Books: 'Works concession'

1

Vile, John R. Presidential winners and losers: Words of victory and concession. Washington, D.C: CQ Press, 2002.

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2

Guasch, J. Luis. Granting and renegotiating infrastructure concessions: Doing it right. Washington, D.C: World Bank, 2004.

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3

Wan, Yong. Jin dai Shanghai du shi zhi xin: Jin dai Shanghai gong gong zu jie zhong qu de gong neng yu xing tai yan jin. 8th ed. Shanghai: Shanghai ren min chu ban she, 2014.

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4

María de la Luz Domper R. and Pablo Allard. Concesiones: Agenda para el 2020. Santiago, Chile: Fundación Libertad y Desarrollo, 2009.

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5

R, Ximena Acevedo, Marcela Allué N, and Alejandro Alaluf B. Concesiones: La urgencia de avanzar. Santiago: Libertad y Desarrollo, 2013.

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6

Tucci, Massimo Arnaldo. Appalto e concessione di pubblici servizi: Profili di costituzionalità e di diritto comunitario. Padova: CEDAM, 1997.

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7

B, Enrique Barros. Concesiones: El esperado relanzamiento. Santiago de Chile, Chile: Libertad y Desarrollo, 2012.

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8

Honduras. Ley de promoción y desarrollo de obras públicas y de la infraestructura nacional: (Decreto 283-98). Tegucigalpa, M.D.C. Honduras: República de Honduras, 2000.

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9

Honduras. Ley de promoción y desarrollo de obras públicas y de la infraestructura nacional: (Decreto 283-98). Tegucigalpa, M.D.C. Honduras: Graficentro Editores, 2000.

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10

Rojas, Juan Manuel Urueta. El contrato de concesión de obras públicas. Bogotá, D.C: Editorial Universidad del Rosario, 2006.

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11

Vanuatu. Office of the Ombudsman. Public report on the improper concessions given by the former Minister of Public Works Mr. Amos Andeng to Mr. Li Zhong Heng. Vanuatu: Office of the Ombudsman, 2000.

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12

Aurélio, Bruno, Augusto Neves Dal Pozzo, André Luiz Freire, and Rafael Valim. Parcerias público-privadas: Teoria geral e aplicação nos setores de infraestrutura. Belo Horizonte: Editora Fórum, 2014.

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13

Kamilah, Anita. Bangun guna serah (build operate and transfer/BOT) membangun tanpa harus memiliki tanah: Perspektif hukum agraria, hukum perjanjian, dan hukum publik. Bandung: Keni Media, 2012.

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14

Öztürk, Ali İhsan. Osmanlı'dan Cumhuriyet'e imtiyaz usulüyle yürütülen İstanbul belediye hizmetleri: (yap-işlet-devret uygulaması) : (1852-1964). İstanbul: İstanbul Büyükşehir Belediyesi, 2010.

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15

Neto, Floriano Azevedo Marques, and Vitor Rhein Schirato. Estudos sobre a lei das parcerias público-privadas. Belo Horizonte: Editora Fórum, 2011.

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16

Motta, Carlos Pinto Coelho. Eficácia nas concessões, permissões & parcerias. Belo Horizonte: Del Rey Editora, 2007.

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17

Neto, José Cretella. Comentários à Lei das parcerias público-privadas - PPPs. Rio de Janeiro: Editora Forense, 2005.

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18

Norek, Emil. Ustawa o koncesji na roboty budowlane lub usługi: Komentarz. Warszawa: LexisNexis, 2009.

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19

M, Kramer Ralph, ed. Privatization in four European countries: Comparative studies in government-third sector relationships. Armonk, NY: M.E. Sharpe, 1993.

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20

Poile, Craig. True Concessions. Goose Lane Editions, 2014.

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21

Poile, Craig. True Concessions. Goose Lane Editions, 2009.

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22

Urban revitalisation in the former European concessions area in Tianjin, China =: Riqualificazione urbana nelle aree delle ex concessioni europee a Tianjin, China. Bologna: CLUEB, 2005.

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23

Zhongguo de zu jie =: The foreign concessions in China. 8th ed. Shanghai: Shanghai gu ji chu ban she, 2004.

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24

Delmon, Jeffrey. Boo/Bot Projects: A Commercial and Contractual Guide. Sweet & Maxwell, 2000.

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25

Fulcher, Jane F. Renegotiating French Identity. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190681500.001.0001.

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In light of the recent historiography of Vichy, which stresses its initial political concession, competing factions, and then escalating collaboration with the occupant, this book proposes new questions concerning the shifting nature of French cultural as well as political identity. As the occupation advanced, how did those responsible for cultural policies attempt to adapt their conceptions of French values to accord with the agenda of collaboration in all professional fields? How was French cultural identity and its relation to German culture gradually reconceived by both the occupant and by Vichy as the former played an increasingly interventionist role in music, a symbolic stake in the national self-image of both regimes? Employing the theoretical insights of Gramsci and Bourdieu into hegemony and how it is achieved and combated, this book examines the ways in which musical works were fostered or appropriated and transmitted—physically inscribed, framed, and presented during different phases of the regime as specific groups assumed power. As this study concomitantly demonstrates, we find not only accommodation but also resistance among those artists involved with Vichy’s institutions, and especially in music, where new cultural practices, strategies, and modes of communication emerged as musicians confronted the increasing loss of autonomy in their field. They were forced to assume a position along the spectrum from compliance to resistance on the basis of their perceptions, experience, and subjectivity. Some sought to maintain integrity and avoid appropriation while remaining visible, continuing subtly to innovate and incorporate alternative cultural representations proposed by the Resistance.

26

Deigh, John. Williams on Practical Reason. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190878597.003.0008.

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Bernard Williams’s controversial view about reasons for action is the topic of this essay. The essay explains Williams’s internalist account of reasons for action as an improvement on Donald Davidson’s account. It then corrects Williams’s criticism of externalist accounts of reasons for action by conceding that such accounts are viable as long as they do not imply that the reasons a person has for doing an action can explain his or her doing it. The concession follows from acknowledging the very different program of studying reasons in ethics exemplified in the work of Kurt Baier. Once the correction is made to Williams’s criticism, the essay offers a defense of his view against the criticisms of T. M. Scanlon and Christine Korsgaard.

27

Rivers, Larry Eugene. Stepping Up the Degrees of Resistance. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252036910.003.0003.

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This chapter looks at how on the plantations and farms of nineteenth-century Florida, enslaved people, like their counterparts throughout the South, rarely rose up in rebellion against their masters. In their daily dissidence, slaves—as Gerald W. Mullin noted for eighteenth-century slaves in Virginia—more commonly used inward or non-threatening forms of rebellion that did not undermine Florida′s slave society in any profound manner. These could involve work stoppages and feigned illnesses, among other things. Yet, enslaved Florida blacks often did not bite their tongues when expressing thoughts about their work routines. These tactics could have proven self-destructive and even fatal in a violent Florida frontier area, but slaves still used these token forms of rebellion to wrest concessions from their masters as they strove to create, preserve, and protect family and community.

28

Pulignano, Valeria, and Nadja Doerflinger. Labour Markets, Solidarity, and Precarious Work. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198791843.003.0005.

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This chapter examines the processes and the conditions explaining union success in fighting precarious work, based on a comparative study of multinational subsidiaries in the metal and chemical industries in Germany and Belgium. It examines how unions in each plant made different use of institutional and associational power resources to avoid concessions for the relatively protected standard (or permanent) workforce, while improving the conditions of the less protected non-standard (temporary and agency) workers. To fight precarity, trade unions need to build and sustain power. Power resources associated with encompassing institutions and associational power are essential to building inclusive solidarity among different groups of workers. Findings show that fragmented and less encompassing institutions in Germany allow employers to exploit exit options. However, inclusive and strong institutions in Belgium are not an antidote per se to employers’ strategic threats.

29

Inclán, María. Opportunities for Success. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190869465.003.0004.

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This chapter first identifies democratization processes in which insurgents have successfully achieved their goals. It then compares those scenarios to one in which insurgents failed to better distinguish the conditions that might work as opportunities for them to succeed. These conditions are (1) being able to negotiate directly with the authorities, (2) having their interests included within democratizing pacts, and (3) counting with allies among elite actors negotiating peace and democratizing reforms. By applying these expectations to the case of the Zapatista movement, the chapter argues that when peace negotiations between insurgents and authorities occur separately from democratizing pacts among political elites, concessions to insurgent interests can be limited. Although insurgents might have allies in power and among those negotiating the new, more democratic order, if they are excluded from democratizing negotiations, their demands can easily be ignored.

30

Bruns, Roger. Cesar Chavez and the United Farm Workers Movement. ABC-CLIO, LLC, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9798400624308.

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This book offers an illuminating story of how social and political change can sometimes result from the vision, leadership, and commitment of a few dedicated individuals determined not to fail. Cesar Chavez and the United Farm Workers Movement chronicles the drive for a union of one of American society's most exploited groups. It is a story of courage and determination, set against the backdrop of the 1960s, a time of assassinations, war protests, civil rights battles, and reform efforts for poor and minority citizens. American farm workers were men and women on labor's last rung, living in desperate and inhumane conditions, poisoned by pesticides, and making a pittance for back-breaking work. The book shows how these migrant workers found a champion in Chavez and the United Farm Workers Union. With the help of quotes from documentary material only recently made available, it tells the story of the boycotts, marches, and strikes—including hunger strikes—used to force concessions for better conditions and pay. It also shows how the farm workers movement helped set the stage for growing Latino cultural awareness and political power.

31

Wragg, Paul, and András Koltay, eds. Global Perspectives on Press Regulation. Hart Publishing, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9781509950379.

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In this ground-breaking two-volume set, world-leading experts produce a rich, authoritative depiction of the world’s press, its freedom and its limits. We want press freedom but we also want freedom from the press. A powerful press may expose a corrupt government or aid it. It may champion citizens or unfairly attack them. A vulnerable press may lack supporters and succumb to conformity. It may resist and overcome tyranny. According to common belief, press freedom involves social responsibilities to equip public debate and render government transparent. Is this attitude valid given that the press is usually a private, commercial actor? Globally, the health, authority and viability of the press varies dramatically. These patterns do not conform to traditional divisions between North and South, East and West. Instead, they are much more complex. How do we measure successful press regulation? What concessions can the state and/or society demand from the press? What constitutes the irreducible core of press freedom? The contributions in Volume 1 look at key jurisdictions in Europe, whereas Volume 2 goes beyond Europe to analyse the situation in key jurisdictions in Asia, Africa, the Americas and Oceania. Each volume can be used independently or as part of the complete set. This work will be incredibly valuable to policymakers and academics who seek to capture the global picture for the purposes of effecting change.

32

Shortland, Anja. Kidnap. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198815471.001.0001.

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Every year thousands of people are kidnapped for ransom. Their families, friends, or employers are forced into a fiendishly complex and harrowing transaction with violent criminals to retrieve them. How do you agree a ‘fair’ price for a loved one—who may be tortured or killed as you deliberate? How do you securely deliver a sack of cash to the criminals’ lair? What compels kidnappers to uphold their end of the bargain after payment? Well-off individuals, profitable firms, and international NGOs operate surprisingly safely in areas of high and extreme kidnap risks. Many of them have bought kidnap insurance. Kidnaps among the insured are very rare—and almost all insured hostages are safely retrieved. This book examines the intricate governance system created by special risk insurers at Lloyd’s of London to guide and shape their customers’ interactions with the criminal underworld, rebel groups, and traditional elites. By encouraging local leaders to protect rather than hassle the insured, most abductions can be prevented. If a kidnap occurs, there are robust protocols to structure the negotiation and maintain ransom discipline. Experienced specialists facilitate payments and safely retrieve hostages. Kidnap insurance underpins trade, aid, and investment in many informally governed, crime-ridden, and rebel-held areas of the world. In terrorist kidnaps, however, international law prohibits commercial resolutions and well-meaning politicians have stepped into the breach. The outcomes have been massive ransom inflation, political concessions, torture, and gruesome murders. This book explains why private governance works and why public governance is bound to fail in the market for hostages.

33

Joyce, Rosemary. The Future of Nuclear Waste. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190888138.001.0001.

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How can sites of waste disposal be marked to prevent contamination in the future? The United States government addressed this challenge in planning for nuclear waste repositories. Consulting with experts in imagining future scenarios, in language and communication, and in anthropology, the Department of Energy sought to develop plans that would satisfy demands from the Environmental Protection Agency for a marker system that would be effective long into the future. Expert consultants proposed two very different designs: one based on archaeological sites recognized as cultural heritage monuments; the other proposing that certain forms invoke universal feelings. The Department of Energy opted for a design based on archaeological ruins, cited as proof human-made markers could last and communicate warnings for thousands of years. This book explores the common-sense assumptions the experts made about their archaeological models and shows how they are contradicted by what archaeologists understand about these places and things. The book alternates between discussions of archaeological marker designs and reflections on the alternative proposal based on archetypes intended to arouse universal responses. Recognizing these archetype designs as similar in scale and form to Land Art projects, it compares the way government experts proposed that their designs would work with views of modern artists and critics. Drawing on views of indigenous people who disproportionately are asked to accommodate such projects, the book explores concessions within the project that only oral transmission is likely to ensure that such sites remain identifiable long into the future.

34

Wragg, Paul, and András Koltay, eds. Global Perspectives on Press Regulation, Volume 2. Hart Publishing, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9781509950423.

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In this ground-breaking two-volume set, world-leading experts produce a rich, authoritative depiction of the world’s press, its freedom, and its limits. We want press freedom but we also want freedom from the press. A powerful press may expose corrupt government or aid it. It may champion citizens or unfairly attack them. A vulnerable press may lack supporters and succumb to conformity. It may resist, and overcome tyranny. According to common belief, press freedom involves social responsibilities to equip public debate and render government transparent. Is this attitude valid given that the press is usually a private, commercial actor? Globally, the health, authority, and viability of the press varies dramatically. These patterns do not conform to traditional divisions between North and South, East and West. Instead, they are much more complex. How do we measure successful press regulation? What concessions can the state and/or society demand of the press? What constitutes the irreducible core of press freedom? The contributions in Volume 1 look at key jurisdictions in Europe; whereas Volume 2 goes beyond Europe to analyse the situation in key jurisdictions in Asia, Africa, the Americas and Oceania. Each volume can be used independently or as part of the complete set. This work will be incredibly valuable to policy makers and academics who seek to capture the global picture for the purposes of effecting change. Volume 2: Asia, Africa, the Americas and Oceania

35

Bruns, Roger. Cesar Chavez. Greenwood Publishing Group, Inc., 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9798400624322.

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Cesar Chavez, the labor organizer and founder of the United Farm Workers of America, was, perhaps, an unlikely hero. In this biography, his early life is shown to be fairly typical for a boy in a close-knit family of Mexican Americans who worked the land in Arizona and California and endured hardship and discrimination. His story reveals the underside of the American Dream, and his later successes in helping farm workers and building a union to represent them are a testament to something extraordinary in a seemingly ordinary man. As a young man, Chavez looked for a way out of the fields in the Navy but only found similar ethnic hatred. He married and started a family soon after his discharge and returned to the fields. Chavez hated the injustices meted out to his family and other migrant workers. They were on American labor’s last rung, thousands of individuals making a pittance for their back-breaking work, living in desperate and inhumane conditions, poisoned by the pesticides, with few rights or leaders on whom to lean. The migrant workers found a champion in Chavez, who started to see the possibilities of making a difference for those in need. He began to work for a social service agency in California and met a priest who inspired him to read and learn about figures such as Mohandas Gandhi. From that point on, his labor activism is legendary. In the context of the times, with the Civil Rights Movement, Vietnam, and race riots raging, Chavez is shown to slowly build the farm workers labor movement, along with colleagues such as Dolores Huerta. Using the nonviolent examples of Gandhi and Martin Luther King, Jr., from the 1960s until his death in 1993, Chavez launched strikes, boycotts, marches, and his famous hunger strikes to force concessions from the big growers for better conditions and pay for the workers. His union lobbied Congress on behalf of the farm workers. Chavez and his supporters faced police and grower brutality, government surveillance, and death threats, and he was jailed several times. Like Gandhi, his example is for the ages.

36

Kramer, Ralph M., and Hakon Lorentzen. Privatization in Four European Countries: Comparative Studies in Government-Third Sector Relationships (Comparative Public Policy Analysis). M.E. Sharpe, 1993.

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Books on the topic 'Works concession'

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