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Journal articles on the topic 'Working class Victoria History'

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Published: 10 December 2022

Last updated: 20 February 2023

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1

McPherson, Kathryn, James R. Conley, Gillian Creese, Peter Seixas, Elaine Bernard, Michael J. Piva, and Raymond Leger. "Workshop on Canadian Working-Class History Victoria, May 1990." Labour / Le Travail 27 (1991): 185. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25130250.

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2

MATTHEWS-JONES, LUCINDA. "OXFORD HOUSE HEADS AND THEIR PERFORMANCE OF RELIGIOUS FAITH IN EAST LONDON, 1884–1900." Historical Journal 60, no. 3 (September 13, 2016): 721–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x16000273.

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AbstractThis article considers how lecturing in Victoria Park in the East End of London allowed three early heads of the university settlement Oxford House to engage local communities in a discussion about the place of religion in the modern world. It demonstrates how park lecturing enabled James Adderley, Hebert Hensley Henson, and Arthur Winnington-Ingram, all of whom also held positions in the Church of England, to perform and test out their religious identities. Open-air lecturing was a performance of religious faith for these settlement leaders. It allowed them to move beyond the institutional spaces of the church and the settlement house in order to mediate their faith in the context of open discussion and debate about religion and modern life. The narratives they constructed in and about their park sermons reveal a good deal about how these early settlement leaders imagined themselves as well as their relationship with the working-class men they hoped to reach through settlement work. A vivid picture of Victorian religious and philanthropic life emerges in their accounts of lecturing in Victoria Park.

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3

Woodruff, Graham. "‘Nice Girls’: the Vic Gives a Voice to Women of the Working Class." New Theatre Quarterly 11, no. 42 (May 1995): 109–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266464x00001135.

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Since its opening in 1961, the Victoria Theatre in Stoke-on-Trent has arguably been England's most adventurous and inventive repertory theatre, distinguished by the number and range of new plays it has produced – and particularly by the series of local documentaries which has set out to explore and reflect the life of the local community. The first issue ofTheatre Quarterly(1971) covered the early years of the old Victoria Theatre, and included an article by the director, Peter Cheeseman, on the company policy and production style of what was then Britain's only permanent theatre in the round. In addition, a ‘Production Casebook’ followed the creative processes and the techniques involved in rehearsals of one of the early Vic documentaries, TheStaffordshire Rebels. Here, Graham Woodruff looks at developments in the later Vic documentaries and, in the light of current discourses on popular theatre, history, and class politics, examines the implications of a regional theatre giving voice to ‘women of the working class’ in the latest Vic documentary,Nice Girls. Graham Woodruff, who has been Head of Drama at the University of Birmingham and for sixteen years worked for Telford Community Arts, wrote in NTQ28 (1989) on the politics of community plays, and is currently undertaking research on the ways in which the contemporary theatre gives expression to workingclass voices and interests.

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4

Burke, Peter. "Workplace Football, Working-Class Culture and the Labour Movement in Victoria, 1910-20." Labour History, no. 89 (2005): 179. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/27516083.

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5

Yan, Shu-chuan. "Emotions, Sensations, and Victorian Working-Class Readers." Journal of Popular Culture 50, no. 2 (April 2017): 317–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/jpcu.12535.

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6

SHEPHERD, JADE. "LIFE FOR THE FAMILIES OF THE VICTORIAN CRIMINALLY INSANE." Historical Journal 63, no. 3 (November 22, 2019): 603–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x19000463.

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AbstractThis article uses hundreds of letters written by the families of patients committed to Victorian Broadmoor Criminal Lunatic Asylum to provide the first sustained examination of the effects of asylum committal on patients’ individual family members. It shows that, despite what historians have previously suggested, the effect on families was not solely, or even necessarily primarily, economic; it had significant emotional effects, and affected family members’ sense of self and relationships outside the asylum. It also shows that family ties and affective relationships mattered a great deal to working-class Victorians. Some found new ways to give meaning to their relationship with, and the life of, their incarcerated relative, despite the costs this entailed. By taking a new approach – engaging with the history of the family, shifting focus from patients to their individual family members, and considering factors including age, class, gender, change over time, and life stage – this article demonstrates the breadth and depth of the effects of asylum committal, and in doing so provides new and significant insights into the history of the Victorian asylum. It also enriches the history of the family by providing an insight into working-class quotidian lives, bonds, and emotions.

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7

Banham, Christopher. "Natural History in the Periodical Literature of Victorian Working Class Boys." Childhood in the Past 2, no. 1 (April 2009): 132–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/cip.2009.2.1.132.

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8

McLaughlin-Jenkins, Erin. "Common Knowledge: Science and the Late Victorian Working-Class Press." History of Science 39, no. 4 (December 2001): 445–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/007327530103900403.

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9

Hewitt, Martin. "Radicalism and the Victorian Working Class: the Case of Samuel Bamford." Historical Journal 34, no. 4 (December 1991): 873–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00017337.

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Samuel Bamford has an ambivalent status in the canon of nineteenth-century labour history. The unparalleled view of working-class life at the turn of the nineteenth century provided by his autobiographical volumes Early days and Passages in the life of a radical, have made him, according to E. P. Thompson, ‘the greatest chronicler of 19th century radicalism’, and ‘essential reading for any Englishman’ These books have been described as two of ‘the minor classics of Victorian literature’ All modern studies of the radicalism of the first two decades of the nineteenth century rely to some degree on his colourful reminiscences of the period. Yet after his prominent role in the events leading up to Peterloo, Bamford's career, not least its virulent anti-chartism, have tainted him with reformism, and left him to be invoked as an example of the weaknesses and limitations of early nineteenth-century working-class political assertion. Hence, in contrast to Thompson, John Belchem has talked about ‘the well-thumbed autobiographies of certain “respectable” and unrepresentative working class radicals’ and the ‘apostasy’ of the ‘renegade Samuel Bamford’. In the context of the 1840s John Walton describes him as a ‘former radical’, and Martha Vicinus has portrayed him as one of a group whose ‘works are largely inoffensive portrayals of established values’.

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10

Bythell, Duncan, and Neville Kirk. "The Growth of Working-Class Reformism in Mid-Victorian England." American Historical Review 91, no. 1 (February 1986): 109. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1867271.

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11

Gray, Robert, and Neville Kirk. "The Growth of Working Class Reformism in Mid-Victorian England." Economic History Review 39, no. 2 (May 1986): 304. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2596164.

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12

Osborne, Harvey. "Clothing and Landscape in Victorian England: working-class dress and rural life." Social History 43, no. 4 (October 2, 2018): 539–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03071022.2018.1513969.

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13

Johnson, Paul. "Conspicuous Consumption and Working-Class Culture in late-Victorian and Edwardian Britain." Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 38 (December 1988): 27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0080440100013141.

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14

Kessler, Francis, and Meville Kirk. "The Growth of Working Class Reformism in Mid-Victorian England." Le Mouvement social, no. 146 (January 1989): 123. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3778390.

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15

Glen, Robert, and Michael J. Childs. "Labour's Apprentices: Working-Class Lads in Late Victorian and Edwardian England." American Historical Review 99, no. 4 (October 1994): 1316. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2168832.

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16

Behlmer, George. "Summary Justice and Working-Class Marriage in England, 1870–1940." Law and History Review 12, no. 2 (1994): 229–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/743744.

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England's criminal justice system has been depicted as evolving from a preindustrial form in which wide judicial discretion served to legitimate the social order, to a new form where the need to impose industrial discipline on an increasingly urbanized work force produced less harsh but more systematic punishments. According to this vision, the wheels of Victorian justice ground both more gently and more intrusively than they had a century before, since along with the abolition of many capital crimes and the diminishing resort to incarceration went an intensified examination of private lives. As Jennifer Davis has made clear, however, historians of crime often underestimate the degree of continuity between eighteenth- and nineteenth-century law enforcement, particularly at the local level. Significantly, both eighteenth-century justices of the peace and nineteenth-century police court magistrates enjoyed great latitude in their dealings with the poor people who appeared before them. Nowhere is the highly personal and unsystematic nature of modern summary justice more strikingly revealed than in the police court's adjudication of disputes between husbands and wives.

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17

Ackers, Peter. "West End Chapel, Back Street Bethel: Labour and Capital in the Wigan Churches of Christ c. 1845–1945." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 47, no. 2 (April 1996): 298–329. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046900080027.

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There is a large and complex literature regarding the part played by working-class Nonconformity in the industrial revolution and the emergence of the English labour movement. For all its nuances, this writing can be separated into two main strands. The first, broadly Marxist, perspective sees working-class Nonconformity primarily as a form of capitalist control, inculcating bourgeois norms of hard work, thrift, respectability and political moderation into the working class. However, even labour historians who subscribe to this view cannot help but be struck by the ubiquitous accounts of lay preachers at the forefront of Victorian labour movement campaigns, especially in the coalfields. Thus, the second view stresses the part played by working-class Nonconformists in leading their class towards political and industrial emancipation. To a considerable extent, the stance taken, particularly on Methodism, depends on whether writers draw their evidence from national, usually middle-class, denominational hierarchies, or from local accounts of working-class religiosity.

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18

Griffin, Emma. "“Things I Can Remember about My Life”: Autobiography and Fatherhood in Victorian Britain." Journal of British Studies 61, no. 1 (October 27, 2021): 26–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jbr.2021.127.

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AbstractIt is now nearly forty years since John Burnett, David Vincent, and David Mayall compiled their invaluable and much-used three-volume finding aid, The Autobiography of the Working Class: An Annotated, Critical Bibliography (1984–1989), and established working-class autobiography as an important documentary source for exploring the lives of the working poor. Life writing now forms the basis of historical research into areas such as the emotions and domestic life that had hardly been imagined at the time that the annotated bibliography was produced. Yet as research into working-class autobiography has extended into new domains of enquiry, there has been less innovation in methodology. Historians typically use autobiographical material to pursue deep-reading strategies and unpack the meaning, experience, and identity of individual writers rather than generalize about working-class life more broadly. In this article I offer an alternative strategy: to take the autobiographical corpus and read it at scale in order to better understand fatherhood in Victorian Britain. Through a combination of intensive and extensive reading, I demonstrate that many working-class men failed to live up to expectations as breadwinners, and I explore the ramifications of that failure for the women and children with whom they lived.

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19

Lovell, George. "The Ambiguities of Labor's Legislative Reforms in New York State in the Late Nineteenth Century." Studies in American Political Development 8, no. 1 (1994): 81–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898588x00000067.

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Recently, Victoria Hattam and William Forbath have separately defended new explanations of the development of the distinctive, relatively apolitical labor movement in the United States. Their explanations differ from earlier accounts that saw the failure of socialism in the United States as the result of either the distinctive liberal tradition in the United States or of ethnic and other divisions within the working class. Their alternative view is that distinctive structural features of the U.S. state – in particular, the independent judiciary – played a decisive role in shaping the development of the labor movement. This paper questions some of the shared assumptions of these new accounts, focusing on Victoria Hattam's recent book,Labor Visions and State Power. Without denying that the judiciary played an important role in the development of the U.S. labor movement, I want to suggest a different account of the relationship between the judiciary and the legislative and executive branches.

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20

Kenny, Sarah. "London’s Working-Class Youth and the Making of Post-Victorian Britain, 1958–1971." Social History 47, no. 4 (October 2, 2022): 446–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03071022.2022.2113244.

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21

Rose, Jonathan. "Willingly to School: The Working-Class Response to Elementary Education in Britain, 1875–1918." Journal of British Studies 32, no. 2 (April 1993): 114–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/386025.

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In Elementary Schooling and the Working Classes, 1860–1914, J. S. Hurt employs what has become a classic opening in works of social history. “Much of the history of education,” he declares, “has been written from the top, from the perspective of those who ran and provided the schools, be they civil servants or members of the religious societies that promoted the cause of popular education. Little has been written from the viewpoint of those who were the recipients of this semi-charitable endeavour, the parents who paid the weekly schoolpence and the children who sat in the schoolrooms of nineteenth-century England.”Hurt's point is well taken, but he leaves himself open to the retort that he also draws his information mainly from official sources. The parents rarely speak in his book, the children almost never. One could make the same criticism of Phil Gardner's The Lost Elementary Schools of Victorian England. Gardner claims that the so-called dame schools, the private venture schools that served a large fraction of the Victorian working class, were unfairly disparaged and suppressed by educational bureaucrats. But he too depends largely on bureaucratic reports to reconstruct the history of schools outside the state system. Neither Gardner nor Hurt quite succeeds in plumbing educational history to the very bottom: they do little to reconstruct the classroom experience from the viewpoint of the working-class child.What sources could we use to recover that history? There are, of course, the reports of school inspectors, but Gardner warns us that they had a vested interest in condemning dame shools.

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22

Toms, David. "The Hackney Carriage in Cork: Vehicle of a Victorian Irish City 1854–1902." Irish Economic and Social History 45, no. 1 (October 23, 2018): 136–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0332489318805592.

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Much has been written on the history of the railways and other transport forms in Ireland, from technological, economic, social and labour history viewpoints. However, the history of another important nineteenth-century transport form, the hackney carriage, remains neglected. In this article, it will be argued, using the hackney carriage business in Cork as a case study, that the hackney carriage was an important vehicle (both literal and metaphorical) in facilitating Cork’s development as a modern city with an urban centre surrounded by a suburban hinterland. Further, by examining in detail the workings of the Hackney Carriage Committee of the Cork Corporation, I will argue that the hackney carriage drivers, colloquially referred to as ginglemen or jinglemen, were for the most part a precarious working class who were policed by the Corporation, the Hackney Carriage Committee and the by-law governing their livelihoods. As such, the bye-law and the apparatus that implemented it was a form of liberal governmentality and social control over a portion of Cork’s working class.

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23

Kirk, Neville. "The Growth of Working Class Reformism in Mid-Victorian England." Labour / Le Travail 20 (1987): 315. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25142915.

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24

Velasco, Alejandro. "The Pyrrhic Victories of Venezuela's President." Current History 117, no. 796 (February 1, 2018): 73–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2018.117.796.73.

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25

Tann, Jennifer, and M. J. Daunton. "House and Home in the Victorian City: Working-Class Housing, 1850-1914." Economic History Review 39, no. 1 (February 1986): 139. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2596120.

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26

Coriale, Danielle. "Gaskell's Naturalist." Nineteenth-Century Literature 63, no. 3 (December 1, 2008): 346–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ncl.2008.63.3.346.

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This essay situates Elizabeth Gaskell's industrial novel Mary Barton (1848) within early-Victorian discourses about natural history by studying the figure of the working-class naturalist, Job Legh. Though often regarded as a peripheral character in critical treatments of the novel, Job Legh's presence in Mary Barton suggests the possibilities and limitations that natural history presented for writers struggling to represent the turbulent social and political conditions of England during the 1840s. At times, Job's naturalist activities seem to offer a utopian alternative to the ““dangerous”” Chartist politics practiced by other characters in the novel. At other times, however, Job's knowledge and use of classificatory language alienates him from the working-class community in which he is embedded, a community otherwise excluded from the ““republic of science.”” In the latter part of this essay, I argue that Gaskell, by aligning herself with the conflicted naturalist she imagined, reveals the liminality of her own position as a novelist writing about working-class characters for an audience of middle-class readers. While Gaskell shares this liminal position with her naturalist, however, she does not share his taxonomic vision; rather, she draws on a narrative mode of natural history to develop a sympathetic account of the working classes, a mode that attends to the habits, habitats, and environmental conditions that affect the behaviors and interactions of a living thing. By situating Mary Barton within the naturalist discourses that helped produce it, this essay illustrates the limited political value of Gaskell's working-class naturalist while also suggesting the deep entanglement of novels and natural histories in Victorian Britain.

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27

Sigsworth, Michael, and Michael Worboys. "The public's view of public health in mid-Victorian Britain." Urban History 21, no. 2 (October 1994): 237–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0963926800011044.

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What did the public think about public health reform in mid-Victorian Britain? Historians have had a lot to say about the sanitary mentality and actions of the middle class, yet have been strangely silent about the ideas and behaviour of the working class, who were the great majority of the public and the group whose health was mainly in question. Perhaps there is nothing to say. The working class were commonly referred to as ‘the Great Unwashed’, purportedly ignorant and indifferent on matters of personal hygiene, environmental sanitation and hence health. Indeed, the writings of reformers imply that the working class simply did not have a sanitary mentality. However, the views of sanitary campaigners should not be taken at face value. Often propaganda and always one class's perception of another, in the context of the social apartheid in Britain's cities in the mid-nineteenth century, sanitary campaigners' views probably reveal more about middle-class anxieties than the actual social and physical conditions of the poor. None the less many historians still use such material to portray working-class life, but few have gone on to ask how public health reform was seen and experienced ‘from below’. Historians of public health have tended to portray the urban working class as passive victims who were rescued by enlightened middle-class reformers. This seems to be borne out at the political level where, unlike with other popular movements of the 1840s and after, there is little evidence of working-class participation in, or support for, the public health movement.

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28

Young, Beverly, Francoise Barret-Ducrocq, and John Howe. "Love in the Time of Victoria: Sexuality and Desire among Working-Class Men and Women in Nineteenth-Century London." Labour / Le Travail 41 (1998): 308. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25144262.

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29

Finn, M. "Working-class women and the contest for consumer control in Victorian county courts." Past & Present 1998, no. 161 (November 1, 1998): 116–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/past/1998.161.116.

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30

Clegg, Lewis. "Chocolate and Paradise." General: Brock University Undergraduate Journal of History 5 (April 11, 2020): 69–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.26522/tg.v5i1.2361.

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The Cadbury family had quite the legacy on British culture and society through their successful chocolate company and model Victorian Bournville village. This village was adopted by the Cadbury family after the growth of their chocolate company and sought to provide working-class employees with a better life in the countryside than the increasingly "overcrowded and dirty" Victorian cities. This paper aimed to challenge the largely accepted notion that the model town of Bournville was a shining example of Victorian excellence equipped with adequate housing, outdoor spaces, and progressive living and working conditions. Bournville, England certainly contained many great opportunities for working-class Englishmen and George Cadbury had largely good intentions. However, upon further critical analysis, the accepted history of the site needs to be reconsidered and the village may not be as great as it seems on the surface.

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31

Sutherland, Neil, and Michael J. Childs. "Labour's Apprentices: Working-Class Lads in Late Victorian and Edwardian England." Labour / Le Travail 35 (1995): 363. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25143948.

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32

Lawn, Martin, and Alec Ellis. "Educating Our Masters: Influences on the Growth of Literacy in Victorian Working Class Children." History of Education Quarterly 26, no. 4 (1986): 614. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/369025.

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33

Kift, Dagmar. "The Unspeakable Events at the Glasgow Music Halls, 1875." New Theatre Quarterly 11, no. 43 (August 1995): 225–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266464x00009106.

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The history of the music hall has for the most part been written as the history of the London halls. In Dagmar Kift's book, The Victorian Music Hall and Working-Class Culture (the German edition of which was reviewed in NTQ 35, and which is due to appear in English from Cambridge University Press), she attempts to redress the balance by setting music-hall history within a national perspective. Arguing that between the 1840s and the 1890s the halls catered to a predominantly working-class and lower middle-class audience of both sexes and all ages, she views them as instrumental in giving these classes a strong and self-confident identity. The sustaining by the halls of such a distinct class-awareness was one of their greatest strengths – but was also at the root of many of the controversies which surrounded them. The music-hall image of the working class – with its sexual and alcohol-oriented hedonism, its ridicule of marriage, and its acceptance of women and young people as partners in work as in leisure – was in marked contrast to most so-called Victorian values. The following case study from Glasgow documents the shift of music-hall opposition in the 1870s away from teetotallers of all classes attacking alcohol consumption towards middle-class social reformers objecting to the entertainment itself. Dagmar Kift, who earlier published an essay on the composition of music-hall audiences in Music Hall: the Business of Pleasure (Open University Press), is curator of the Westphalian Industrial Museum in Dortmund.

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34

August, Andrew. "A culture of consolation? Rethinking politics in working-class London, 1870–1914*." Historical Research 74, no. 184 (May 1, 2001): 193–219. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-2281.00124.

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Abstract In their communities, and in interactions with authorities and profit-seekers, residents of late Victorian London working-class districts struggled forcefully over the distribution of power, resources and prestige. They battled one another, in households and neighbourhoods, enforcing hierarchies and unequal access to resources. Philanthropists met hostile, manipulative and assertive poor people. Working-class Londoners resisted unwelcome state incursions and exploited government resources toward their own ends. They also fought employers and landlords over resources and power. Though their involvement in unions and socialist politics was uneven, these working-class Londoners participated actively in a pervasive politics of everyday life.

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35

Lammasniemi, Laura. "“Precocious Girls”: Age of Consent, Class and Family in Late Nineteenth-Century England." Law and History Review 38, no. 1 (February 2020): 241–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s073824802000005x.

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A fixed legal age of consent is used to determine when a person has the capacity to consent to sex yet in the late Victorian period the idea became a vehicle through which to address varied social concerns, from child prostitution and child sexual abuse to chastity and marriageability of working-class girls. This article argues that the Criminal Law Amendment Act (CLAA) 1885, the Act that raised the age of consent from thirteen to sixteen, and its application were driven by constructions of gender in conjunction with those of social class and working class family. The article firstly argues that CLAA 1885 and related campaigns reinforced class boundaries, and largely framed the working class family as absent, thereby, requiring the law to step in as a surrogate parent to protect the girl child. Secondly, the paper focuses on narratives emerging from the archives and argues that while narratives of capacity and protection in particular were key concepts behind reforms, the courts showed limited understanding of these terms. Instead, the courts focused on notions resistance, consent, and untrustworthiness of the victim, even when these concepts were not relevant to the proceedings due to victims' young age.

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36

STRANGE, JULIE-MARIE. "FATHERHOOD, PROVIDING, AND ATTACHMENT IN LATE VICTORIAN AND EDWARDIAN WORKING-CLASS FAMILIES." Historical Journal 55, no. 4 (November 15, 2012): 1007–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x12000404.

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ABSTRACTHistories of the late Victorian working-class family focus overwhelmingly on mothers. When men feature in family dynamics, it is within the context of their obligation to provide. Despite the familiarity of this model of family life, it is problematic, not least because it is partial. Written from a women's history perspective, such analyses have inevitably, and understandably, focused on the ‘dark side’ of breadwinning and privileged women's experiences as wives and mothers. Further, they have tended to make husbands synonymous with fathers. Drawing on working-class autobiography, this article revisits the cliché of the ‘good provider’ to suggest that children could invest the normative paternal obligation to provide with intimate and individual meaning, reimagining breadwinning as an act of devotion that distinguished particular father–child relationships within a context of more general working-class values. It does not suggest that women were not oppressed by the breadwinner ideal, or that attachment to mothers and fathers was the same. Rather, it calls for recognition of the fluidity of a sexual division of affective labour whereby, in memory at least, fathers' obligation to provide could be deeply embedded within an understanding of the emotional dynamics of everyday life.

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37

Blair, Kirstie. "Advertising Poetry, the Working-Class Poet and the Victorian Newspaper Press." Journal of Victorian Culture 23, no. 1 (January 2018): 103–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jvc/vcx003.

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38

Jones, Stephen G. "Labour, Society and the Drink Question in Britain, 1918–1939." Historical Journal 30, no. 1 (March 1987): 105–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00021932.

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The historiography of leisure has made considerable advances since the pioneering years of the early 1970s. Research into Victorian leisure has shown that some of the ruling elite attempted to fashion the life-style of working people in order to create a disciplined and reliable labour force which suited the needs of a maturing industrial and urban society, although it must be added that sections of the British public remained immune to attempts at moral reform and improvement. Professional labour leaders were also eager to control and regulate the amusements of the poor. According to trade union bosses like John Doherty, only a sober, industrious and thrifty working class could hope to achieve progressive reforms and some form of political and economic emancipation: workers who were intemperate would apparently stifle the opportunities and aspirations of the emerging Labour movement. Nowhere is this more true than in the Labour leadership's perception of and policy towards working-class drinking.

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39

Mays, Kelly J. "Hidden Hands: Working-Class Women and Victorian Social-Problem Fiction (review)." Victorian Studies 45, no. 2 (2003): 363–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/vic.2003.0091.

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40

Ackers, Peter. "Protestant Sectarianism in Twentieth-Century British Labour History: From Free and Labour Churches to Pentecostalism and the Churches of Christ." International Review of Social History 64, no. 1 (April 2019): 129–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859019000117.

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The British educated classes have long worried and fantasized about working-class religious belief and unbelief. Anglican churchmen feared Methodist “enthusiasm” in the eighteenth century, radicalism in the aftermath of the French Revolution, and urban, industrial irreligion after the 1851 Religious Census on churchgoing. In a mirror image of these old anxieties, most labour historians have wished away Christianity in the twentieth century. The long-standing shared socialist teleology of Marxists and Fabians leads to the modern, socialist labour movement. In this Marxian take on secularization theory, a new, more cohesive proletariat or singular “working class” forms, with an anti-capitalist, “socialist” consciousness reflected in the political, trade union, and co-operative institutions of the “labour movement”. Suddenly, economic, social, and political history find a single, unified subject. At the level of belief, socialism displaces those old Victorian pretenders for working-class hearts and minds: conservatism, liberalism, and Christianity. Sometime between 1914 and 1918, the Christian religion disappears from ordinary lives, as in Selina Todd's recent, The People, where popular religious faith is barely worth talking about.

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DURBACH, N. "'They Might As Well Brand Us': Working-Class Resistance to Compulsory Vaccination in Victorian England." Social History of Medicine 13, no. 1 (January 1, 2000): 45–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/shm/13.1.45.

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Levine-Clark, Marjorie. "Testing the reproductive hypothesis: or what made working-class women sick in early Victorian London." Women's History Review 11, no. 2 (June 2002): 175–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09612020200200317.

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Marjorie, Levine-Clark. "Testing the reproductive hypothesis: or what made working-class women sick in early victorian London." Women's History Review 11, no. 2 (June 1, 2002): 175–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09612020200200635.

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Paz, D. G. "Anti-Catholicism, Anti-Irish Stereotyping, and Anti-Celtic Racism in Mid-Victorian Working-Class Periodicals." Albion 18, no. 4 (1986): 601–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4050132.

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The rapid increase in Irish immigration, it is often argued, was the chief cause for the growth of anti-Catholicism in mid-nineteenth century England. Patrick Joyce and Neville Kirk both believe that ethnic tension and violence in southeast Lancashire and northeast Cheshire increased during and after the late 1840s, that that increase “followed the pattern of the arrival and dispersal” of Irish immigrants, and that the controversy over the creation of the Roman Catholic hierarchy in 1850 intensified the conflict.L.P. Curtis, Jr., agrees that the mid-century is important, for it was then, he argues, that the stereotype, based on scientific racism, of the Irish as inferior, was “finally assembled and reproduced for a mass reading public which was by then ready to believe almost anything of a derogatory nature about the Irish people.” The English image of the Irish was bound up with the idea of race or with that amalgam of ostensibly scientific doctrines, subjective data, and ethnocentric prejudices which was steadily gaining respectability among educated men in Western Europe during the first half of the century. In England the idea of race as the determinant of human history and human behavior held an unassailable position in the minds of most Anglo-Saxonists. …Curtis admits that the Victorians used the word “race” very loosely, and that working-class anti-Irish “prejudice” had class and religious, as well as racist, bases. But he fails to explore these non-racist elements; his argument rests on the evidence of Victorian anthropological writings; he clearly believes that racism bears explanatory primacy.

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Johnston, Lucy. "Rachel Worth, Clothing and Landscape in Victorian England, Working-Class Dress and Rural Life." Costume 53, no. 1 (March 2019): 130–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/cost.2019.0103.

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Miele, Kathryn. "HORSE-SENSE: UNDERSTANDING THE WORKING HORSE IN VICTORIAN LONDON." Victorian Literature and Culture 37, no. 1 (March 2009): 129–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1060150309090081.

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Several important studies of animals in Victorian Britain have considered the ways that animals have served as surrogates for the discussion of human relationships. Historical statements about the treatment of animals are often interpreted as telling stories about issues such as class dynamics or social problems among humans. But must one always imagine animals to have been only the ostensible subject of discussion? While it is certainly important to study how historical discussions about animals have reflected and expressed opinions about sensitive, tense, or otherwise difficult relationships among humans and groups of humans, it is unreasonable to dismiss all discussion of the welfare of animals as a cover for what is really a concern about humans. Is it not just as interesting – and important – to consider the ways in which humans have identified with animals as animals? The introduction of the animal as animal into the discussion of human culture reveals a level of complexity in life and history that is all too easily overlooked.

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Parratt, Catriona M. "Little means or time: working‐class women and leisure in late Victorian and Edwardian England." International Journal of the History of Sport 15, no. 2 (August 1998): 22–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09523369808714027.

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Gurney, Peter. "Working-Class Writers and the Art of Escapology in Victorian England: The Case of Thomas Frost." Journal of British Studies 45, no. 1 (January 2006): 51–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/497055.

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Heffner, Rachael, Elizabeth Palmer, Malorie Palmer, and Esther Wolfe. "Shadows and Specters." Digital Literature Review 1 (December 3, 2014): 146–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.33043/dlr.1.0.146-166.

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This edition provides a critical examination of M.E. Braddon’s “The Shadow in the Corner.” Specifically, the authors explore the ways in which themes of haunting in the Victorian period and in M.E. Braddon’s work are informed by competing notions of subjectivity and the shadowy presence of female working class figures in both the history and fiction of the time.

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Waters, Chris. "Labour’s Apprentices: Working-Class Lads in Late Victorian and Edwardian England, by Michael J. ChildsLabour’s Apprentices: Working-Class Lads in Late Victorian and Edwardian England, by Michael J. Childs. Montreal, Quebec, McGill-Queen’s University Press, 1992. xxiii, 223 pp. $44.95." Canadian Journal of History 28, no. 3 (December 1993): 597–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/cjh.28.3.597.

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