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Journal articles on the topic 'Working class women'

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1

Allen, V. "Wearside Working-Class Women." Anglistik 34, no. 1 (2023): 85–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.33675/angl/2023/1/10.

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2

Orr, Judith L. "Ministry with Working-Class Women." Journal of Pastoral Care 45, no. 4 (December 1991): 343–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002234099104500403.

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Presents generalizations and characteristics of working-class women and how these often deviate from the assumptions of caregivers, many of whom are guided by middle-class values. Notes the implications for pastoral care and counseling. Suggests that the Individual Psychology of Alfred Adler is particularly suited as a theoretical and practical guide for caregivers.
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3

Perkins, Kathleen. "Working Class Women and Retirement." Journal of Gerontological Social Work 20, no. 3-4 (February 4, 1994): 129–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1300/j083v20n03_06.

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4

Ellis, Jacqueline. "Working-Class Women Theorize Globalization." International Feminist Journal of Politics 10, no. 1 (March 2008): 40–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14616740701747642.

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5

Davis, Ros. "Learning From Working Class Women." Community Development Journal 23, no. 2 (1988): 110–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cdj/23.2.110.

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6

Goggans, Jan. "Working-class women and women ‘working’ class: Literary masquerade in the inter-war years." Critical Studies in Fashion & Beauty 3, no. 1 (December 1, 2012): 39–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/csfb.3.1-2.39_1.

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7

R, Rajeshwari. "Working Class People, as Shown in "Manaamiyangal"." International Research Journal of Tamil 4, S-10 (August 12, 2022): 69–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.34256/irjt22s1011.

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Salma's novel, Manaamiyangal, is entirely about women. It is constructed based on society's conception of a feminine energy that entangles itself in the structures of time. It resounds as a voice of women's disenfranchisement. Many people around the world are praising the glory of women. Every woman in society is still living a life crushed by daily needs and her freedom. Rituals, rituals, and customs in some societies keep women at the boundary line. Some of these women break barriers and are shunned by society when they come out. Even though there are many atrocities against women in society, her family tries to do well but gets them into many problems. Salma mentions in the story Manaamiyangal that the reason for that was the society they lived in and its restrictions. Salma, who thinks about women from many angles, in her portrayal of Sajitha, intuitively conveys the legitimate dreams of girls in childhood. Women like Mehar live a quiet life, keeping in mind the family circumstances. But she struggles to make life better for her children. She illustrates the struggles of less literate women outside of the normal course of society. Generally, women, no matter how educated they are, remain dependent on a man because they believe that men are the protectors of women. Many social superstitions have restricted women in their activities. The thoughts of the people who have such superstitions should be changed. This article is going to discuss the lives of Muslim women, their economies, lives, thoughts, attitudes, and the social conditions that they are unable to recover from due to these social conditions.
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8

Blackwelder, Julia Kirk. "Working-Class Women and Urban Culture." Journal of Urban History 14, no. 4 (August 1988): 503–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/009614428801400404.

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9

Hughes, Susan E. "Expletives of lower working-class women." Language in Society 21, no. 2 (June 1992): 291–303. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s004740450001530x.

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ABSTRACTFor many decades, women's speech has been seen as being very different from that used by men. Stereotyped as swearing less, using less slang, and as aiming for more standard speech style, women were judged according to their sex rather than other aspects of their lives, such as class and economic situation. With many critics now challenging these ideas, this article sets out to look at the reality of the swearing used by a group of women from a deprived inner-city area. Their constant use of strong expletives flies in the face of the theories proffered of the “correctness” of the language of women. (Expletives, taboo words, working-class women, female speech, female group, social networks, sociolinguistics, inner-city England)
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10

Forsyth, Margaret. "Looking for grandmothers: working-class women poets." Women's Writing 12, no. 2 (July 1, 2005): 259–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09699080500200349.

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11

Mason, Beverly J. "Jamaican Working-Class Women: Producers and Reproducers." Review of Black Political Economy 14, no. 2-3 (December 1985): 259–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02689893.

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12

Johansson, Marjana, and Sally Jones. "Interlopers in class: A duoethnography of working‐class women academics." Gender, Work & Organization 26, no. 11 (August 19, 2019): 1527–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/gwao.12398.

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13

Deng, Anya. "More than Bread and Butter: French Feminists among Working Class Women." Communications in Humanities Research 28, no. 1 (April 19, 2024): 301–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.54254/2753-7064/28/20230423.

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This paper will specifically explore the 1789 Womens March on Versailles, an event during the French Revolution where working class women protested against the monarchy for bread in joint effort with intellectual women, such as De Gouges, who demanded a voice in the political arena. The paper finds that whilst the primary demand of working-class women appeared to be bread and thereby purely materialistic, they too wanted political rights, marching as part of a broader political movement to make the desires of women heard. This paper highlights the interconnectedness between economic and political aspirations within the revolutionary context, particularly the concern of high living costs and womens political representation, and places emphasis on the working-class women's contributions to the success of the French Revolution. By analyzing the women's statements during protests and petitions, the paper presents evidence that challenges the perception that the demands of working-class women were solely driven by immediate material needs.
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14

Blaszak, Barbara J., and Pamela M. Graves. "Labour Women: Women in British Working-Class Politics, 1918-1939." American Historical Review 101, no. 1 (February 1996): 185. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2169283.

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15

Graves, Pamela M., and Mary Alvery Thomas. "Labour Women: Women in British Working-Class Politics, 1918–1939." History: Reviews of New Books 24, no. 1 (July 1995): 22–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.1995.9949166.

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16

Flett, Keith. "Sex or class: the education of working‐class women, 1800‐1870." History of Education 18, no. 2 (June 1989): 145–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0046760890180203.

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17

Stjernholm, Karine, and Leonie Cornips. "Dialect speaking working-class women in the media." Oslo Studies in Language 11, no. 2 (January 22, 2021): 429–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.5617/osla.8511.

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In this paper, we investigate the research question ‘How are female dialect users from former industrial areas depicted in the media?’ by comparing media representations from two former industrial areas, namely Heerlen/Parkstad in the Netherlands and Østfold in Norway. Both representations are parodic and can be characterised as ‘high performances’ (Johnstone 2011, p. 658), and we argue that these performances are informed by the class-divided, previously industrial societies in Heerlen/Parkstad and Østfold. Our results show that being local seems to conflict with normative conceptions of femininity in these representations.
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18

Walsh, Stella Maria, and Peter Bramham. "Food Choices of Independent Older Working-Class Women." International Journal of Interdisciplinary Social Sciences: Annual Review 2, no. 6 (2008): 31–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.18848/1833-1882/cgp/v02i06/52457.

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19

Smith, Joan. "Transforming Households: Working-Class Women and Economic Crisis." Social Problems 34, no. 5 (December 1987): 416–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/sp.1987.34.5.03a00030.

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20

Gems, Gerald R. "Working Class Women and Sport: An Untold Story." Women in Sport and Physical Activity Journal 2, no. 1 (April 1993): 17–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1123/wspaj.2.1.17.

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21

Smith, Joan. "Transforming Households: Working-Class Women and Economic Crisis." Social Problems 34, no. 5 (December 1987): 416–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/800539.

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22

Thom, Deborah, and Claire A. Culleton. "Working-Class Culture, Women and Britain, 1914-1921." Albion: A Quarterly Journal Concerned with British Studies 33, no. 2 (2001): 351. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4053424.

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23

Reid, Fiona. "Working-class culture, women and britain, 1914–1921." Women's History Review 10, no. 4 (December 1, 2001): 729–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09612020100200598.

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24

Frank, Dana. "White Working-Class Women and the Race Question." International Labor and Working-Class History 54 (1998): 80–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547900006220.

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In Towards the Abolition of Whiteness David Roediger tells the story of Covington Hall, the editor of a newsletter published by the Brotherhood of Timber Workers in Louisiana in 1913 and 1914. Roediger deftly analyzes efforts by Hall and other white writers in the brotherhood to construct cross-racial unity within an otherwise racially torn working class. He shows how Hall redrew the lines of solidarity: On one side were the degraded, of any race.On the other were enlightened workers who eschewed racial divisions, racist language, and stereotypes. “There are white men, Negro men, and Mexican men in this union, but no niggers, greasers or white trash,” proclaimed Ed Lehman, a soapbox speaker for the Brotherhood. A headline in the newsletter similarly asked readers to choose, “SLAVES OR MEN, WHICH?” Still more graphically, a cartoon commanded, “Let all white MEN and Negro MEN get on the same side of this rotten log.”
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25

JACKSON, SUE. "Lifelong Earning: working-class women and lifelong learning." Gender and Education 15, no. 4 (December 2003): 365–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09540250310001610571.

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26

Verdi, Gail Grace, and Miriam Eisenstein Ebsworth. "Working-class women academics: four socio-linguistic journeys." Journal of Multicultural Discourses 4, no. 2 (July 2009): 183–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17447140802372788.

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27

Davidson, Sherwin. "Working-Class Women in Feminist Groups That Work." Contemporary Psychology: A Journal of Reviews 37, no. 11 (November 1992): 1149–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/031581.

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28

Weinstein, Barbara. "“They don't even look like women workers”: Femininity and Class in Twentieth-Century Latin America." International Labor and Working-Class History 69, no. 1 (March 2006): 161–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547906000093.

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Recent research on consumer culture and working-class femininity in the United States has argued that attention to fashionable clothing and dime novels did not undermine female working-class identities, but rather provided key resources for creating those identities. In this essay I consider whether we can see a similar process of appropriation by working-class women in Latin America. There women employed in factories had to contend with widespread denigration of the female factory worker. Looking first at the employer-run “Centers for Domestic Instruction” in São Paulo, I argue that “proper femininity” in these centers—frequented by large numbers of working-class women—reflected middle-class notions of the skilled housewife, and situated working-class women as nearly middle class. What we see is a process of “approximation,” not appropriation. I then look at the case of Argentina (especially Greater Buenos Aires) where Peronism also promoted “traditional” roles for working-class women but where Eva Perón emerges as a working-class heroine. The figure of Evita—widely reviled by women of the middle and upper classes—becomes a means to construct an alternative, class-based femininity for working-class women.
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29

Mukhopadhyay, Susmita. "Working status and stress of middle class women of Calcutta." Journal of Biosocial Science 21, no. 1 (January 1989): 109–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021932000017764.

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SummaryIn India an increase in female employment outside the home has occurred during the last few decades, especially in urban areas. A working woman may face difficulties in attempting to fulfil the demands of both worlds, at home and outside, while a housewife may feel tired and irritated with her household chores and financial dependence. All these may cause stress for these groups of women. The present study compares a group of working mothers with their non-working counterparts with respect to: (a) stress level, measured in terms of their anxiety score; and (b) certain general indicators of health including a broad measure of stress. The results show that anxiety and health scores of the two groups of women are similar. Further, the health score and anxiety score seem to be correlated, more clearly among the working mothers.
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30

Hatherley, Frances. "A working-class Anti-Pygmalion aesthetics of the female grotesque in the photographs of Richard Billingham." European Journal of Women's Studies 25, no. 3 (March 26, 2018): 355–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1350506818764766.

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‘Femininity’ is a concept formed by structures of class difference: to be ‘feminine’ is to fit into an idealised higher-class position. Working-class women, without the financial or cultural capital to successfully perform femininity, are regularly cast down into the realms of the grotesque. This ‘fall from grace’ has repercussions on the representation and lived experiences of women who are then defined negatively. Contemporary British media stories are full of demonising depictions of working-class women deemed grotesque for not presenting themselves with sufficiently ‘classy’ femininity. This article provides a rereading of the images made by British photographer Richard Billingham of his mother Liz, against the grain of much classist and misogynistic critical writing. The author discusses what happens when women reject the aspiration to transcend their supposedly faulty working-class femininity, and instead of trying to ‘better themselves’ through class-passing (as depicted in the George Bernard Shaw play Pygmalion) choose to present aspects of a working-class identity that firmly situate them within an undesirable class position. By employing an auto-ethnographic approach, the author offers new receptions of such images that have often been dismissed and discussed derogatorily, by bringing to bear her own lived experience of being a woman from a working-class background to offer narratives rarely explored in academic texts. The author shows that by thinking through an alternative femininity, via an ‘Anti-Pygmalion’ aesthetic, we can reclaim the negative descriptions of working-class women as grotesque, and begin to question the constructions of femininity itself.
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31

Álvarez-López, Valentina. "Uncomfortable stains: Cleaning labour, class positioning and moral worth among working-class Chilean women." Sociological Review 67, no. 4 (July 2019): 847–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0038026119854260.

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This article explores ethnographically the ways in which working-class elderly and mature women position themselves in class and gender terms through the cleaning practices they carry out in their own households. Following contemporary research, it understands domestic labour as a site of production and negotiation of classed, gendered and ‘raced’ subject positions. Scholars researching on paid domestic labour have emphasised cleaning labour as devalued; however, this article argues that the unpaid cleaning labour the women carry out in their own households might become a source of self-worth. It does so by briefly depicting how the twentieth-century Chilean modernisation and processes of class formation were coupled with an emphasis on hygiene and cleanliness. It also provides an ethnographic description of working-class women’s cleaning practices, attending to the classed and gendered meanings and value the women attach to these practices, and discussing their negotiation of expected standards in relation to material conditions and the multiple demands and values of everyday life. It shows that the margin of negotiation is much reduced when the results of cleaning practices are more open to public view. It also argues that the women not only express their subjectivities through everyday negotiations of cleaning standards, but also produce particular modes of being working-class women.
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32

Benjamin, Esther, and Toni L'Hommedieu. "The Divorce Experience of Working and Middle-Class Women." Contemporary Sociology 14, no. 6 (November 1985): 745. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2071457.

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33

Ervin, Keona K. "Who's Working Class? Centering Women in US Labor History." Journal of Women's History 34, no. 3 (September 2022): 132–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jowh.2022.0029.

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34

Simpson, Ida Harper, David Stark, and Robert A. Jackson. "Class Identification Processes of Married, Working Men and Women." American Sociological Review 53, no. 2 (April 1988): 284. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2095693.

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35

Hampson, Peter. "Working-class women shareholders in mid-nineteenth century Lancashire." Transactions of the Historic Society of Lancashire and Cheshire 165 (January 2016): 79–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/transactions.165.7.

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36

STENBERG, K. Y. "Working-Class Women in London Local Politics, 1894-1914." Twentieth Century British History 9, no. 3 (January 1, 1998): 323–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/tcbh/9.3.323.

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37

Casey, Emma. "working class women, gambling and the dream of happiness." Feminist Review 89, no. 1 (June 2008): 122–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/fr.2008.2.

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38

Thiel, Jaye Johnson. "Working-class women in academic spaces: finding our muchness." Gender and Education 28, no. 5 (October 6, 2015): 662–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09540253.2015.1091918.

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39

Orleck, Annelise. "Feminism Rewritten: Reclaiming the Activism of Working-Class Women." Reviews in American History 32, no. 4 (2004): 591–601. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/rah.2004.0072.

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40

Coventry, Barbara Thomas, and Marietta Morrissey. "Unions’ empowerment of working‐class women: A case study." Sociological Spectrum 18, no. 3 (July 1998): 285–310. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02732173.1998.9982199.

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41

Errazzouki, Samia. "Working-class women revolt: gendered political economy in Morocco." Journal of North African Studies 19, no. 2 (November 9, 2013): 259–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13629387.2013.858033.

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42

Parry, Glenys. "Social Support and Life Events in Working Class Women." Archives of General Psychiatry 43, no. 4 (April 1, 1986): 315. http://dx.doi.org/10.1001/archpsyc.1986.01800040021004.

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43

Walkerdine, Valerie. "Working class women : psychological and social aspects of survival." Cahiers du Genre 9, no. 1 (1994): 57–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/genre.1994.936.

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Les femmes de la classe ouvrière : survie psychologique et sociale. Dans ce texte, l’auteur se propose d’étudier certains aspects du discours produit autour des femmes de la classe ouvrière, dans un contexte, la période d’après-guerre, où la notion de classe ouvrière, à la fois surestimée, dénigrée et crainte, pose problème. Dans ces discours et ces pratiques, les femmes ont une place centrale en tant que mères ayant à leur charge la production de citoyens dans un ordre démocratique bourgeois en extension. En effet, le discours de la mobilité sociale, de l’égalité des chances transforme en pathologie tout échec d’entrer dans la classe moyenne définie comme normale. Il s’agit donc de “normaliser” les groupes potentiellement pathologiques et entre autres les mères de la classe ouvrière dont la capacité à exercer la maternité doit être mise sous surveillance. Inadéquates, ne sont-elles pas responsables d’un large éventail de maux sociaux (criminalité, délinquance...) ? Ce modèle normatif et normalisant, ce nouveau mode de régulation sociale fait l’impasse sur les conséquences de l’oppression, et sur les réalités psychologiques qui découlent de la souffrance vécue, d’une subjectivité construite à travers des “vérités” projetées sur 1’ ’’autre”. L’auteur a mené une recherche auprès de femmes d’origine ouvrière ayant eu accès à l’Université pour comprendre la spécificité de ce groupe et les mécanismes de défense mis en place pour vivre et survivre l’oppression.
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44

Conners, Carrie. "‘Ping Ping Ping / I break things’: Productive Disruption in the WorkingClass Poetry of Jan Beatty, Sandra Cisneros, and Wanda Coleman." Journal of Working-Class Studies 3, no. 1 (June 1, 2018): 6–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.13001/jwcs.v3i1.6111.

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This essay explores how working-class lives are represented in the poetry of three American women poets, Jan Beatty, Sandra Cisneros, and Wanda Coleman. It discusses how the poets’ working-class backgrounds affect their poetics and their perceptions of poetic craft. Through analysis, I show how their poetry shares a sense of defiant resistance, communicated through imagery of violence, labor, and sexual pleasure, responding to societal and institutional limitations placed on working-class women and working-class women writers.
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45

Belanger, Elizabeth. "Mapping Working-Class Activism in Reconstruction St. Louis." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 51, no. 3 (December 2020): 353–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jinh_a_01590.

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Blending the tools of micro-history with historical Geographical Information Systems (GIS) permits us to chart the social networks and everyday journeys of black working-class women activists and the middle-class men with whom they came into contact in Reconstruction St. Louis. Social and spatial ties shaped the activism of St. Louis’ working-class women; mapping these ties reveals the links between everyday acts of resistance and organized efforts of African Americans to carve out a space for themselves in the restructuring city and make visible a collective activism that crossed class and racial boundaries.
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46

Mount, Liz. "“I Am Not a Hijra”: Class, Respectability, and the Emergence of the “New” Transgender Woman in India." Gender & Society 34, no. 4 (August 2020): 620–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0891243220932275.

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This article examines the mutual imbrication of gender and class that shapes how some transgender women seek incorporation into social hierarchies in postcolonial India. Existing literature demonstrates an association between transgender and middle-class-status in the global South. Through an 18-month ethnographic study in Bangalore from 2009 through 2016 with transgender women, NGO (nongovernmental organization) workers and activists, as well as textual analyses of media representations, I draw on “new woman” archetypes to argue that the discourses of empowerment and respectability that impacted middle-class cisgender women in late colonial, postcolonial and liberalized India also impact how trans women narrate their struggles and newfound opportunities. Trans woman identities are often juxtaposed to the identities of hijras, a recognized (yet socially marginal) group of working-class male-assigned gender-nonconforming people. Instead of challenging stereotypes of gender nonconformity most evident in the marginalization of hijras, some transgender women are at pains to highlight their difference from hijras. These trans women are from working-class backgrounds. It is partly their similarities in class location that propel trans women’s efforts to distinguish themselves from hijras. They employ the figure of the disreputable hijra to contain negative stereotypes associated with gender nonconformity, thus positioning their identities in proximity with middle-class respectable womanhood.
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47

Stewart, Abigail J., and Joan M. Ostrove. "Social Class, Social Change, and Gender." Psychology of Women Quarterly 17, no. 4 (December 1993): 475–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1471-6402.1993.tb00657.x.

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This article explores the implications of social class background in the lives of women who attended Radcliffe College in the late 1940s and in the early 1960s. Viewing social classes as “cultures” with implications for how individuals understand their worlds, we examined social class background and cohort differences in women's experiences at Radcliffe, their adult life patterns, their constructions of women's roles, and the influence of the women's movement in their lives. Results indicated that women from working-class backgrounds in both cohorts felt alienated at Radcliffe. Cohort differences, across social class, reflected broad social changes in women's roles in terms of the rates of divorce, childbearing, level of education, and career activity. There were few social class-specific social changes, but there were a number of social class differences among the women in the Class of 1964. These differences suggested that women from working-class backgrounds viewed women's marital role with some suspicion, whereas women from middle- and upper-class backgrounds had a more positive view. Perhaps for this reason, working-class women reported that the women's movement confirmed and supported their skeptical view of middle-class gender norms.
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48

Han, Kyunghee. "Suspended Woman - ‘Becoming a Woman’ for Working Class Women in Shin Kyung-sook’s Fiction." Study of Humanities 36 (December 31, 2021): 63–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.31323/sh.2021.12.36.03.

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49

A, Joyce Jaya Ruby. "Andal Priyadarshini's the Position of Women in the Working Class." International Research Journal of Tamil 4, S-10 (August 12, 2022): 81–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.34256/irjt22s1013.

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Singing songs about God, the king, and upper castes are mostly found in Tamil literature. The singing of working class people is rarely found in a few pieces of literature like Pallu (Agriculture Songs) and Kuravanchi. Modern literature gives complete freedom to sing about the working class. In it, Andal Priyadarshini has created modern literature such as poetry, short stories, novels, etc. In it, the creators have made the lower class people aware of their life status by singing and creating characters. Her works frequently depict hustlers, roadside dwellers, scavengers, cremators, and transgender women and girls. They are the members of society. Some are working people, who have every right to live here, and are economically backward. People have continued their lives at the bottom of society for centuries. Mere pity for the working class will not lift them up. If individual value, castelessness, labour value, and non-discrimination come together, then a society called the working class will disappear.
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50

Clark, Jacqueline. "Constructing Expertise: Inequality and the Consequences of Information-Seeking by Breast Cancer Patients." Illness, Crisis & Loss 13, no. 2 (April 2005): 169–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/105413730501300207.

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The present study looks at women who joined breast cancer support groups to cope with the emotional fallout of the disease. Three support groups were studied, two composed of middle-class women, and one composed of working-class women. Data derive from 24 months of field observation and 35 in-depth interviews. Analysis shows how class-based inequalities led the women to seek therapeutic information about breast cancer in different ways. Women in the middle-class groups had the resources to gather and interpret information on their own, in effect becoming lay experts on the disease. Women in the working-class group lacked these resources, and thus collaborated in constructing their doctors as experts. These divergent strategies affected the women's illness experiences. Middle-class women interacted more assertively with their care providers and were more satisfied with treatment decisions. Working-class women, who were invested in trusting the expertise of their doctors, were subject to medical paternalism and pressured into making decisions that they later questioned.
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