is our way to enlightenment. Joseph Beuys introduced the concept of an expanded notion of art ("der erweiterte Kunstbegriff???) to surpass the boundaries of modernism with in art, science, spirituality, humanism and economics. He drew attention to the potential of human creativity. Art, against all odds, is poetry to life.
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Askew, Joseph Benjamin. "The status of Tibet in the diplomacy of China, Britain, the United States and India, 1911-1959." Title page, contents and abstract only, 2002. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09pha8356.pdf.

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"June 2002" Bibliography: leaves 229-270. This thesis examines the changes in diplomacy of China, the West, Tibet and India from 1911 to 1951, while Tibet functioned as an independent country, and during 1951 to 1959 while under Chinese control. Tibet maintained its own currency, government, armed forces and way of life until 1959. The thesis also examines the cultural shifts in the political, social and military spheres in these countries. It assumes that the general world trend in political life has been towards increasingly intolerant and extreme politics. If Tibet remains part of China with little chance of resuming independence, it is because the Chinese government and people were quicker to adopt radical Western philosophies than the Tibetans were.
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Castle, Allan. "Collusion and challenge : major wars, domestic coalitions and revisionist states." Thesis, McGill University, 1997. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=41997.

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This dissertation examines the emergence of revisionism in the foreign policies of the great powers: it is concerned with the rise of 'challenger' states. Current approaches to the rise of challengers (arguments from 'structure', 'prudence', and 'historical sociology') are if generally useful also incomplete, leaving the emergence of several great power challengers not fully explained. This dissertation offers a new explanation, not as a replacement but as a complement to these theories, and in doing so accomplishes two tasks: first, it explains cases previously unaccounted-for; and second, it does so in a fashion that acknowledges the co-determination of domestic and international politics. The new model suggests that the seeds of challenges to international orders are often found in the wartime experience itself, in social pacts between elites and societal groups struck to achieve mobilization requirements. Violation of these pacts in the postwar period can in turn generate powerful political movements for the overthrow of both the domestic and international postwar orders. The explanation offered by this model is then applied to five cases of great power behaviour after major wars. While imperfect in its ability to account for great power behaviour in all these cases and thus requiring refinement, the model obtains sufficient support to warrant further exploration of these and other cases in future studies.
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Wasim, Naz. "Reconceptualising panregions at the end of the 20th century : a Pakistani perspective of world politics at the turn of the millennium." Thesis, University of Hull, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.402501.

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Milner, Wesley T. "Progress or Decline: International Political Economy and Basic Human Rights." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1999. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc2180/.

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This dissertation is a cross-national, empirical study of human rights conditions in a dynamic international political economy. The scope of the examination covers 176 developed and developing countries from 1980 through 1993. Through evaluating the numerous theoretical aspects of human rights conceptualization, I draw upon Shue's framework and consider whether there are indeed "basic rights" and which rights should fit into this category. Further, I address the debate between those who claim that these rights are truly universal (applying to all nations and individuals) and those who argue that the validity of a moral right is relative to indigenous cultures. In a similar vein, I empirically investigate whether various human rights are interdependent and indivisible, as some scholars argue, or whether there are inherent trade-offs between various rights provisions. In going beyond the fixation on a single aspect of human rights, I broadly investigate subsistence rights, security rights and political and economic freedom. While these have previously been addressed separately, there are virtually no studies that consider them together and the subsequent linkages between them. Ultimately, a pooled time-series cross-section model is developed that moves beyond the traditional concentration on security rights (also know as integrity of the person rights) and focuses on the more controversial subsistence rights (also known as basic human needs). By addressing both subsistence and security rights, I consider whether certain aspects of the changing international political economy affect these two groups of rights in different ways. A further delineation is made between OECD and non-OECD countries. The primary international focus is on the effects of global integration and the end of the Cold War. Domestic explanations that are connected with globalization include economic freedom, income inequality and democratization. These variables are subjected to bivariate and multivariate hypothesis testing including bivariate correlations, analysis of variance, and multiple OLS regression with robust standard errors.
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Wernitznig, Dagmar. "No documents, no history : a political biography of Rosika Schwimmer (1877-1948)." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.711810.

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Kinder, John Oliver. "Power in stalinist states: the personality cult of Nicolae Ceausescu." Thesis, Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University, 1989. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/91168.

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This study examines the Socialist Republic of Romania as a Stalinist state which employs a personality cult. The leader of a state is the focus of a personality cult, but he does not enjoy the status it gives without consent from elsewhere within the government. In order to determine where this power comes from, three possible sources are discussed. These are: Nicolae Ceausescu, president of Romania; the state bureaucracy; and the people. The Soviet Union, during the time of Stalin, is used as a comparative element. When Nicolae Ceausescu came to power he did so with the consent of the elite. As the Romanian elite are less inclined to support his policies, Ceausescu has had to continually take steps to stay ahead of the opposition. The Romanian people also lent their support to Ceausescu earlier, and have since become discontented with the regime. This study concludes that a leader with a personality cult must have some form of consent to come into power, but his personal characteristics will determine how he leads and whether or not he will be able to remain in power if that consent is withdrawn.
M.A.
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Bruneau, Quentin. "Knowing sovereigns : forms of knowledge and the changing practice of sovereign lending." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2016. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:127b0026-030f-417d-9cb8-f871936d6227.

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This thesis examines how sovereign lending, i.e. the practice of lending capital to sovereigns, has changed since the early nineteenth century. It tackles this question by investigating how lenders have thought about sovereigns for the past two centuries, focusing on the tools they have used to know and represent them. I argue that there was a critical shift in the early twentieth century in terms of the kinds of knowledge lenders deployed to know sovereigns. This shift differentiates the old sovereign lending from the new. In the old sovereign lending, merchant banking families such as the Rothschilds knew sovereigns through intensely personal relations based on gentility, whereas in the new sovereign lending, joint stock banks, credit rating agencies and international institutions largely came to know sovereigns through statistics. Though difficult to imagine nowadays, the description of sovereigns through quantifiable facts (the original definition of 'statistics') was revolutionary for early twentieth century lenders. Despite constituting the origins of sovereign credit ratings, this key shift has been overlooked in all major studies about sovereign debt. The new sovereign lending rose to prominence from the interwar period to the 1970s and now defines our world. The identification of this crucial shift is based on the development and application of the concept of forms of knowledge. Forms of knowledge refer to enduring ways of knowing and representing the constituent units of the international system used by international practitioners (e.g. diplomats, military strategists, financiers, and international lawyers). Examples of forms of knowledge include, but are not limited to, modern cartography, international treaties, statistics, gentility, and heraldry. The use of this concept is that it leads to a better understanding of how international practitioners and their practices undergo radical changes. In so doing, it provides a firmer empirical grasp on the question of how fundamental discontinuities arise in international relations.
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Pendegraft, Gregory. "Third World Decolonization: The Pan Africanist Movement in the Age of Nasserism." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2017. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc984267/.

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In the mid-twentieth century Egyptian President Gamal Abdel-Nasser, along with President Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana rose to international prominence as leaders and visionaries who were able to achieve political independence in their respective home countries while attempting to shape a destiny for Africa that did not involve Western imperialism. For Nasser's part, he first secured independence for Egypt, then turned his attention to the Middle East, but soon became as active in the politics of Sub Saharan Africa, also known as black Africa, as he was in the Arab world. This thesis explores Nasser's forays into Sub Saharan Africa during the period of decolonization on the continent and how his aspirations for Africa were equally a part of his political agenda that came to be known as Nasserism. Considering Nasser was the leader of the Third bloc, Egypt's fate was tied to Africa just as much as it was to the Middle East. Beyond the aspects of Nasser's involvement in Africa, this work also explores the active role Africans played in their quest for independence from European colonizers. Many African leaders during this time were as prominent and as shrewd as Nasser and were committed to establishing an anti-imperialist continent while developing modern African states based on the principles of Pan Africanism. While this occurred, new countries began to enter Africa and it became up to the African heads of state to determine how much involvement they wanted from these outsiders and at what cost. As these many dynamics played out in Africa, Pan Africanism was simultaneously occurring in the United States that linked black America's fate with Africa in movements that emphasized black nationalism and Third World political ideology.
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Mecum, Mark M. "Solving Alliance Cohesion: NATO Cohesion After the Cold War." Ohio : Ohio University, 2007. http://www.ohiolink.edu/etd/view.cgi?ohiou1180549294.

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Books on the topic "World politics 20th century":

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Shafritz, Jay M. The dictionary of 20th-century world politics. New York: H. Holt, 1993.

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Findley, Carter V. Twentieth-century world. 7th ed. Belmont, CA: Wadsworth Cengage Learning, 2011.

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Kaarbo, Juliet. Global politics. Boston, MA: Cengage Learning, 2010.

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1923-, Kudri͡a︡vt͡s︡ev V. N., ed. Wars and peace in the 20th century. Moscow: "Social Sciences Today" Editorial Board, Nauka Publishers, 1990.

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1947-, White Brian, Little Richard 1944-, and Smith Michael 1947-, eds. Issues in world politics. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1997.

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Ian, Clark. Globalization and fragmentation: International relations in the twentieth century. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1997.

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Liska, George. In search of poetry in the politics of power: Perspectives on expanding realism. Lanham: Lexington Books, 1998.

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Stiles, Kendall W. Case histories in international politics. 7th ed. Boston: Pearson, 2013.

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Ward, Harriet. World powers in the twentieth century. 2nd ed. London: British Broadcasting Corporation, 1985.

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Eberhardt, Piotr. Studia nad geopolityką XX wieku: Studies on the 20th century geopolitics. Warszawa: PAN IGiPZ, 2013.

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Book chapters on the topic "World politics 20th century":

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O’Brien, Robert, and Marc Williams. "The 20th Century: World Wars and the Post-1945 Order." In Global Political Economy, 116–44. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-0-230-36614-5_6.

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Bowen, Brian. "20th Century to World War II." In The American Construction Industry, 145–62. New York: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1201/9781003130000-11.

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Tenold, Stig. "The Second World War." In Norwegian Shipping in the 20th Century, 133–58. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-95639-8_5.

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Blaauw, Adriaan. "Earlier 20th Century Developments; World War I." In History of the IAU, 15–53. Dordrecht: Springer Netherlands, 1994. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-011-0978-9_2.

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Tenold, Stig. "The First World War: The Neutral Ally." In Norwegian Shipping in the 20th Century, 63–89. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-95639-8_3.

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Oliver, Michael F. "Atherosclerosis Research after the Second World War." In British Cardiology in the 20th Century, 323–42. London: Springer London, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4471-0773-6_27.

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van Onselen, Peter. "Media and World Politics." In Issues in 21st Century World Politics, 263–76. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-15470-5_19.

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Sjoberg, Laura, and Natalia Fontoura. "Gender and World Politics." In Issues in 21st Century World Politics, 172–84. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-58900-2_13.

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Heywood, Andrew. "Power and Twenty-First-Century World Order." In Global Politics, 216–45. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-34927-9_9.

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Rady, Martyn. "7. World war and dissolution." In The Habsburg Empire: A Very Short Introduction, 94–108. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198792963.003.0007.

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International politics in the later 19th and early 20th centuries was dominated by the ‘Eastern Question’: the legacy of the failing Ottoman Empire in the Balkans. ‘World war and dissolution: 20th century’ considers issues that led to the First World War, including the murder of Franz Ferdinand in Sarajevo, June 1914. To withstand the Russians, the Habsburg armies increasingly depended on German reinforcements. By passing strategic command of its forces to Wilhelm II in 1916, the Habsburg Empire’s fate was sealed. Franz Joseph’s nephew Karl was to be the last emperor. A final section gives a historical overview, asking whether the dissolution of the Habsburg Empire was inevitable.

Conference papers on the topic "World politics 20th century":

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Fuentes, Gabriel. "The Politics of Memory: Constructing Heritage and Globalization in Havana, Cuba." In 2016 ACSA International Conference. ACSA Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.35483/acsa.intl.2016.60.

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Since granted world heritage status by the United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) in 1982, Old Havana has been the site of contested heritage practices. Critics consider UNESCO’s definition of the 143 hectare walled city center a discriminatory delineation strategy that primes the colonial core for tourist consumption at the expense of other parts of the city. To neatly bound Havana’s collective memory/history within its “old” core, they say, is to museumize the city as ”frozen in time,” sharply distinguishing the “historic” from the “vernacular.”While many consider heritage practices to resist globalization, in Havana they embody a complex entanglement of global and local forces. The Soviet Union’s collapse in 1991 triggered a crippling recession during what Fidel Castro called a“Special Period in a Time of Peace.” In response, Castro redeveloped international tourism—long demonized by the Revolution as associated with capitalist “evils”—in order to capture the foreign currency needed to maintain the state’s centralized economy. Paradoxically, the re-emergence of international tourism in socialist Cuba triggered similar inequalities found in pre-Revolutionary Havana: a dual-currency economy, government-owned retail (capturing U.S. dollars at the expense of Cuban Pesos), and zoning mechanisms to “protect” Cubanos from the “evils” of the tourism, hospitality, and leisure industries. Using the tropes of “heritage”and “identity,” preservation practices fueled tourism while allocating the proceeds toward urban development, using capitalism to sustain socialism. This paper briefly traces the geopolitics of 20th century development in Havana, particularly in relation to tourism. It then analyzes tourism in relation to preservation / restoration practices in Old Havana using the Plaza Vieja (Old Square)—Old Havana’ssecond oldest and most restored urban space—as a case study. In doing so, it exposes preservation/ restoration as a dynamic and politically complex practice that operates across scales and ideologies, institutionalizing history and memory as an urban design and identity construction strategy. The paper ends with a discussion on the implications of such practices for a rapidly changing Cuba.
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Kovaleva, M. V., and O. V. Mikhailov. "Search for Ways to overcome the Crisis by Representatives of Russian Religious Thought." In General question of world science. Наука России, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.18411/gq-31-03-2021-61.

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The crisis at the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries affected different countries and different aspects of social life, which was inevitable both due to geographical proximity and cultural, economic, political and other intersections. Addressing the topic of the sociocultural crisis was characteristic of both Russian and Western European philosophers of the early 20th century. The author in the article refers to the understanding of its features and ways to overcome it in the context of the ideas of Russian religious philosophers. An integral feature of Russian philosophical thought in the context of assessing the ongoing social changes and the search for ways out of a crisis situation is an understanding of the special purpose of Russia and an awareness of its role in human history. The works of Russian philosophers are full of anxiety about the future of mankind, about the fate of Russia, a premonition of possible death, therefore it is no coincidence that the appeal to the theme of the Apocalypse, the impending catastrophe, the end of history is perceived as a real threat to the existence of mankind. With all the diversity of approaches to assessing the sociocultural crisis, Russian thinkers are united by common philosophical roots, religion, national and cultural traditions. In the context of understanding the crisis processes of the early twentieth century, Russian religious thinkers raise the question of the role and significance of a person in the transformation of life, thereby actualizing the moral and anthropological problems.
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Znaesheva, Irina V. "STUDY OF COMMUNIST PROPAGANDA IN THE FIRST HALF OF THE 20TH CENTURY: USSR AND USA." In 49th International Philological Conference in Memory of Professor Ludmila Verbitskaya (1936–2019). St. Petersburg State University, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/11701/9785288062353.10.

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The article analyzes two prominent researches of the 1920–30th (World revolutionary propaganda by H. D. Lasswell and D. Blumenstock and The Language of the Red Army Soldier by I. N. Shpil’rein et al.) and proposes an attempt to look at certain aspects of Soviet science, particularly at the study of linguistic mechanisms of propaganda, not within the framework of a revisionist approach, but including it in the broader scientific and cultural and historical context. The analysis focuses on basically linguistic approaches used by the psychologists, sociologists, and political scientists of the USSR and the USA. The choice of these researches is conditioned, on the one hand, by the mutual interest of the two countries, on the other hand, by the fact that the problem of studying propaganda as a way of spreading communist ideas was equally acute for both countries, albeit with mirror-opposite goals underlying this interest. The analysis of the selected studies demonstrates similarities in study design and methodology. Refs 22.
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LIAO, QINSI, and RONG HU. "ON THE TEACHING DESIGN AND TEACHING PRACTICE OF IDEOLOGICAL AND POLITICAL EDUCATION IN COLLEGE ENGLISH COURSE BASED ON “STUDENT-CENTERED”." In 2021 INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON ADVANCED EDUCATION AND INFORMATION MANAGEMENT (AEIM 2021). Destech Publications, Inc., 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.12783/dtssehs/aeim2021/35962.

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Abstract. Education is a human activity and a social activity with human as its object. This “People-oriented” educational philosophy is a trend of thought that has influenced the world since modern times, especially since the middle and late 20th century. Students are the foundation of university, but also the object of university education and the center of university development. The paper, adhering to the “Student-centered learning” approach, designs and practices the ideological and political education in College English curriculum from a multi-dimensional perspective, and discusses how to promote the ideological and political education in College English course.
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Carneiro De Carvalho, Vânia. "Decoration and Nostalgia - Historical Study on Visual Matrices and Forms of Diffusion of Fêtes Galantes in the 20th Century." In 13th International Conference on Applied Human Factors and Ergonomics (AHFE 2022). AHFE International, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.54941/ahfe1001365.

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In São Paulo/Brazil, between the years 1950 and 1980, porcelain sculptures representing courtesy scenes were fashionable in wealthy and middle-class homes. Several Brazilian factories started to produce such images and many others were imported, the most of them from Germany. These representations were inspired by the fêtes gallants, a rococo style genre from the 18th century. Factories like Meissen, Limoges and Capodimonte produced thousands of copies which circulated in Western Europe and the Russian Empire. During the 19th century, from French institutional policies, the fêtes galantes were revalued along with the recovery of the rococo. This political and cultural movement resulted not only in domestic interiors decorated with authentic pieces from the 18th century gathered together by collectors, but also in the production of new objects. Following decorative practices, studies anachronistically reclassified 18th artisans as artists, constructing their biographies, circumscribing their peculiarities, and identifying their works. Many pieces from the privates collections ended in museums. The porcelain aristocratic figures won the world and are produced until today. It was at the end of the 19th century, in the region of Thuringia, that the technique of lace porcelain emerged. Produced by women in a male-dominated environment, the technique involved the use of cotton fabric soaked with porcelain mass which was then sewed and molded over the porcelain bodies of male and female figures. After that, the piece was placed in the oven at high temperature, burning the fabric and leaving the lace porcelain. It is significant and relevant for the purposes of this research that the lace porcelain technique was never recognized as a object of interest by the academic literature on porcelain. It is likely that the presence of the female labor, the practice of sewing and the use of fabric have been interpreted by the male academic and amateur elite as discredit elements. Added to this, the lace porcelain became very popular in the 20th century. The reinterpretation of rococo in the 20th century was also understood as a lack of artistic inventiveness associated with marketing interests, which resulted in the marginalization of these sculptures. What is proposed here is to study these objects as pieces of domestic decoration practices, recognizing in them capacities to act on the production of social, age and gender distinctions. I intend, therefore, to demonstrate how these small and seemingly insignificant objects were associated with decorative practices of fixing women in the domestic space in Brazil during the 20th century. They acted not alone but in connection with other contemporary phenomena such as post-war fashion, the glamorization of personalities from the American movie and European aristocracy and the rise of Disney movies, which promoted the gallant pair as a romantic idea for children in the western world.
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Rohrbach, Wolfgang. "WECHSELBEZIEHUNGEN ZWISCHEN DER UNTERGEHENDEN DONAUMONARCHIE, ÖSTERREICH UND DEM SHS-KÖNIGREICH." In 100 GODINA OD VIDOVDANSKOG USTAVA. Faculty of law, University of Kragujevac, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.46793/zbvu21.353r.

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Much of the literature that emerged in the 20th century about relationships between Serbia and the Republic of Austria, is marked by emotional guilt assigning and political or nationalist influences. That is why, since the beginning of the 21st century, a group of European historians researched events in the Balkans in the first third of the 21st century. The results of this research are partly contrary to all previous theses on the completion of the First World War II and its influence on the creation of Yugoslavia. In addition to South Slavic experts, the authors of this paper also belong to this group of researchers. Our own analyzes and conclusions, as well as quotes from colleagues show how often partial information were consciously taken from archival material, from which (sometimes voluntarily), distorted overall picture were made. This article tries to, through additional source material and contemporary literature on the years 1914-2021, acts enlightening in areas where percepciones of Austrian and Serbian authors differ in most cases.
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JI- EON, LEE, and YOO NA-YEON. "SOUTH KOREA’S DIPLOMATIC RELATIONSHIP WITH UZBEKISTAN SINCE 1991: STRATEGY AND CHARACTERISTICS OF EACH GOVERNMENT." In UZBEKISTAN-KOREA: CURRENT STATE AND PROSPECTS OF COOPERATION. OrientalConferences LTD, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.37547/ocl-01-03.

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One of the biggest events in international political history at the end of the 20th century was end of the Cold War due to the dissolution of the Soviet Union. With the collapse of the Soviet Union in December 1991, the Cold War system, led by the US and the Soviet Union as the two main axes, disappeared into history, dramatically changing the international situation and creating new independent states in the international community. In the past, as the protagonist of the Silk Road civilization, it was a channel of trade and culture, linking the East and the West, but as members of the former Soviet Union, Central Asian countries whose importance and status were not well known have emerged on the international stage in the process of forming a new international order. After independence, Central Asia countries began to attract attention from the world as the rediscovery of the Silk Road, that is, the geopolitical importance of being the center of the Eurasian continent, and as a treasure trove of natural resources such as oil and gas increased.
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Simović, Slobodan, and Mihajlo Manić. "USLUGE PRIVATNOG OBEZBEĐENjA U SRBIJI – EKONOMSKI ZNAČAJ." In 14 Majsko savetovanje. University of Kragujevac, Faculty of Law, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.46793/xivmajsko.145s.

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The end of the 20th century and the beginning of the 21st century are characterized by privatization of the public goods, border transparency is getting bigger, common market and primarily the basic functions of the state are getting weaker, which leads to weakening of her efficiency in law enforcement, as well as fragmentation of the security sector, which was traditionally in jurisdiction of the state. Pressed from all sides, political, economical and variety of different threats, processes and actors, countries have lost monopoly over conducting organized violence. The consequence of that process is that countries, some voluntarily, led by economic reasons, and some regarding political and security pressures, have given up their role of the ultimate legitimate provider and guarantor of security to the private military and security companies. Development of the private security sector, inside which private and non- state providers of security are functioning, elsewhere, excessively independent of the parent state, represent very significant moment in the development of the contemporary international relations, as well as for functioning the states themselves. Private security industry, private security companies and private military companies have built, in the world, industrial chain which is functioning freely on global market, and it is organized along permanent and firm corporation relations and it is constantly growing and getting stronger.
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Scaeteanu, Ionut, and Adriana Malureanu. "SERIOUS GAMES DEVELOPMENT FRAMEWORK A FUNCTIONAL MODEL ON FLOOD SITUATIONS." In eLSE 2016. Carol I National Defence University Publishing House, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.12753/2066-026x-16-023.

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The changes that games have undergone during the 20th Century paved the way to modern eSports, or representations of the real world in the digital environment. Nowadays, market economies and profit-oriented strategies have taken over the economic environment. In this context, the eSports market and its unbelievable potential revenue couldn't have remained unnoticed. Video games comprise a wide range of genres, including "serious games", which have an educational purpose. The Serious Games industry has its own historians. Among them is Oliver Grau, who talks about "prehistorical" games. According to him, the history of video games begins with the invention of arcade machines, which have changed a lot over time, but are still based on the same principles. Not only do Serious Games entertain people, but they also serve educational purposes. The "Serious Games" title was adopted in Romania, too, to express and highlight their usefulness. These virtual simulations of circumstances that are more or less likely to occur in real life can be used in many fields, including those of education, industry, defense, heath, scientific research, projection, management, and politics. In the early 2000s, these activities were defined as "games that do not have entertainment, enjoyment or fun as their primary purpose". The first educational games consisted of sports competitions and board games. The concept then evolved to modern computer simulations. A great difference between Serious Games and other type of games is that the former are tailored to fit clients' needs and serve a predetermined purpose. They are not meant for the retail market, as clients - companies, local authorities, etc - decide how the applications look like, the purpose that they serve and their target audience. Serious Games are valuable assets in training and educating employees all over the world. The modern science of building and simulating real situations in virtual environments is a relatively new one, dating back to the early 2000s. Although this field has given rise to skeptical reactions from people who doubt that games can go beyond entertainment, an increasing number of important organizations use Serious Games as a training method. This confirms the idea that learning in the 21st Century has to keep up with the times.
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YEŞİLBURSA, Behçet Kemal. "THE FORMATION AND DEVELOPMENT OF POLITICAL PARTIES IN TURKEY (1908-1980)." In 9. Uluslararası Atatürk Kongresi. Ankara: Atatürk Araştırma Merkezi Yayınları, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.51824/978-975-17-4794-5.08.

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Political parties started to be established in Turkey in the second half of the 19th century with the formation of societies aiming at the reform of the Ottoman Empire. They reaped the fruits of their labour in 1908 when the Young Turk Revolution replaced the Sultan with the Committee of Union and Progress, which disbanded itself on the defeat of the Empire in 1918. Following the proclamation of the Republic in 1923, new parties started to be formed, but experiments with a multi-party system were soon abandoned in favour of a one-party system. From 1930 until the end of the Second World War, the People’s Republican Party (PRP) was the only political party. It was not until after the Second World War that Turkey reverted to a multiparty system. The most significant new parties were the Democrat Party (DP), formed on 7 January 1946, and the Nation Party (NP) formed on 20 July 1948, after a spilt in the DP. However, as a result of the coup of 27 May 1960, the military Government, the Committee of National Union (CNU), declared its intentions of seizing power, restoring rights and privileges infringed by the Democrats, and drawing up a new Constitution, to be brought into being by a free election. In January 1961, the CNU relaxed its initial ban on all political activities, and within a month eleven new parties were formed, in addition to the already established parties. The most important of the new parties were the Justice Party (JP) and New Turkey Party (NTP), which competed with each other for the DP’s electoral support. In the general election of October 1961, the PRP’s failure to win an absolute majority resulted in four coalition Governments, until the elections in October 1965. The General Election of October 1965 returned the JP to power with a clear, overall majority. The poor performance of almost all the minor parties led to the virtual establishment of a two-party system. Neither the JP nor the PRP were, however, completely united. With the General Election of October 1969, the JP was returned to office, although with a reduced share of the vote. The position of the minor parties declined still further. Demirel resigned on 12 March 1971 after receiving a memorandum from the Armed Forces Commanders threatening to take direct control of the country. Thus, an “above-party” Government was formed to restore law and order and carry out reforms in keeping with the policies and ideals of Atatürk. In March 1973, the “above-party” Melen Government resigned, partly because Parliament rejected the military candidate, General Gürler, whom it had supported in the Presidential Elections of March-April 1973. This rejection represented the determination of Parliament not to accept the dictates of the Armed Forces. On 15 April, a new “above party” government was formed by Naim Talu. The fundamental dilemma of Turkish politics was that democracy impeded reform. The democratic process tended to return conservative parties (such as the Democrat and Justice Parties) to power, with the support of the traditional Islamic sectors of Turkish society, which in turn resulted in the frustration of the demands for reform of a powerful minority, including the intellectuals, the Armed Forces and the newly purged PRP. In the last half of the 20th century, this conflict resulted in two periods of military intervention, two direct and one indirect, to secure reform and to quell the disorder resulting from the lack of it. This paper examines the historical development of the Turkish party system, and the factors which have contributed to breakdowns in multiparty democracy.

Reports on the topic "World politics 20th century":

1

Rajan, Raghuram, and Luigi Zingales. The Great Reversals: The Politics of Financial Development in the 20th Century. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, March 2001. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w8178.

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Kholoshyn, I., T. Nazarenko, O. Bondarenko, O. Hanchuk, and I. Varfolomyeyeva. The application of geographic information systems in schools around the world: a retrospective analysis. IOP Publishing, March 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.31812/123456789/4560.

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The article is devoted to the problem of incorporation geographic information systems (GIS) in world school practice. The authors single out the stages of GIS application in school geographical education based on the retrospective analysis of the scientific literature. The first stage (late 70 s – early 90s of the 20th century) is the beginning of the first educational GIS programs and partnership agreements between schools and universities. The second stage (mid-90s of the 20th century – the beginning of the 21st century) comprises the distribution of GIS-educational programs in European and Australian schools with the involvement of leading developers of GIS-packages (ESRI, Intergraph, MapInfo Corp., etc.). The third stage (2005–2012) marks the spread of the GIS school education in Eastern Europe, Asia, Africa and Latin America; on the fourth stage (from 2012 to the present) geographic information systems emerge in school curricula in most countries. The characteristics of the GIS-technologies development stages are given considering the GIS didactic possibilities for the study of school geography, as well as highlighting their advantages and disadvantages.
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Cachalia, Firoz, and Jonathan Klaaren. A South African Public Law Perspective on Digitalisation in the Health Sector. Digital Pathways at Oxford, July 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.35489/bsg-dp-wp_2021/05.

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We explored some of the questions posed by digitalisation in an accompanying working paper focused on constitutional theory: Digitalisation, the ‘Fourth Industrial Revolution’ and the Constitutional Law of Privacy in South Africa. In that paper, we asked what legal resources are available in the South African legal system to respond to the risk and benefits posed by digitalisation. We argued that this question would be best answered by developing what we have termed a 'South African public law perspective'. In our view, while any particular legal system may often lag behind, the law constitutes an adaptive resource that can and should respond to disruptive technological change by re-examining existing concepts and creating new, more adequate conceptions. Our public law perspective reframes privacy law as both a private and a public good essential to the functioning of a constitutional democracy in the era of digitalisation. In this working paper, we take the analysis one practical step further: we use our public law perspective on digitalisation in the South African health sector. We do so because this sector is significant in its own right – public health is necessary for a healthy society – and also to further explore how and to what extent the South African constitutional framework provides resources at least roughly adequate for the challenges posed by the current 'digitalisation plus' era. The theoretical perspective we have developed is certainly relevant to digitalisation’s impact in the health sector. The social, economic and political progress that took place in the 20th century was strongly correlated with technological change of the first three industrial revolutions. The technological innovations associated with what many are terming ‘the fourth industrial revolution’ are also of undoubted utility in the form of new possibilities for enhanced productivity, business formation and wealth creation, as well as the enhanced efficacy of public action to address basic needs such as education and public health.
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Siebert, Rudolf J., and Michael R. Ott. Catholicism and the Frankfurt School. Association Inter-University Centre Dubrovnik, December 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.53099/ntkd4301.

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The paper traces the development from the medieval, traditional union, through the modern disunion, toward a possible post-modern reunion of the sacred and the profane. It concentrates on the modern disunion and conflict between the religious and the secular, revelation and enlightenment, faith and autonomous reason in the Western world and beyond. It deals specifically with Christianity and the modern age, particularly liberalism, socialism and fascism of the 2Oth and the 21st centuries. The problematic inclination of Western Catholicism toward fascism, motivated by the fear of and hate against socialism and communism in the 20th century, and toward exclusive, authoritarian, and totalitarian populism and identitarianism in the 21st. century, is analyzed, compared and critiqued. Solutions to the problem are suggested on the basis of the Critical Theory of Religion and Society, derived from the Critical Theory of Society of the Frankfurt School. The critical theory and praxis should help to reconcile the culture wars which are continually produced by the modern antagonism between the religious and the secular, and to prepare the way toward post-modern, alternative Future III - the freedom of All on the basis of the collective appropriation of collective surplus value. Distribution and recognition problems are equally taken seriously.

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