Relevant bibliographies by topics / Working class Victoria Political activity History

Academic literature on the topic 'Working class Victoria Political activity History'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 10 December 2022
Last updated: 29 January 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Working class Victoria Political activity History"

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Miller, Judith A. "The Virtuous Marketplace: Women and Men, Money and Politics in Paris, 1830–1870. By Victoria E. Thompson. Baltimore and London: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2000. Pp. viii, 229. $32.00." Journal of Economic History 61, no. 4 (December 2001): 1120–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050701005630.

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Victoria Thompson's study of the French market begins with the Richard Terdiman's premise that societies faced with rapid change engage in “semiotic activity” (Discourse/Counter Discourse: The Theory and Practice of Symbolic Resistance in Nineteenth-Century France. Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1985). In other words, the tensions surrounding political, economic, and social upheaval send individuals scurrying to categorize and explain the new world confronting them. Certainly, the boom-and-bust economy of nineteenth-century France generated such anxieties. Interestingly, many of those fears focused on female sexuality, a topic that might seem remote from the debates over living wages for working-class men or the appearance of new credit mechanisms. The problem that interests Thompson is twofold. First, how did French society cope with the potentially destructive power of early capitalism, a power that could dissolve familial bonds and up-end social hierarchies? Second, how did new gender norms work within the new market framework? The French answer to both problems was the creation of a “virtuous marketplace,” one in which honor and self-control shaped men's economic practices, and in which distinct gender roles kept women a respectable distance from the temptations of material gain.
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Burke, Peter. "Workplace Football, Working-Class Culture and the Labour Movement in Victoria, 1910-20." Labour History, no. 89 (2005): 179. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/27516083.

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Dixon-Fyle, Mac. "The Saro in the political life of early Port Harcourt, 1913–49." Journal of African History 30, no. 1 (March 1989): 125–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700030917.

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The western-educated Krio population of Sierra Leone participated in British imperial activity along the West African coast in the nineteenth century. Facing a far more complex ethnic configuration than their counterparts in Yorubaland, the Sierra Leoneans (Saro) in Port Harcourt, Nigeria, acquired much influence through the manipulation of class and ethnic relations. Though most Saro here had a modest education and were working-class, a few came to form the cream of the petty-bourgeoisie and were active in economic life and city administration. Potts-Johnson, arguably their most famous member, developed a flair for operating in his middle-class world, and also in the cultural orbit of the local and immigrant working-class. I. B. Johnson, another prominent Saro, lacked this quality. Though presenting a homogenous ethnic front, celebrated in the Sierra Leone Union and in church activity, Saro society was sharply polarized on class lines, a weakness not to be lost on the numerically superior and ambitious indigenous population. Faced with a choice, the indigenes opted for the avuncular Potts-Johnson, for whom they felt a greater social affinity than for the more distant I. B. Johnson. After Potts-Johnson, however, no Saro was to be allowed scope to develop a similar appeal.
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Lovell, George. "The Ambiguities of Labor's Legislative Reforms in New York State in the Late Nineteenth Century." Studies in American Political Development 8, no. 1 (1994): 81–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898588x00000067.

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Recently, Victoria Hattam and William Forbath have separately defended new explanations of the development of the distinctive, relatively apolitical labor movement in the United States. Their explanations differ from earlier accounts that saw the failure of socialism in the United States as the result of either the distinctive liberal tradition in the United States or of ethnic and other divisions within the working class. Their alternative view is that distinctive structural features of the U.S. state – in particular, the independent judiciary – played a decisive role in shaping the development of the labor movement. This paper questions some of the shared assumptions of these new accounts, focusing on Victoria Hattam's recent book,Labor Visions and State Power. Without denying that the judiciary played an important role in the development of the U.S. labor movement, I want to suggest a different account of the relationship between the judiciary and the legislative and executive branches.
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Foster, John. "Strike Action and Working-Class Politics on Clydeside 1914–1919." International Review of Social History 35, no. 1 (April 1990): 33–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859000009718.

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SUMMARYThe record of strike activity on Clydeside is used to explore the interaction between workplace organisation and political attitudes in working-class communities, focussing in particular upon the shipyard labour force in the years immediately preceding the 1919 General Strike. The findings are used to question research by Iain McLean which minimised the political significance of industrial militancy during the period of the Red Clyde and that by Alastair Reid, which argued that the main consequences of wartime industrial experience were to strengthen social democratic perspectives. It is suggested that a limited but significant radicalisation did occur and that this was related to the specific labour relations practices of employers in the west of Scotland and the structural weakness of Clydeside's economy.
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Voss, Kim. "Disposition Is Not Action: The Rise and Demise of the Knights of Labor." Studies in American Political Development 6, no. 2 (1992): 272–321. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898588x00000997.

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Recent theoretical and historical studies of working-class formation have raised important doubts about standard interpretations of the American working class. Nowhere is this more obvious than in the renewed debate over “American exceptionalism,” that unexpected combination of political conservatism and weak working-class institutions in the nation that underwent the modern world's first democratic revolution. Once it was popular to argue that American workers felt no need for collective action, either because of a classlessness that was firmly rooted in the psyche of the first new nation or because of an innate job consciousness that was able to attain full flowering only in the United States, that most bourgeois of countries. But two decades of social history have documented such a rich diversity of militant working-class activity that such explanations are now rarely invoked.
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Pizzolato, Nicola. "Transnational Radicals: Labour Dissent and Political Activism in Detroit and Turin (1950–1970)." International Review of Social History 56, no. 1 (April 2011): 1–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859010000696.

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SummaryThis article investigates the entangled histories of radicals in Detroit and Turin who challenged capitalism in ways that departed from “orthodox” Marxism. Starting from the 1950s, small but influential groups of labour radicals, such as Correspondence in Detroit and Quaderni Rossi in Turin, circulated ideas that questioned the Fordist system in a drastic way. These radicals saw the car factories as laboratories for a possible “autonomist” working-class activity that could take over industrial production and overhaul the societal system. They criticized the usefulness of the unions and urged workers to develop their own forms of collective organization. These links were rekindled during the intense working-class mobilization of the late 1960s, when younger radicals would also engage in a dialogue across national boundaries that influenced each other's interpretation of the local context. These transnational connections, well-known to contemporaries but ignored by historians, show how American events and debates were influenced by, and impinged on, distant countries, and how local activists imagined their political identity as encompassing struggles occurring elsewhere.
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Hobson, Christopher Z. "The Radicalism of Felix Holt: George Eliot and the Pioneers of Labor." Victorian Literature and Culture 26, no. 1 (1998): 19–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1060150300002254.

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George eliot's felix holt the radical discusses a figure of enormous importance in the social history of Britain and the United States: the labor pioneer, that is, the person who consciously dedicates his or her whole life to long-term activity in the working class. Eliot, I argue, is the first important writer to recognize the significance of this figure and invest it with moral value. In doing so, she upends the tradition bequeathed by earlier “industrial novels” by recognizing, along with the labor pioneer, the permanence of class divisions and the political independence of the working class. Further, in heroizing the figure who struggles for the future of a new social class, Eliot departs from the reliance on “the authority of the past” or the stress on culture in general that have been seen as keys to her work.
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Day, Matthew. "The short happy life of the affluent working class: Consumption, debt and Embourgeoisement in the Age of Credit." Capital & Class 44, no. 3 (June 13, 2019): 305–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0309816819852768.

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This article reconsiders the debate over the alleged embourgeoisement of the British working classes after Second World War. ‘Bourgeois affluence and proletarian apathy’ examines why members of the New Left concluded that a ‘bourgeois’ proletariat was incapable of revolutionary activity. ‘Washing machines and proletarian persistence’ takes up the midcentury social scientific literature with an eye for the ways in which empirical research falsified key elements of that thesis. ‘Visible consumption and invisible debt’ draws attention to the ways in which both liberal advocates for and Marxist critics of embourgeoisement overemphasized spending and underemphasized debt. Finally, I close by calling attention to some of the anecdotal and empirical evidence that suggests household indebtedness perpetuates working-class dependence upon capital.
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Gayle, Curtis Anderson. "Marxian Approaches and Women's History in Early Post-war Japan." Copenhagen Journal of Asian Studies 19 (March 10, 2004): 55–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.22439/cjas.v19i0.25.

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During the early post-war period Marxian approaches to history in Japan sought to enfranchise women so that they might begin writing their own histories and become participants within the drive toward revolution. History writing was conceived as an existential activity and cultural practice that could help women and the working class become agents of socio-political change. A number of women's history-writing groups found such approaches useful and adapted some of the core methods about history writing originally developed in Marxian approaches between 1945 and 1955. By grounding their approaches to history in terms of 'local' and 'regional' spaces, however, these women's history writing groups would also differentiate their socio-political objectives from those espoused by Marxists concerned with 'national subjectivity' (minzoku jikaku). Instead, through emphasizing the role of inter-class and even inter-gender cooperation within specific representations of the 'local' and 'regional' these groups hoped that such approaches could become models for other women's history-writing groups. This paper will argue that Marxian approaches were both a source of inspiration and difference for such women's history-writing groups in Tokyo, Nagoya and Ehime.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Working class Victoria Political activity History"

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Gorman, Louise Gwenyth. "State control and social resistance : the case of the Department of National Defence Relief Camp Scheme in B.C." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1985. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/25414.

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This thesis constitutes a sociological analysis of the establishment and operation of the Department of National Defence Relief Camp Scheme in British Columbia. During the Great Depression of the 1930s, unemployment reached unsurpassed levels, when the dependent Canadian economy could not export its primary resources. Faced with a fiscal crisis, the Canadian state was unable to support the dramatically increased number of destitute. The position of B.C. was particularly serious due to its economic dependence upon the export of raw resources. Thousands of single unemployed men who had been employed in resource industries, and for whom no adequate relief provisions were available, congregated on the west coast and became increasingly militant in their demands for 'work and wages'. The radicalization of this group was perceived as a threat that was beyond the capacity of usual state social control mechanisms. As a result, the Canadian state was obliged to undertake exceptional, repressive measures to contain these unemployed. This was accomplished through the Department of National Defence Relief Camp Scheme. Despite this extended state action, the dissident unemployed were not adequately suppressed, and the B.C. camps were characterized by a high level of militancy. The violent Regina Riot of July 1, 1935 served to break the momentum of the radical, single unemployed relief camp inmates. In 1936 the DND relief camp scheme was dismantled, and the single unemployed were dispersed. The DND relief camp scheme is examined in light of theories of the capitalist state and its role in society. It is concluded that the fiscal crisis of the 1930s rendered the Canadian state unable to mediate between the demands of the unemployed and the requirements of capital. The ensuing social crisis necessitated exceptional state coercion -- the Department of National Defence Relief Camp Scheme.
Arts, Faculty of
Anthropology, Department of
Graduate
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2

Bryans, Andrew Nils. "The response to left-wing radicalism in Portland, Oregon, from 1917 to 1941." PDXScholar, 2002. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/3565.

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In the early twentieth century industrial, political, and social conflicts occurred throughout the United States during a period of rapid industrialization and modernization. Examples of these disputes, such as labor strikes and political struggles, have frequently been the subjects of scholarly investigations. Yet certain aspects of these conflicts remain relatively unknown, particularly on the community and local levels. The purpose of the present study was to explore and provide the context for a better understanding of the motives behind the responses of antiradicals to left-wing radicalism. What were some of the social, cultural, and economic motivations of local antiradicals in the city of Portland from 1917 to 1941?
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Deruette, Serge. "Contestation ouvrière et encadrement socialiste dans la Belgique du XIXe au milieu du XXe siècle." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/213095.

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Marais, Renee. "Enkele politieke vraagstukke rakende swart arbeidorganisasies." Thesis, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10210/10989.

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Clynick, Timothy Paul. "Political consciousness and mobilisation amongst Afrikaner diggers on the Lichtenburg Diamond Fields, 1926-1929." Thesis, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10539/16516.

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Books on the topic "Working class Victoria Political activity History"

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Kirk, Neville. The growth of working-class reformism in mid-Victorian England. Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1985.

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The growth of working class reformism in mid-Victorian England. London: Croom Helm, 1985.

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The growth of working class reformism in mid-Victorian England. Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1985.

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Victorian labour history: Experience, identity and the politics of representation. London: Routledge, 1998.

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Russell, Alice. Political stability in later Victorian England: Sociological analysis and interpretation. Sussex, England: Book Guild, 1992.

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R, Karumalaiyan, ed. Working class & current challenges. Chennai: Indian Universities Press, 2011.

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Working class movements in India, 1885-1975. Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1994.

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Producers, proletarians, and politicians: Workers and party politics in Evansville and New Albany, Indiana, 1850-87. Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1994.

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Vittenberg, Evgeniĭ I︠A︡kovlevich. The socialist working class and ideological struggle. Moscow: Progress, 1988.

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1957-, Salter Stephen, and Stevenson John 1946-, eds. The Working class and politics in Europe and America, 1929-1945. New York: Longman, 1990.

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