Relevant bibliographies by topics / World politics – 1919-1932

Academic literature on the topic 'World politics – 1919-1932'

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Published: 10 March 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "World politics – 1919-1932"

1

Zernetska, O., and O. Myronchuk. "Historical Memory and Practices of Monumental Commemoration of World War I in Australia (Part 1)." Problems of World History, no. 12 (September 29, 2020): 208–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2020-12-11.

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The authors’ research attention is focused on the specifics of the Australian memorial practices dedicated to the World War I. The statement is substantiated that in the Australian context memorials and military monuments formed a special post-war and post-traumatic part of the visual memory of the first Australian global military conflict. The features of the Australian memorial concept are clarified, the social function of the monuments and their important role in the psychological overcoming of the trauma and bitter losses experienced are noted. The multifaceted aspects of visualization of the monumental memory of the World War I in Australia are analyzed. Monuments and memorials are an important part of Australia’s visual heritage. It is concluded that each Australian State has developed its own concept of memory, embodied in various types and nature of monuments. The main ones are analyzed in detail: Shrine of Remembrance in Melbourne (1928–1934); Australian War Memorial in Canberra (1941); Sydney Cenotaph (1927-1929) and Anzac Memorial in Sydney (1934); Desert Mounted Corps Memorial in Western Australia (1932); Victoria Memorials: Avenue of Honour and Victory Arch in Ballarat (1917-1919), Australian Ex-Prisoners of War Memorial (2004), Great Ocean Road – the longest nationwide memorial (1919-1932); Hobart War Memorial in the Australian State of Tasmania (1925), as well as Villers-Bretonneux Australian National Memorial in France dedicated to French-Australian cooperation during the World War I (1938). The authors demonstrate an inseparable connection between the commemorative practices of Australia and the politics of national identity, explore the trends in the creation and development of memorial practices. It is noted that the overwhelming majority of memorial sites are based on the clearly expressed function of a place of memory, a place of mourning and commemoration. It was found that the representation of the memorial policy of the memory of Australia in the first post-war years was implemented at the beginning at the local level and was partially influenced by British memorial practices, transforming over time into a nationwide cultural resource.
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2

Zernetska, O., and O. Myronchuk. "Historical Memory and Practices of Monumental Commemoration of World War I in Australia (Part 2)." Problems of World History, no. 13 (March 18, 2021): 203–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2021-13-10.

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The authors’ research attention is focused on the specifics of the Australian memorial practices dedicated to the World War I. The statement is substantiated that in the Australian context memorials and military monuments formed a special post-war and post-traumatic part of the visual memory of the first Australian global military conflict. The features of the Australian memorial concept are clarified, the social function of the monuments and their important role in the psychological overcoming of the trauma and bitter losses experienced are noted. The multifaceted aspects of visualization of the monumental memory of the World War I in Australia are analyzed. Monuments and memorials are an important part of Australia’s visual heritage. It is concluded that each Australian State has developed its own concept of memory, embodied in various types and nature of monuments. The main ones are analyzed in detail: Shrine of Remembrance in Melbourne (1928–1934); Australian War Memorial in Canberra (1941); Sydney Cenotaph (1927-1929) and Anzac Memorial in Sydney (1934); Desert Mounted Corps Memorial in Western Australia (1932); Victoria Memorials: Avenue of Honour and Victory Arch in Ballarat (1917-1919), Australian Ex-Prisoners of War Memorial (2004), Great Ocean Road – the longest nationwide memorial (1919-1932); Hobart War Memorial in the Australian State of Tasmania (1925), as well as Villers-Bretonneux Australian National Memorial in France dedicated to French-Australian cooperation during the World War I (1938). The authors demonstrate an inseparable connection between the commemorative practices of Australia and the politics of national identity, explore the trends in the creation and development of memorial practices. It is noted that the overwhelming majority of memorial sites are based on the clearly expressed function of a place of memory, a place of mourning and commemoration. It was found that the representation of the memorial policy of the memory of Australia in the first post-war years was implemented at the beginning at the local level and was partially influenced by British memorial practices, transforming over time into a nationwide cultural resource.
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3

Weltge, Sigrid Wortmann. "The Gendered World of the Bauhaus: The Politics of Power at the Weimar Republic's Premier Art Institute, 1919-1932. Anja Baumhoff." Studies in the Decorative Arts 12, no. 2 (April 2005): 147–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/studdecoarts.12.2.40663141.

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4

Ortiz, Stephen R. "Rethinking the Bonus March: Federal Bonus Policy, the Veterans of Foreign Wars, and the Origins of a Protest Movement." Journal of Policy History 18, no. 3 (July 2006): 275–303. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jph.2006.0010.

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In 1927, the Veterans of Foreign Wars (VFW), the national organization founded in 1899 by veterans of the Spanish-American and Philippine-American Wars, appeared destined for historical obscurity. The organization that would later stand with the American Legion as a pillar of the powerful twentieth-century veterans' lobby struggled to maintain a membership of sixty thousand veterans. Despite desperate attempts to recruit from the ranks of the nearly 2.5 million eligible World War veterans, the VFW lagged behind in membership both the newly minted American Legion and even the Spanish War Veterans. The upstart Legion alone, from its 1919 inception throughout the 1920s, averaged more than seven hundred thousand members. Indeed, in 1929, Royal C. Johnson, the chairman of the House Committee on World War Veterans Legislation and a member of both the Legion and the VFW, described the latter as “not sufficiently large to make it a vital factor in public sentiment.” And yet, by 1932, in the middle of an economic crisis that dealt severe blows to the membership totals of almost every type of voluntary association, the VFW's membership soared to nearly two hundred thousand veterans. Between 1929 and 1932, the VFW experienced this surprising growth because the organization demanded full and immediate cash payment of the deferred Soldiers' Bonus, while the American Legion opposed it. Thus, by challenging federal veterans' policy, the VFW rose out of relative obscurity to become a prominent vehicle for veteran political activism. As important, by doing so the VFW unwittingly set in motion the protest movement known as the Bonus March.
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5

JOHNSON, GAYNOR. "BRITISH POLICY TOWARDS EUROPE, 1919–1939 Neville Chamberlain and appeasement. By R. Caputi. London: Susquehanna University Press, 2000. Pp. 271. ISBN 1-57591-027-6. £35.00. The Paris Peace Conference, 1919: peace without victory? Edited by M. Dockrill and J. Fisher. Basingstoke: Palgrave, 2001. Pp. xvi+97. ISBN 0-333-77630-5. £40.00. British foreign policy, 1919–1939. By P. W. Doerr. Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1998. Pp. xi+291. ISBN 0-7190-4672-6. £14.99. Neville Chamberlain. By D. Dutton. London: Edward Arnold, 2001. Pp. xii+245. ISBN 0-340-70627-9. £12.99. Austen Chamberlain and the commitment to Europe: British foreign policy, 1924–1929. By R. S. Grayson. London: Frank Cass, 1997. Pp. xviii+318. ISBN 0-7146-4758-6. £37.50. Lloyd George and the lost peace: from Versailles to Hitler, 1919–1940. By A. Lentin. Basingstoke: Palgrave, 2001. Pp. xvii+182. ISBN 0-333-91961-0. £40.00. Peacemakers: the Paris Conference of 1919 and its attempt to end war. By M. Macmillan. London: John Murray, 2001. Pp. xii+574. ISBN 0-7195-5939-1. £25.00. ‘The Times’ and appeasement: the journals of A. L. Kennedy, 1932–1939. Edited by G. Martel. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001. Royal Historical Society, Camden Fifth Series. Pp. xvii+312. ISBN 0-521-79354-8. £40.00. Britain and the Ruhr crisis. By E. Y. O'Riordan. London: Palgrave, 2001. Pp. x+237. ISBN 0-333-76483-8. £40.00. The Neville Chamberlain diary letters,I: The making of a politician, 1915–1920. Edited by R. Self. Aldershot: Ashgate, 2000. Pp. ix+423. ISBN 1-84014-691-5. £75.00. The Neville Chamberlain diary letters, II: The reform years, 1921–1927. Edited by R. Self. Aldershot: Ashgate, 2000. Pp. x+461. ISBN 1-84014-692-3. £75.00." Historical Journal 46, no. 2 (June 2003): 479–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x03003042.

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In the last eighty years, an enormous amount of scholarly attention has been devoted to explaining why Europe was at the centre of two cataclysmic conflicts in the first half of the twentieth century. The books considered here represent part of a resurgence of interest in British foreign policy in the interwar period and are primarily concerned with the policy of reconciliation towards the former Central Powers after the First World War, especially the appeasement of Germany. They offer a further opportunity to challenge the still-held misapprehension that appeasement was a strand of British policy that only appeared after Hitler's rise to power. They also offer a means of examining British foreign policy through sources inside and outside the government. Gordon Martel's volume illustrates the amount of journalistic pressure that was put on the British government to recognize and act on the likely threats to international peace. Austen and Neville Chamberlain, the sons of the great nineteenth-century Conservative politician, Joseph Chamberlain, were at the centre of the British foreign policy making process during the interwar period. Indeed, Robert Self's two volumes of letters written by Neville Chamberlain to his sisters illustrate how steeped in foreign and domestic politics the whole Chamberlain family was. Richard Grayson sees a long, unbroken attempt to accommodate Germany diplomatically starting with Austen Chamberlain and the treaty of Locarno. The importance of Neville Chamberlain's contribution to the history of British foreign policy is offered further recognition through surveys of the historiography of his premiership by David Dutton and Robert Caputi.
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Villegas Torres, Fernado. "Recreando imaginarios: Del general José de San Martín a Augusto B. Leguía." Illapa Mana Tukukuq, no. 12 (February 20, 2019): 58–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.31381/illapa.v0i12.1919.

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El presente ensayo aborda la iconografía de San Martín representada por pintores y escultores peruanos y extranjeros. Vemos como los artistas reconocieron en San Martin el haber sido quien proclamó la independencia del Perú. Este aspecto de orador fue la cualidad que lo distinguió y que fue apropiada por Leguía cuando este se asoció con la figura de San Martin y se proclamó como el fundador de la Patria nueva. Palabras Clave: Iconografía de San Martin, Augusto B. Leguía, Daniel Hernández, arte y política, Carlos Baca Flor, pintura y escultura peruana en el oncenio Abstract This essay seeks to investigate the iconography of José de San Martín (1778-1850) as shown in his portrayal by Peruvian and foreign painters and sculptors. We see how these artists acknowledged San Martín as the one who proclaimed the independence of Peru. This rhetorical aspect was the key element that distinguished him and this same element would later be appropriated by Augusto B. Leguía (1863-1932), when the latter one associated himself with the figure of San Martín and proclaimed himself the founder of the “Patria Nueva”. Keywords: Iconography of José de San Martín, Augusto B. Leguía, Daniel Hernández, art and politics, Carlos Baca Flor, Peruvian painting and sculpture during the Oncenio (1919-1930)
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7

Serzhant, Liudmyla. "Bauhaus and the Ceramic Art of the 20th Century (On the Issue of the Style Evolution of Ukrainian Porcelain and Earthenware)." Folk art and ethnology, no. 3 (July 30, 2022): 37–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.15407/nte2022.03.037.

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An attempt is made in the article to trace the revolutionary influence of the ideological program of the German Bauhaus An attempt is made in the article to trace the revolutionary influence of the ideological program of the German Bauhaus school (1919–1932) on the art of ceramics, to show the general historical, social and political contexts, the change of the cultural and artistic paradigm in European art after the First World War and to mark some points of contact in the cultural and artistic processes of Western Europe and Ukraine in the first half of the 20th century. The purpose of this article is to highlight the history and achievements of the ceramic workshop of this school, the theoretical foundations of its activity, the highlight the history and achievements of the ceramic workshop of this school, the theoretical foundations of its activity, the organization of the educational process, which are not too well known to Ukrainian researchers. The school has practiced are volutionary method of teaching artists and designers whose task is to create a harmonious living space for a person, which contributes to the spread of functionalism. In the 1920s and 1930s the formation of a national style in the art of Ukrainian ceramics has taken place due to the interaction of two factors – the folk pottery tradition and the innovative influences of European stylistic trends. Mezhyhiria Artistic Ceramic Technical College has become one of the centers of this development. Its program is similar to the Bauhaus program in many aspects. An attempt to reveal some common approaches in the organization of work of two educational institutions and their significance in the formation of the modernist stylistics of ceramic art, in particular porcelain and earthenware of the mid-20th century is made.
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Lobanova, Alla, and Serhiy Petrukhin. "Sociological ideas of Mykyta Shapoval: historical representation." Sociology: Theory, Methods, Marketing, Issue Stmm 2020 (2) (May 15, 2020): 90–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.15407/sociology2020.02.090.

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In recent years, Ukrainian scholars have increasingly turned to rethink our history. From oblivion emerge long-forgotten names, those of scientists who in one way or another have influenced the development of national and world science. However, due to the Soviet doctrine, the achievements of these scientists had long been out of the Ukrainian community's attention. One of the striking examples is the legacy of Mykyta Shapoval, which is still poorly researched, but in the conditions of today, it requires an in-depth study. After all, the issue of Ukraine's revival is relevant today, so the return of scientific ideas, of those scientists who spoke about national state formation, remains an important component in choosing the right model of nation-building. The main purpose of the article is to outline the historical representation of the sociological ideas of Nikita Shapoval regarding the role of scientific knowledge, the classification of sciences and the place of sociology among them, basic sociological categories (personality, society, state), as well as to outline perspective directions of the study of its sociological heritage. Based on the materials worked out by M. Shapoval, it was found out that at the initial stage of his creative and public-political activity he was a supporter of Nietzschean While in emigration during 1919–1932, M. Shapoval laid a solid foundation for sociological research in Prague, wherein 1924 he opened the Ukrainian Institute of Social Studies (Ukrainian Sociological Institute). Here he publishes the first textbook of national sociology "General Sociology", as well as the monograph "System of Social Sciences and Sociography (Ethnology)". The authors analyze M. Shapoval’s ideas regarding the classification of sciences, the place of sociology in it and its subject field. They also identify the main scientific approaches that he proposed to explain social phenomena and processes.
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KHIUN, LIEW KAI. "Singapore. New culture in a new world: The May Fourth Movement and the Chinese diaspora in Singapore, 1919–1932. By DAVID KENLEY. London, New York: Routledge, 2003. Pp. 231. Illustrations." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 35, no. 2 (June 2004): 374–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463404330183.

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Moisa, Gabriel. "Perceptions of the bolshevik danger at the western border of Romania in the interwar period." Revista de istorie a Moldovei, no. 3-4(131-132) (November 2022): 55–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.58187/rim.131-132.04.

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At the western border of Romania, the communist-Bolshevik ideology made its presence felt at the end of 1918 on the Hungarian chain, in the conditions of ideological turmoil of this type generated by the Bolshevik socialist group in Budapest formed around Kun Béla. In Oradea there was a socialist group even before the First World War. Its leader was Katz Béla in the fall of 1918. Bolshevik ideas were often spotted in the county in the immediate future, facilitating the formation of a fairly important communist group throughout the interwar period. At the end of 1919, the socialist leader Eugen Rozvany, recently returned from the front, a member of the Socialist Party of Transylvania and Banat, made his presence felt in Oradea. He joined the communist movement in 1920, where he held an important position until his departure to the USSR in 1932, placing himself at the head of the Bihor and even national communist movement. He was the one who seriously imprinted the communist movement in Bihor and beyond. Breiner Bela was added immediately. Along with them, new leaders were formed who turned to communism in a very short time, such as Sándkovitz Sándor (Alexandru Sencovici) and Mogyorós Sándor (Alexandru Moghioroş). Oradea and Bihor played an important role in the national communist movement. This is demonstrated by the fact that after the Second Congress of the Communist Party of Romania, held in 1922, the communist movement in the country was organized into eight regional secretariats. One of them was in Oradea. The Communist Party of Romania, the Bihor county organization, was a political structure overwhelmingly dominated in the interwar period, as can be seen, by members of the Hungarian and Jewish communities. They made the law in the organization, and if someone did not agree with its conduct, he was quickly shot dead. This is also the case of Eugen Rozvany, who, when he had a different position from the local communists on “the self-determination of the peoples of imperialist Romania”, he supported the idea of the Romanian national state, was unmasked, removed from the party, whose fate was sealed.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "World politics – 1919-1932"

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Baumhoff, Anja. "The gendered world of the Bauhaus : the politics of power at the Weimar Republic's Premier Art Institute ; 1919 - 1932 /." Frankfurt am Main [u.a.] : P. Lang, 2001. http://www.gbv.de/dms/bs/toc/332837319.pdf.

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Clark, John Denis Havey. "British, French, and American attitudes and policies towards the rebirth of Poland, 1914-1921." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:21becc10-e2b5-49cc-ad6e-f568157992f4.

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This thesis considers how attitudes shaped British, French, and American policy regarding the rebirth of Poland. From the outbreak of war in 1914 to the plebiscite in Upper Silesia in 1921, Allied and American policy-makers first considered whether Poland should be an independent state and then where its borders should be. As they did this, they developed attitudes about these questions, for instance about Poles and the right or ability of the Polish nation to administer a modern state. Such considerations assumed that national character exists and is important in the success or failure of a country. My research draws on literature from social psychology in defining the development of such understandings as consistent with stereotyping, in other words using generalisations about social groups to understand those groups or individuals. Allied and American policy-makers considered Poles to be, for instance, quarrelsome, aggressive, anti-Semitic, pitiable, passionate, or loyal. The thesis begins by examining pre-war attitudes to Poland and the impact of the war on these and on the diplomacy of the Polish question. It then discusses the re-emergence of an independent Poland in 1918 and the impact on policies and attitudes of the Polish delegation’s claims at the Paris Peace Conference, of events on the ground, and of the Russo-Polish War. Allied and American decision-making on the rebirth of Poland was central for European diplomacy not only because the attitudes they expressed left lingering grudges on both sides, but also because Poland’s frontiers were an irritant throughout the interwar period until Germany and Russia invaded Poland in September 1939. Moreover, the conclusion that attitudes were a factor in decision-making contributes to a growing recognition among international historians and international relations theorists that it is necessary to look beyond individuals' 'rational' motivations.
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POTÌ, Giorgio. "Imperial violence, anti-colonial nationalism and international society : the politics of revolt across Mediterranean empires, 1919–1927." Doctoral thesis, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/43865.

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Defence date: 4 November 2016
Examining Board: Professor Federico Romero, European University Institute (Supervisor) ; Professor Corinna Unger, European University Institute ; Professor Davide Rodogno, Graduate Institute of International and Development Studies, Geneva ; Professor Andrew Arsan, University of Cambridge
This thesis explores the reconfiguration of colonial empires in the interwar years through four cases of anti-colonial nationalist insurrection and imperial repression from the British, French and Spanish Middle East: the Egyptian Revolution of 1919, the Iraqi revolt of the following year, the Rif War in Morocco (1921–26), and the Great Syrian Revolt (1925). Scholars have alternatively portrayed the years between the World Wars—and especially the 1920s—as the era of nationalism, the apogee of European imperialism and the age of internationalism. This thesis investigates four short circuits among the three forces, by comparing the selected cases along two main lines. First of all, my preoccupation has been to trace their international resonance throughout the public debate of the metropolitan powers and the League of Nations bodies. Furthermore, I have attempted to assess whether and how, in each case, this international resonance shaped the policy of the imperial powers. Recently, Erez Manela and Robert Gerwath have portrayed the ‘long’ Great War as the inauguration of a process of imperial decline eventually leading to decolonization. The general picture of Middle Eastern events resulting from my case-studies is rather that of a ‘war of adjustment’ of the Euro-Mediterranean imperial complex lasting from the opening of the Paris Conference up to the ‘pacification’ of the Moroccan and Syrian theaters. Anxious about the preservation of their imperial status and pressed by war-exhausted and public-spending-intolerant national opinions, the European powers employed unrestrained military force to annihilate rebellions as quickly and definitively as possible. Metropolitan authorities accepted negotiations with indigenous elites only when facing the reoccurrence of insurgency—like in Egypt, out of a recalculation of costs and benefits—like in Iraq, or under international pressure—like in Syria. Conversely, although insurgent violence reached impressive peaks of brutality, especially in Morocco, Middle Eastern nationalist ‘agitators’ conceived of armed insurrection in a fully Clausewitzan way, that is, as part of a broader political strategy. Their infatuation with internationalist ideologies or the faith in ‘third’ international institutions never mislead anti-colonial elites up to the point of believing that they could get rid of European control on a complete and permanent basis. Instead, Sa‘ad Zaghloul and his neighbor ‘homologous’ exploited insurgency in combination with international claim-making and appeals to metropolitan public opinions as part a comprehensive effort to force imperial governments to negotiations and reshape colonial rule on more collaborative and progressive bases. In sum, alongside and in strict interaction with petitioning, ‘revolting’ became a way of life of post-1919 colonial subjects.
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Books on the topic "World politics – 1919-1932"

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Andrzej, Pankowicz, and Zgórniak Marian, eds. Wojna i polityka: Studia nad historią XX wieku. Kraków: Nakł. Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego, 1994.

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World economy and world politics, 1924-1931: From reconstruction to collapse. Oxford, UK: Berg, 1990.

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W, Benson Thomas, ed. American rhetoric in the New Deal era, 1932-1945. East Lansing: Michigan State University Press, 2006.

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Cohrs, Patrick O. Unfinished Peace after World War I: America, Britain and the Stabilisation of Europe, 1919-1932. Cambridge University Press, 2002.

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Cohrs, Patrick O. Unfinished Peace after World War I: America, Britain and the Stabilisation of Europe, 1919-1932. Cambridge University Press, 2006.

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Cohrs, Patrick O. Unfinished Peace after World War I: America, Britain and the Stabilisation of Europe, 1919-1932. Cambridge University Press, 2006.

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Cohrs, Patrick O. Unfinished Peace after World War I: America, Britain and the Stabilisation of Europe, 1919-1932. University of Cambridge ESOL Examinations, 2008.

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Cohrs, Patrick O. Unfinished Peace after World War I: America, Britain and the Stabilisation of Europe, 1919-1932. Cambridge University Press, 2009.

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The Gendered World of the Bauhaus: The Politics of Power at the Weimar Republic's Premier Art Institute, 1919-1932. Peter Lang Pub Inc, 2001.

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The Gendered World Of The Bauhaus: The Politics Of Power At The Weimar Republic's Premier Art Institute, 1919-1932. Peter Lang Publishing, 2001.

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