Journal articles on the topic 'Working class – Russia – History'
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1
Morris, Jeremy. "Working-Class Resilience in Russia." Current History 115, no. 783 (October 1, 2016): 264–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2016.115.783.264.
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Nowak, Basia A. "Regendering the Working Class in Stalinist Russia." Journal of Women's History 15, no. 4 (2004): 225–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jowh.2004.0020.
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Camfield, David. "From Revolution to Modernising Counter-Revolution in Russia, 1917–28." Historical Materialism 28, no. 2 (April 4, 2020): 107–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1569206x-12341798.
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Abstract This article presents a historical-materialist approach to key issues of revolution and counter-revolution and uses it to analyse what happened in Russia between 1917 and the late 1920s. What took place in 1917 was indeed a socialist revolution. However, by the end of 1918 working-class rule had been replaced with the rule of a working-class leadership layer that was improvising a fragile surplus-extracting state of proletarian origin. The eventual transformation of that layer into a new ruling class represented the triumph of a modernising counter-revolution. The decisive determinants of these developments were material pressures acting, first, on a working class plunged into catastrophic social crisis and war and then, after the Civil War, on the party-state leadership layer that sought to maintain its state against both European capitalist societies and the classes from which it had to extract surpluses. However, aspects of Bolshevik ideology also played a role.
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Perrie, Maureen. "The Russian working class, 1905?1917." Theory and Society 16, no. 3 (May 1987): 431–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf00139489.
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Phillips, Laura L. "In Defense of Their Families: Working-Class Women, Alcohol, and Politics in Revolutionary Russia." Journal of Women's History 11, no. 1 (1999): 97–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jowh.2003.0098.
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Abdurakhimova, Nadira A. "THE COLONIAL SYSTEM OF POWER IN TURKISTAN." International Journal of Middle East Studies 34, no. 2 (May 2002): 239–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743802002052.
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The history of Turkistan in the second half of the 19th and the early 20th century has repeatedly attracted the attention of social scientists. It is widely recognized that the tendency of most Soviet authors was to consider this history under the rubric of “the progressive consequences of annexation to Russia,” at a time when the main historiographical trend was to investigate the history of revolutions, movements of the working class and peasants, riots among the people, and national-liberation movements. Under the same rubric, during a rather long period until the end of the 1980s, many problems of local Turkistan society were written about. As a result of this approach, some questions remained unasked—questions that challenged the officially mandated proposition that “despite tsarist colonialism, the annexation of non-Russian peoples to Russia was a progressive reality.” In particular, one of these questions has to do with the history of the state that governed the territory of Turkistan in the colonial and post-colonial periods.
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Isaychikov, Viktor F. "Peasant revolts against the peasant revolution." Tambov University Review. Series: Humanities, no. 189 (2020): 155–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.20310/1810-0201-2020-25-189-155-167.
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Тhe peasant revolts, wars, and revolutions known in history had both revolutionary and reactionary sides. A particularly complex interweaving was observed in Russia (USSR) in the first third of the 20th century due to the maximum number of economic structures and classes in the country and four revolutions. The main reason for the struggle of the peasant classes, including re-volts, was poverty, caused by both agrarian overpopulation and social causes, among which the main one before the October revolution was the remnants of feudalism. All four revolutions in Russia were largely peasant revolutions, but they differed in class composition and class leader-ship. As a result of the Great October socialist revolution, a joint dictatorship of the working class and the peasantry (the petty bourgeoisie) was established in the country, not predicted by K. Marx, but foreseen by V.I. Lenin. However, the small working class after V.I. Lenin’s death could not hold on to power, and as a result of the “Stalinist” counter-revolution, an internally unstable dictatorship of the petty bourgeoisie (peasantry) was established in the country. We reveal the class processes in the peasantry that led to revolts and revolutions.
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Lederhendler, Eli. "Classless: On the Social Status of Jews in Russia and Eastern Europe in the Late Nineteenth Century." Comparative Studies in Society and History 50, no. 2 (April 2008): 509–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417508000224.
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In this paper I examine the economic and political factors that undermined the social class structure in an ethnic community—the Jews of Russia and eastern Europe at the end of the nineteenth century. Compared with the documented rise and articulation of working classes in non-Jewish society in that region, Jews were caught in an opposite process, largely owing to discriminatory state policies and social pressures: Among Jews, artisans and petty merchants were increasingly reduced to a single, caste-like status. A Jewish middle class of significant size did not emerge from the petty trade sector and no significant industrial working class emerged from the crafts sector. Historians have largely overlooked the significance of these facts, in part because they have viewed this east European situation as a mere preamble to more sophisticated, modern class formation processes among immigrant Jews in Western societies, particularly in light of the long-term middle-class trajectory of their children. Those historians interested in labor history have mainly shown interest in such continuity as they could infer from the self-narratives of the Jewish labor movement, and have thus overstated the case for a long-standing Jewish “proletarian” tradition. In reassessing the historical record, I wish to put the Jewish social and economic situation in eastern Europe into better perspective by looking at the overall social and economic situation, rather than at incipient worker organizations alone. I also query whether a developing class culture, along the lines suggested by E. P. Thompson, was at all in evidence before Jewish mass emigration. This paper is thus a contribution to the history of labor—rather than organized labor—as well as a discussion of the roots of ethnic economic identity.
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Kozlov, D. V. "The concepts of citizenship and estate in Russian history — continuity and / or intermittence." Slovo.ru: Baltic accent 11, no. 3 (2020): 115–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.5922/2225-5346-2020-3-8.
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The author studied the development of the concept “people” in contemporary history taking into account its possible interpretation as a bearer of sovereignty. This concept goes back to the time of early bourgeois revolutions. The author holds that there are certain parallels between the ideology of citizenship, the development of the concept “people / nation” and the interpretation of the concept “citizenship”. Contemporary theoretical debates about citizenship are fully applicable to the history of the interpretation of citizenship in Russia. The United States or Great Britain have a century-long tradition of citizenship. Unlike them, Russia has gone through several stages of radical changes associated with deep political and social transformations, hence a variety of understanding of the concept analysed. A paradoxical interpretation of the concept "citizen" in Russia became evident in the 18th century. Then a citizen and a subject tended to be used either as synonyms or “citizens” were understood as a social group related to nobility. Thus, the concept analysed was used in a variety of meanings and contexts. The same duality in the interpretation of citizenship within the class society manifested itself on the eve of the 1917 Revolution. The class-based duality of citizenship was also noticeable during the Soviet period. After the radical break with the past proclaimed by the Bolsheviks, the old class stratification system had to be changed. In the first month after the Revolution, the Bolsheviks officially abolished estates, titles and ranks. Under the 1918 Constitution of the RSFSR, the concept “class” became a legal term in Soviet Russia. Only “workers” received political rights and thus full citizenship. The official civil status or citizenship was an integral part of the ideology of workers and “exploited” classes as opposed to “non-working, bourgeois elements”. The idea of citizenship ceased to depend on territory and nationality. As a result, a group of people was legally deprived of citizenship while permanently residing in the state. Paradoxically, in Soviet Russia citizenship was defined through its absence, through what it was not. The concepts of citizenship and classhood during the Imperial and Soviet periods often coexisted, complementing each other and forming a bizarre synthesis of traditional and modern approaches to the interpretation of the concept of citizenship.
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Jeffrey Brooks. "Under the Influence: Working-Class Drinking, Temperance, and Cultural Revolution in Russia, 1805-1932 (review)." Journal of Social History 42, no. 3 (2009): 809–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jsh.0.0176.
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Cushion, Steve. "From the Russian Revolution to the Cuban Revolution." Tensões Mundiais 13, no. 24 (September 25, 2018): 213–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.33956/tensoesmundiais.v13i24.364.
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The Cuban Communist Party was the most significant working-class response to the Russian Revolution in the Caribbean. Recent research shows that organised workers played a decisive role in the outcome of the Cuban Revolution, but if the working class role has been hidden from history, the revolutionary activity of Afro-Cuban workers has been doubly obscured. There is a direct connection that links the Russian Revolution to the Cuban Revolution.
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Richards, M., and M. B. Share. "The Making and Remaking of the Russian Working Class, 1890-1917." Journal of Social History 21, no. 4 (June 1, 1988): 781–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jsh/21.4.781.
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Tromly, Benjamin. "Soviet Patriotism and its Discontents among Higher Education Students in Khrushchev-Era Russia and Ukraine." Nationalities Papers 37, no. 3 (May 2009): 299–326. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990902865557.
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What was Soviet patriotism? A definition of the term offered by the Soviet ideological apparatus in 1953—a “social, historically conditioned feeling of love for one's motherland“—raises more questions than it answers. Patriotism was a concept foreign to classical Marxism; indeed, the concept, along with the corresponding term “the Soviet people,” entered mass usage only in the mid-1930s, when the Soviet government moved away from class as the dominant paradigm for interacting with its society. The relationship of Soviet patriotism to nationalism, the predominant political identity in twentieth-century Europe, was also ideologically fraught. Patriotism was sharply distinguished from nationalism(natsionalizm)in the Soviet lexicon. The first referred to a healthy allegiance to a community that was consistent with universal values of enlightenment, justice and democracy; the second was a jingoistic and reactionary ideology utilized by the bourgeoisie to mislead the working class. Despite this distinction, Soviet patriotism was supra-national, not anti-national, as it “harmoniously combined” the national traditions of the different Soviet nations with “the common, fundamental interests of all working people in the USSR.”
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Sharp, Dan S., and Mark B. Tanger. "Natan ‘Nikolai’ Abramovich Vigdorchik (1874-1954): social activism and public health in early 20th-century Russia." Journal of Medical Biography 17, no. 2 (April 28, 2009): 75–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1258/jmb.2009.009002.
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Virtually unknown in the West, the physician Nikolai Vigdorchik is recognized in Russian-Soviet history for his role in introducing social security into Russia. He rose from Jewish working-class origins to a career that combined activism in labour rights and public health with extensive and path-breaking publications in social security occupational safety and public health. He contributed more than 30 years of leadership to Soviet research and educational institutions devoted to occupational safety and health. Vigdorchik's 1935 publication on lead and hypertension is illustrative of his contribution to modern epidemiological methods, describing a statistical bias in the study of hospitalized patients. It predates by 11 years Joseph Berkson's paper, after whom the bias is named. Vigdorchik's life illustrates a modem-day conundrum: social activism comes with political cost - by virtue of its evidence-based orientation, public health science is safer but both are necessary to move a culture towards health and stability
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Mandel, David. "Revolution, Counterrevolution and the Working Class in Russia: Reflections on the Eighty-Second Anniversary of the October Revolution." Labour / Le Travail 45 (2000): 360. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25149089.
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McMeekin, Sean. "From Moscow to Vichy: Three Working-Class Militants and the French Communist Party, 1920–1940." Contemporary European History 9, no. 1 (March 2000): 1–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777300001016.
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‘From Moscow to Vichy’ chronicles the political trajectory of Jules Teulade, Albert Vassart and Henri Barbé, three French labour militants of modest origins who were rapidly whisked into the top ranks of the French Communist Party (PCF) in the early 1920s, but later fell out of favour with Moscow just as the PCF entered its halycon years in the mid-to-late 1930s. Each of them, though for different reasons, turned against their former Russian patrons so violently that political participation in the ‘anti-Communist’ Vichy regime became thinkable. An examination of their unpublished memoirs – long ignored by Gaullist and communist historians, to whom the recollections of ex-Communist Vichy ‘collaborators’ gave little comfort – reveals both the powerful allure the Russian Revolution had for its earliest devotees, and the profound disillusionment that could result for working-class Communists who saw their faith in Moscow betrayed. In their stories, and those of others like them, we can discern something of the devastating fallout of Moscow's invasion of French politics between the two world wars.
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Feld, Marjorie N. "‘An Actual Working Out of Internationalism’: Russian Politics, Zionism, and Lillian Wald's Ethnic Progressivism." Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 2, no. 2 (April 2003): 119–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781400002449.
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Students of the life of Lillian D. Wald (1867–1940) know her best as a Progressive activist. A trained nurse and advocate for East European Jewish immigrants on New York's Lower East Side, she founded Henry Street Settlement House there in 1893 and worked for state intervention in public health issues concerning women and children. Though she lived until 1940, historians have focused almost exclusively on her achievements before 1920: her founding of Henry Street, her key role in the formation of the Children's Bureau, her anti-militarism during World War I. This is not surprising, given that Wald' s rhetoric is that of a dyed-in-the-wool Progressive. She consistently cited her actions as in line with her universalist philosophy of human interdependence, which she referred to as “mutuality” and defined as a vision in which “no one class of people can be independent of the other”. Wald's mutuality echoes the Protestant social gospel movement's call for a “brotherhood of man” which inspired so many – including so many middle-class women – to work for various currents of Progressive reform.
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Siegelbaum, Lewis H. "The Late Romance of the Soviet Worker in Western Historiography." International Review of Social History 51, no. 3 (November 1, 2006): 463–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859006002562.
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This essay is animated by a single, seemingly simple, question: “What has happened to Soviet labor and working-class history?” The obvious answer is that it went the way of the Soviet working class. But to attribute changing scholarly interests or emphases to recent or contemporary Russian politics is too simplistic. It ignores too many other factors that impinge on why and how we study what we do. While the near disappearance of class from post-Soviet discourse certainly has had an impact on Western historians, I would suggest that both broader and narrower trends have been at work shaping our scholarly agendas. In 1990, just as the Soviet Union was in its last throes, Leo van Rossum published in this very journal an outstanding omni-review of “Western Studies of Soviet Labour during the Thirties”. A few years further on, “in the cold light of the post-Soviet dawn”, Ron Suny and I searched Soviet history for its working class. It is time once again to revisit this terrain.
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Saldutti, Vittorio. "Ancient Athenian Democracy, Workers’ Councils, and Leftist Criticism of Stalinist Russia." Clotho 4, no. 2 (December 23, 2022): 47–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.4312/clotho.4.2.47-67.
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“The political form at last discovered under which to work out the economic emancipation of labor.” With these words, Marx described the Paris Commune of 1871. It “was formed of the municipal councillors, chosen by universal suffrage in the various wards of the town, responsible and revocable at short term […] a working, not a parliamentary body, executive and legislative at the same time.” The political tradition of the Commune was inherited by the Russian soviets and inspired Lenin, who explained the role of those governing bodies as a “reversion to primitive democracy.” Arthur Rosenberg, professor of Ancient History at Berlin University, tried in his book Democracy and Class Struggle in the Ancient World to offer historical ground for the ideas developed by Lenin in State and Revolution and compared ancient Athenian democracy to the contemporary German and Russian councils. During the 1920s, as a communist leader and MP, Rosenberg, recalling his ideas on Athenian democracy, criticized the political degeneration of the Russian workers’ State. He stressed how Soviet Russia, in limiting the power of the councils, had suppressed the governing body of socialist direct democracy. In his work Workers’ Councils, Dutch revolutionary Anton Pannekoek renewed Rosenberg’s criticism at the end of World War II, returning to the image of ancient democratic Athens as a forerunner of the socialist councils.
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Smith, Alison K. "A Microhistory of the Global Empire of Cotton: Ivanovo, The ‘Russian Manchester’*." Past & Present 244, no. 1 (July 13, 2019): 163–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pastj/gtz017.
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Abstract The serf village of Ivanovo became one of the major centres of cotton production in tsarist Russia. This unexpected juxtaposition of serfdom and the beginnings of capitalist industry has made Ivanovo into an object of curiosity within histories of the Russian economy and of Russian serfdom. Thinking about Ivanovo as both a site of microhistory–the study of the ‘typical exception’–and as part of the global world of cotton both helps to explain Ivanovo’s development and helps to disrupt the notion of distinct phases of economic development that necessarily go along with distinct phases of political development. This article focuses on one period of Ivanovo’s history: a period beginning in the late 1820s, when Ivanovo’s owner, Count Sheremetev, began to manumit some of his wealthy serf industrialists. Many of them remained in the village and continued to produce the cotton calico that had already brought them their wealth and the village its fame. Although a feeling of a village society divided into separate classes had already begun to develop, this process gave new form to that development. In particular, the very institutional form of serfdom helped to create a stronger vision of a separate working class and industrial class.
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Mountain, Alexandra. "Rethinking a Miracle: The Role of Whiteness in the 1980 Miracle on Ice." Journal of Olympic Studies 3, no. 1 (May 1, 2022): 96–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/26396025.3.1.06.
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Abstract At the 1980 Winter Olympics, the US men's ice hockey team defeated Soviet Russia in the semifinals. This touchstone moment in US Cold War history has been studied as a political victory for an American public exhausted by a series of public political defeats; a lynchpin in the development of a militarized masculinity; and a glorified memory of US power. However, this scholarship makes just passing reference to the whiteness imbued in the rhetoric surrounding the 1980 US-Soviet Olympic hockey match, and as such, does little to explain the racial dynamics present in the performance of remembering the Miracle. This article argues that the way media sources, political figures, and athletes commemorated the Miracle reinforced an understanding of white, working-class families as the normal, better standard for Americans in the larger political and cultural context of the late 1970s and early 1980s. Thus, the Miracle on Ice cannot simply be viewed as an innocuous moment enshrined in Cold War and sports history. Rather, the nostalgia attached to the Miracle reveals a sustained investment in the normalization of whiteness as ideal within the United States. The Miracle, far from simply being an underdog story, is a tale told and retold to demonstrate why the normative American family is white and working class.
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Kazarinova, Daria B. "Revisionism and Neo-Revisionism in Russian Foreign Policy: Reflecting on the Book by Sakwa R. Russia’s Futures. Polity Press, 2019." RUDN Journal of Political Science 22, no. 2 (December 15, 2020): 179–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2020-22-2-179-193.
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This article analyzes the latest book by the British expert on Russian politics R. Sakwa, his key conceptual ideas, key characteristics, contradictions and challenges (between the “stabilocracy” and “securocracy”, incompleteness of modernization and neo-modernization, the letter and spirit of Russian constitutionalism) of modern Russia. We analyze his arguments about the variety of interpretations of the concept of “normality” in relation to Russia as opposed to Western approaches. The contradictions of the New cold war grow into a clash of epistemologies / narratives / discourses / values, in which framing and the accusation of revisionism becomes a tool. We emphasize the fundamental difference in approaches to defining concepts of revisionism and neo-revisionism, trace the dialectic of these concepts from a neo-Marxist understanding to a geopolitical one, generalize the existing definitions, including the understanding of neo-revisionism as an integral attribute of emerging power, which R. Sakwa also adheres to. The revision of history, especially the memory of war, is a powerful propaganda tool for the clash of narratives. In context of development of the “mnemonic security dilemma” (D. Efremenko), the change of the Holocaust narrative to the narrative of the “war of two totalitarianisms” in Europe, Russia should adopt a number of principles for working in the field of historical memory of the Second World War, including new interpretations for the role of China in the victory over fascism.
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Smirnova, Maria A. "Autobiographical and Epistolary Heritage of the Merchants of the Regions of Russia: The Latest Research Areas and Perspectives of Study." RUDN Journal of Russian History 21, no. 2 (June 2, 2022): 233–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2312-8674-2022-21-2-233-243.
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The article is devoted to an overview of the latest trends in the study of the written heritage of the merchants of Russia. The author examines the principles and approaches to the study and publication of merchant autobiographical and epistolary texts set forth in the works of the last two decades. Special emphasis in the article is made on the study and publication of the written heritage of merchants from different regions in the context of the complex ethno-cultural structure of Russian society in the modern era. The main trends in the study of memoirs and epistolary complexes of the Russian merchants of the 17th - early 20th century are highlighted, and their main publications are characterized. The observations and remarks make it possible not only to characterize the current state of the study of the written heritage, cultural level, mentality and self-consciousness of the merchant class, but also to outline the prospects for such research area. The author comes to the conclusion that it is necessary to conduct complex interdisciplinary research, including historians, literary scholars, linguists, and carried out through the use of modern technical methods of working with handwritten texts.
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Kesküla, Eeva. "Reverse, restore, repeat!" Focaal 2015, no. 72 (June 1, 2015): 95–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/fcl.2015.720108.
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In this article, I look at Russian-speaking miners' perception of their position in Estonian society, along with their moral economy. Former heroes, glorified for their class and ethnicity, they feel like a racialized underclass in neoliberal Estonia. Excluded from the nation on the basis of ethnicity, they try to maintain their dignity through the discourse of hard work as a basis for membership in society. Based on the longer-term analysis of Estonian history, I argue that the current outcome for the Russian-speaking working class is related to longer historical processes of class formation whereby each period in the Estonian history of the twentieth century seems to be the reversal of the previous one. I also argue for analysis of social change in Eastern Europe that does not focus solely on ethnicity but is linked to class formation processes.
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Marot, John Eric. "Political leadership and working‐class agency in the Russian revolution: Reply to William G. Rosenberg and S.A. Smith." Revolutionary Russia 9, no. 1 (June 1996): 114–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09546549608575649.
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Rek-Woźniak, Magdalena, and Wojciech Woźniak. "Working-class and Memory Policy in Post-Industrial Cities: Łódź, Poland, and Tampere, Finland, Compared." International Labor and Working-Class History 98 (2020): 5–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547920000125.
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AbstractŁódź and Tampere share an industrial and political past. Part of the Russian empire, the cities became major textile hubs crucial for Tsarist industrial economy.1 The cities were also Red strongholds. Historically, they can be seen as socio-economic “experiments” and “islands of modernization” within largely rural societies. Since the 1980s (in case of Tampere) and the 1990s (in case of Łódź) both cities have undergone substantial social and economic transformations connected with the collapse or decline of traditional industries. How do the two cities choose to represent their working-class heritage today? This essay compares how city museums in Tampere and Łódź represent their working-class history in selective and contradictory ways.
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Marzec, Wiktor. "Book Review: Revolutionary Social Democracy: Working-Class Politics Across the Russian Empire (1882–1917)." Capital & Class 47, no. 1 (February 20, 2023): 141–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/03098168231151781g.
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Molyneux, John. "How Not To Write About Lenin." Historical Materialism 3, no. 1 (1998): 47–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156920698100414275.
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AbstractEighty one years on, the Russian Revolution remains an event of unique significance for socialists, Marxists and historical materialists. It is the only occasion to date of which it can plausibly be claimed that the working class itself overthrew the capitalist state, established its own power and maintained it on a national scale for a significant period of time. Discount the Russian Revolution and we are left only with heroic but local and short-lived attempts and near-misses such as the Paris Commune, the Hungarian Revolution of 1919, the Munich Soviet and Barcelona 1936, or the long list of seizures of power, usually by armed forces of one sort or another, in the name of the working class or Marxism (Eastern Europe 1945–47, China 1949, Cuba 1959, etc.).
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Fondu, Guillaume. "Eric BLANC, Revolutionary Social Democracy. Working-Class Politics Across the Russian Empire (1882-1917)." Cahiers du monde russe 63, no. 3-4 (December 2, 2022): 804–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/monderusse.13444.
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Gaido, Daniel. "The Origins of the Transitional Programme." Historical Materialism 26, no. 4 (December 17, 2018): 87–117. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1569206x-00001323.
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AbstractThe origins of the Transitional Programme in Trotsky’s writings have been traced in the secondary literature. Much less attention has been paid to the earlier origins of the Transitional Programme in the debates of the Communist International between its Third and Fourth Congress, and in particular to the contribution of its largest national section outside Russia, the German Communist Party, which had been the origin of the turn to the united-front tactic in 1921. This article attempts to uncover the roots of the Transitional Programme in the debates of the Communist International. This task is important because it shows that the Transitional Programme’s slogans are not sectarian shibboleths, but the result of the collective revolutionary experience of the working class during the period under consideration, from the Bolshevik Revolution to the founding conference of the Fourth International (1917–38).
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Viola, L. "Factory and Community in Stalin's Russia: The Making of an Industrial Working Class. By Kenneth M. Straus (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1997. xiv plus 355pp.)." Journal of Social History 32, no. 4 (June 1, 1999): 985–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jsh/32.4.985.
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Brooks, J. "Under the Influence: Working-Class Drinking, Temperance, and Cultural Revolution in Russia, 1805-1932. By Kate Transchel (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 2006. 224 pp. $35.00)." Journal of Social History 42, no. 3 (March 1, 2009): 809–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jsh/42.3.809.
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Connor, W. D. "KATE TRANSCHEL. Under the Influence: Working-Class Drinking, Temperance, and Cultural Revolution in Russia, 1895-1932. (Pitt Series in Russian and East European Studies.) Pittsburgh, Pa.: University of Pittsburgh Press. 2006. Pp. x, 209. $35.00." American Historical Review 112, no. 1 (February 1, 2007): 308–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/ahr.112.1.308.
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Shapkin, Igor. "Organized Capital and Labor. Activities of Employers Associations of Russia in the Early 20th Century." Journal of Economic History and History of Economics 19, no. 4 (December 27, 2018): 531–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.17150/2308-2588.2018.19(4).531-555.
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Activity of business associations is of great importance in market environment. Academic literature divides these associations into representative and employer. For the first time employers associations appeared in Germany in the late nineteenth century. They were the reaction of the German business for growing working class movement. History has shown that the process of business self-organization increases in terms of aggravation of social, political and economic contradictions. Employers associations had a significant impact on the development of the so-called monarchical socialism in Germany. Having taken on the tasks of regulating labor and distribution relations and protection of the rights of entrepreneurs they facilitated the creation of a new system of entrepreneurs - employees relations. Nowadays employers associations are members of the tri-party relations (business, state, trade unions), in a number of European countries. The article covers the origin, organizational and legal forms and main areas of activity of Russian labor unions in the early twentieth century. The analysis shows that they widely used the European experience in their practical work, developed their own mechanisms of cooperation with wage labor and the authorities. In the context the of modern market economy and emerging civil society, the study of such problems is of actual scientific and practical importance.
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Dix, Robert H. "Populism: Authoritarian and Democratic." Latin American Research Review 20, no. 2 (1985): 29–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0023879100034476.
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Populism is one of those terms (democracy is another) that is frequently employed in the study of politics and varies in meaning from context to context and from author to author. Thus the term has been invoked in studies of such agrarian-based movements as nineteenth-century agrarian unrest in the United States and the narodniki of prerevolutionary Russia as well as being applied to the largely urban-based populism of Latin America. Moreover, most of those who have sought to characterize the populist parties in Latin America have done so in broad terms that encompass any party or political movement that has both a mass base and a cross-class composition. Torcuato DiTella's well-known definition characterized populism (in Latin America or elsewhere) as “a political movement which enjoys the support of the mass of the working class and/or the peasantry, but which does not result from the autonomous organizational power of either of these two sectors. It is also supported by non-working class sectors upholding an anti-status quo ideology.” Other Latin American students of populism such as Francisco Weffort and Ernesto Laclau, along with most others who have studied the phenomenon, have similarly broad conceptions of it.
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Hessler, Julie. "Kate Transchel, Under the Influence: Working-Class Drinking, Temperance, and Cultural Revolution in Russia, 1895–1932. Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 2006. 209 pp. $35.00 cloth." International Labor and Working-Class History 71, no. 1 (2007): 208–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547907000427.
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Ruthchild, Rochelle Goldberg. "Women and Gender in 1917." Slavic Review 76, no. 3 (2017): 694–702. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/slr.2017.177.
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This paper argues for greater integration of considerations of women and gender in the history of the 1917 Russian Revolutions. Two key issues have long been discussed by historians: the spontaneity/consciousness paradigm, and the role of class in the revolution. Neither has been adequately analyzed in relation to gender. Women's suffrage has been largely neglected despite the fact that it was a significant issue throughout the year and represented a pioneering advance won by a countrywide coalition of women and men from the working class and intelligentsia, and from almost all political parties. In this centennial year, accounts of the Revolution remain one-dimensional; women remain the other.
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Senelick, Laurence. "The Accidental Evolution of the Moscow Art Theatre Prague Group." New Theatre Quarterly 30, no. 2 (May 2014): 154–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266464x14000268.
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During the period of confusion and divided loyalties that followed the 1917 Revolution in Russia, the resources of the Moscow Art Theatre were severely depleted, and its artists and staff found themselves giving barebones performances for the enlightenment of often mystified working-class audiences. By 1919 the decision was taken to split the company, with a contingent sent out on tour with the intention of rejoining the parent group for the new season. In the event, with civil war raging between the forces of the Red Army and the White Guard, this did not happen, and groups of former members of the Art Theatre worked independently in the provinces and eventually abroad. While some returned to Moscow in 1922, the ‘Prague Group of the Moscow Art Theatre’ continued to lead an independent existence, and in this article Laurence Senelick traces the events leading up to and following its creation – which caused much annoyance to Stanislavsky and confusion in the West. A frequent contributor to New Theatre Quarterly, Laurence Senelick is Fletcher Professor of Drama and Oratory at Tufts University and a Fellow of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences. He is a recipient of the St George medal of the Ministry of Culture of the Russian Federation for services to Russian art and scholarship. His latest books are Stanislavsky: a Life in Letters (Routledge) and the forthcoming Soviet Theatre: a Documentary History (Yale University Press).
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Biggart, John. "Aleksandr Bogdanov’s Sociology of the Arts." Cultural Science Journal 13, no. 1 (December 1, 2021): 223–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/csj-2021-0018.
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Abstract Aleksandr Bogdanov’s theory of culture has been outlined in a number of key works on his life and work. See Sochor (1998); Mally (1990); White (2019b). The purpose of the present article is to situate his ideas on the social function of the arts within the framework of his theory of culture. I point out that, whereas in his general theory of social consciousness Bogdanov acknowledged his indebtedness to Marx, he considered that in respect of the arts he had improved on Marx, who had viewed the arts as a mere “embellishment of life”. I argue that for Bogdanov, “proletarian culture” was not the working class “mentalité” of his time, but a state of mind that with the assistance of his brainchild, the Proletarian Cultural-Educational Organization, would evolve in the direction of a collectivist, “all-human”, culture. I explain that the didacticism of this approach antagonized a number of writers of proletarian origin. This article is based on works by Bogdanov, few of which have been re-published in post-Soviet Russia and most of which are not available in other languages. It will enable culturologists and other scholars to include Bogdanov in the history of the sociology of the arts, an exercise that has hitherto been impeded by Soviet censorship of his works, under-tuition of the Russian language, and a scarcity of relevant translations.
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Arzymatova, A. A., A. S. Esenbaeva, and A. T. Arzymatov. "KYRGYZ NOMADIC ECONOMY IN THE PRE-REWOLUTIONARY PERIOD (ON THE THEORY AND HISTORY OF THE ISSUE)." Herald of KSUCTA, №2, Part 1, 2022, no. 2-1-2022 (April 30, 2022): 335–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.35803/1694-5298.2022.2.335-341.
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The article deals with the debatable problems of the Kyrgyz nomadic economy in the prerevolutionary period. In particular, to what type of production does the Kyrgyz nomadic and pastoral economy belong: to small-scale production of the feudal or capitalist type? These problems are among the fundamental ones in the historiography of the economic history of Kyrgyzstan, in terms of determining the objective and subjective prerequisites for the industrial revolution in the region, that is, the Great October Socialist Revolution; the article puts forward a hypothesis about the absence of not only capitalist, but even its rudimentary elements. Consequently, a national working class was not formed as the driving force of the socialist revolution, while the opposite was stated in Soviet historical science. The study applied the method of objectivism, i.e. a theoretical and practical analysis of the reality of the Kyrgyz nomadic society at the turn of the 19th-20th centuries was carried out through the methodological content analysis of the Leninist theory of the development of Russian capitalism in depth and in breadth, since it was Vladimir Lenin who gave a specific methodological analysis of the political and economic state of the Turkestan region, traced the process of development of capitalism in Russia in breadth, and the ways of the decomposition of feudalism in colonially dependent regions, outlined the features of the initial accumulation of capital in the colonies. Also, in the article, to solve the problems posed, a systematic method was applied with the help of which the main stages of the development of Russian capitalism were traced - home crafts or home industry, manufactory, factory stage. As a result, the authors of the article came to the following conclusions: the capitalist way of life in Kyrgyzstan had not developed by the eve of the October Revolution. But, the process of decomposition of patriarchal-feudal relations began, bypassing the stage of development, and the factor of this was the Russian capitalism introduced from the outside, and not the internal forces of the Kyrgyz society and economy; Kyrgyz crafts, i.e. domestic industry, were of a natural, noncommodity nature, which means that the Kyrgyz nomadic economy was not a capitalist type of economy; in view of the absence of a capitalist structure in the Kyrgyz society, the objective and subjective prerequisites for the October Socialist Revolution were not formed.
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Ilmjarv, Magnus. "Estonian, Latvian and Lithuanian Communists in the Transnational World of the Comintern before the Great Purge." ISTORIYA 12, no. 11 (109) (2021): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840017636-8.
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The Comintern represented in the international relations of the inter-war period a transnational global force. It has been rightly described as an organisation with political program ambitions extending beyond national boundaries. Its sections were active in most countries of the globe. The involvement of the Comintern with the Baltic states and the activities of Baltic communists in the transnational framework of the organisation has remained almost unexplored. This article deals with the period from 1918 to 1935 and looks at the Baltic communists’ activities in the Comintern before the Great Purges in the USSR.Estonian and Latvian Communism grew out of the Russian Social-Democratic Workers’ Party, Lithuanian Communism out of Polish Social Democracy and the Russian Social-Democratic Workers’ Party. At the time of the Comintern’s I Congress, Estonian, Latvian and Lithuanian Bolsheviks had congregated into the national sections subject to RKP(b). The Soviet Balticum Project and the founding of the Comintern were reasons for a part of the Baltic bolsheviks belonging to the national sections of RKP(b) to declare that they had formed independent communist parties. The annulment of the Brest peace treaty in November of 1918 and the subsequent emergence of the Estonian Workers’ Commune, Soviet Latvia and Soviet Lithuania-Belarus Republic, or in other words, the soviet project’s duration in the Baltic provinces of the former Russian empire proved to be short-lived. The peace treaties between Soviet Russia and Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania signed in 1920 which became the foundation for the emergence of three independent states evoked sharp disagreements and demoralization in the ranks of the Baltic Bolsheviks. One part of them saw the Soviet Russia’s agreement to the peace treaty as treason, while the other justified the act with a comparison to the Brest peace treaty: Considering the existing power relationships and the Comintern-led international revolutionary movement, the peace agreements reached by the Soviet government are temporary and they will certainly encounter the same fate as the Brest peace treaty. The Stalin-led Peoples’ Commissariat of Nationalities played a decisive role in making it possible that bolsheviks of Estonian, Latvian and Lithuanian extraction were among the founders and afterwards in the leadership of the Comintern as a transnational organization. A similar role played the Zinoviev-led Peoples’ Commissariat of Nationalities of the Union of the Commune of the Nordic Region. In the first of these Commissariats worked Mickevičius-Kapsukas, Alexa-Angaretis, Gailis and Pöögelmamm, in the latter Anvelt and Giedrys. The Latvian bolshevik/communist Stučka was a part of Lenin’s retinue, while his countryman, one of the most transnational Balts in the Comintern and the top level of AUCP(b), Knoriņš, was allied with Stalin. Becoming members of the Comintern, the Baltic communists declared that the leadership of the revolutionary movement in Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania would belong wholly to the Estonian, Latvian and Lithuanian communist parties. Ties to the Comintern were justified as follows: the communist party as an independent organization forms a direct tie with the Comintern; having gained the recognition of the Comintern, the communist party joins as an independent member the transnational union of communist parties and starts with the internationalism of the working class, which allows the globalization, together with Soviet Russia/Soviet Union, of the results of the October Revolution. The question of what were the Baltic communists’ relations with the RKP(b) received this declaration as answer: the Estonian, Latvian and Lithuanian proletariat can proudly point to traditions and cooperation that has connected them to the Russian proletariat. Having joined the Comintern and directing from Soviet Russia / Soviet Union illegal communist activity in their homelands, the Baltic communist leaders remained members of RCP(b)/AUCP(b) and were in their actions subject to the direction of both that organization and of Comintern. They declared that they did not recognize the bourgeois Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania and would greet the day when the bourgeois order was ended in these countries and union with Soviet Union took place. A role played here also the rhetoric about the internationalism of the working class and the dictatorship of the proletariat. The latter was to be achieved by taking part in the Comintern’s transnational campaigns. Among such campaigns were the peace movement, the fight against social democracy, the creation of joint and peoples’ fronts etc. The varied ideas and wishful thinking of the Baltic Bolsheviks came to an end with the start of repressions in 1936—1937 or the Great Purge.
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Astafiev, Dmitry A., and Elena V. Godovova. "The Source Base for Genealogical Study of Service Class Families of the 17th Century." Herald of an archivist, no. 3 (2021): 927–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-0101-2021-3-927-938.
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The article analyzes main sources for genealogical study of service families of the 17th century. The subject of the study is sources on history and genealogy of service class families in the 17th century, revealed in specific study of O(A)stafievs, boyar scions of the Chernavsk uezd. The relevance of the study is determined by lack of scientific publications containing analysis of sources on the genealogy of service class people in Russia (and particularly, in “territory of the southern borderland”) of the time. It should be noted that genealogical aspects of formation of the military-service corporation of the Chernavsk uezd is virtually absent in scholarship. Relying on documentary, analytical, systemic, chronological, and biographical methods, the authors have examined unpublished archival sources from the fonds of the Order-in-charge (Razryadny) and Domestic (Pomestny) Prikazes from the Russian State Archive of Ancient Acts. These are desyatni (books on armament capability, allocation, distribution of allowance), annual budget books, krestoprivodnye knigi (pledge of allegiance books), pistsovye knigi (owner land descriptions), otkaznye knigi (land grants books), petitions, revisions of service class people, etc. Working with these historical sources has allowed the authors to carry out a comprehensive genealogical study and to systematize data on life, family ties, specifics of military service of the service class families representatives in the southern borderlands in the 17th century, in particular, O(A)stafievs, boyar scions of the Chernavsk uezd. As a result of the study, many documents have been introduced into scientific use. The historical and genealogical research carried out by the authors has now been brought up to the 1640s. It has been established that boyar scions Astafyevs were among the first settlers in the uezd who received estates for service from Tsar Alexei Mikhailovich Romanov in the mid-17th century. One of unresolved issues in the study is the question of the Astafievs' “exodus” to Chernavsk, in other words, identification of their former place of residence. Service class people moved to different uezds for various reasons (lack of land, the development of new territories, military conflicts, etc.) thus expanding their familial geography. This fact indicates that in the course of studying genealogy of service class families, certain problems may arise associated with absence or fragmentation of sources for individual uezds and difficulties in determining the family ties, especially in the early 17th century.
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Meir, Natan. "The Political Geography of Judaism in Late Imperial Kiev." Journal of Urban History 37, no. 6 (October 12, 2011): 858–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0096144211413231.
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This article explores the institutional religious life of the Jews of late imperial Kiev. Jewish residence in Kiev was restricted by the state, and Jewish life was governed by a complex web of government regulations. Drawing on archival documents such as petitions submitted to the government by groups of working-class Kiev Jews, the author’s research investigates the strategies that Jews employed to establish synagogues and other religious institutions and the various challenges that they faced in doing so. It also places this history within the larger context of organized religion in the Russian Empire by drawing comparisons to parallel phenomena among various Christian denominations in the empire.
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Jersild, Austin Lee. "Ethnic Modernity and the Russian Empire: Russian Ethnographers and Caucasian Mountaineers." Nationalities Papers 24, no. 4 (December 1996): 641–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905999608408474.
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Late Imperial Russian society experienced a time of profound social and cultural change in spite of the fact that aristocratic privilege and monarchical power endured until 1917. Contemporary writers bear witness to an emerging working-class consciousness in the cities, a peasant culture increasingly in contact with the wider world of the city and beyond, and a literary culture shaped by the latest currents in the experimental modernism of the West.1 Scholars have long explored the Russian variant of interest group politics that emerged in the wake of the Great Reforms, such as technological innovation and the Russian Navy, the development of a legal consciousness, new cultural expectations about the city and the process of urbanization, the modern aspirations and ambitions of a thriving popular culture, and even an emerging modern set of assumptions about individual sexual autonomy.2
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Krafft, Erin Katherine. "Subjects, Subjectivities, and Slavic Studies: A Design for Anti-Racist Pedagogy." Slavic Review 80, no. 2 (2021): 327–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/slr.2021.76.
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Folding together elements of anti-oppressive pedagogies and collaborative curriculum design, this contribution illuminates several possibilities for practicing anti-racism in the classroom while working with texts from Russian literature and history that do not necessarily center race. The identities and experiences of our students and ourselves, as well as the diverse forces that act upon us, are as important in the classroom as the texts in front of us, because our identities and experiences form the lens through which we interpret and interrogate. By framing this dynamic as a pedagogical tool, this contribution demonstrates that by engaging with Russian history and literature, students may gain critical perspectives on hierarchies of race, class, gender, and nation in their own lives and contexts while simultaneously discovering histories that they would not otherwise encounter, thereby broadening and deepening their sense of both global and national landscapes and their own positions and movements within them.
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Karpyuk, S. G. "ESCAPE FROM ANTIQUITY: CASE OF G.G. DILIGENSKIY." Вестник Пермского университета. История, no. 1(52) (2021): 113–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.17072/2219-3111-2021-1-113-117.
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Diligenskiy's case seems difficult to explain: a senior researcher at the Institute of History of the USSR Academy of Sciences in the prime of his career (Ph.D. dissertation defended and published, many publications in Soviet and foreign journals, frequent trips to foreign conferences) quits his subject (history of late antiquity), leaves the institute and switches to the study of the social psychology of the working class in France. A long and difficult conversation with the head of the Sector of ancient history S.L. Utchenko, who obviously considered G.G. Diligenskiy as his possible successor, could not change anything. What prompted the young historian to stop studying late antiquity and leave the ancient history sector of the Institute of History of the USSR Academy of Sciences? The choice of specialization took place in the years complicated by tough campaigns to combat cosmopolitanism, etc. According to the memoirs of M.K. Trofimova, who studied a little earlier, her relatives insisted that she should be engaged in the history of the ancient world or archaeology, as the most secure from an ideological (and practical) point of view historical disciplines. Thus, the choice of the history of antiquity was rather "protective" in nature; antiquity could attract as a relatively safe field for historical research. The era of the "thaw" gave rise to illusions among a part of the Soviet intelligentsia about the possibility of social changes and the improvement of the Soviet socio-political system. The history of antiquity was a field of research too far from modern problems, and the scholar chose another sphere of activity. The works of G.G. Diligenskiy made a very significant contribution to the development of sociological and socio-psychological research in the late USSR, and the "Diligenskiy school" laid the foundations for political scientific research in modern Russia. The Marxist, "Eurocommunist" views of the scholar found better application in the academic but influential Institute of World Economy and International Relations, which made recommendations to the authorities, than in the rather dogmatic sphere of ancient history, where the best way out was not the "improvement" of Marxism, but a radical departure from Marxist dogma.
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Birchall, Ian. "Camarades! La naissance du parti communiste en France, Romain Ducoulombier, Paris: Perrin, 2010." Historical Materialism 21, no. 3 (2013): 178–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1569206x-12341308.
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AbstractRomain Ducoulombier, author ofCamarades!, a study of the origins of the French Communist Party, belongs to a different ideological context to earlier authors on the subject, such as Kriegel, Wohl or Robrieux. But though Ducoulombier claims originality for his work, there is little genuinely new here. He fails to grasp the impact of the Russian Revolution on the French working class and has little understanding of the dynamics of the Communist International. He stresses the ‘asceticism’ and ‘messianism’ of the early Communist Party without giving a precise meaning to these terms. Worst of all, Ducoulombier concentrates on archival material while saying remarkably little about the French Communist Party’s actual activities, notably work in the trade unions, anti-militarism and anti-colonialism.
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Irina Anatol’evna, Kuklinova. "The problems of museography in French periodicals of the 1930s." Vestnik of Saint Petersburg State University of Culture, no. 2 (51) (2022): 90–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.30725/2619-0303-2022-2-90-98.
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The 1930s are of special importance for establishing museum theory and practice. The paper emphasizes the understanding of the term museography, thus allowing the author to characterize innovations in the development of many trends in museum activities during this period. Displays and exhibitions in museums of all kinds could boast of considerable achievements. Among other things, they are explained by the development of another trend in museum practice – interaction with visitors, including a completely new public, including the working class. Museography development is analyzed based on French periodical publications, in which prominent figures in the fields of culture, the arts and museums presented their views and ideas. This material is introduced for the first time into scholarly discourse in Russian. The parallel development of European and Soviet museums in the 1930s seems important, evaluations by French museum workers of the museum experience in the USSR matter a lot for the history of Russian museum affairs and studies.
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Korobkov, Yu D. "SOCIO-CULTURAL IMAGE OF MINING WORKERS OF THE URALS AT THE TURN OF XIX-XX CENTURIES IN THE CONCEPT OF M. A. FELDMAN AND S. P. POSTNIKOV." Bulletin of Udmurt University. Series History and Philology 30, no. 1 (March 21, 2020): 58–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.35634/2412-9534-2020-30-1-58-66.
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After a temporary decline in research interest in the history of the Russian working class and its regional groups in the 1990s, it was revived at the beginning of the 21st century, primarily in those aspects that were previously on the periphery of the scientific space or were controversial. The Urals historians M. A. Feldman and S. P. Postnikov, whose works are rightly considered a major achievement of modern Ural historiography, made a great contribution to their study. At the same time, a number of scientists’ theses, in our opinion, need adjustment and additional substantiation. This article is dedicated to solving this problem. The provisions on the absence of social and class unity of the mining workers of the Urals and the political split between its individual categories, the definition of political views of workers of the industrial era, to which the authors class workers of the industry, as reformist, and other issues (more private ones) were subjected to consideration and critical assessment. As a result of the analysis, it was concluded that the existing differences between certain categories of Ural workers are not the basis for denying the unity of their socio-cultural and mental space, typical of all methods of social reflection and general behavior patterns. This indicates a need for further study of this issue.
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Stoletova, Anna S. "Custom and mentality of production societas in the realities of everyday life in the 1960s-80s (An interpretation of archive materials from the Russian State Archive of Contemporary History)." Vestnik of Kostroma State University 27, no. 3 (October 28, 2021): 61–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.34216/1998-0817-2021-27-3-61-70.
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Based on the sources of the Russian State Archive of Modern History, the article describes the establishment and operation of customs in the socio-economic life of the second half of the 20th century, which influence the everyday life, attitude and worldview of the production (industrial) part of Russian societas. The question is raised about the consolidation of new features in consciousness, individualistic tendencies as the basis of the worldview. Attention is focused on the fact that the dissonance in the levels of social differentiation, material wealth and social status formed the basis of the mental separation of the production elite, representatives of management and the working class. The author draws attention to the fact that the phenomena of nepotism, clannishness, favours and thuggery that penetrate into everyday life and the labour sphere of life were especially negatively perceived by the workers. The negative reactions of the workers were reinforced by the realities of life – the deficit, the housing issue as a problem of social arrangement, the outdated wage system. It is noted that the public niches in which customs and traditions were firmly rooted, were to a greater extent connected with topical and acute social processes, including the institutions of power, property and trade. The researcher comes to the conclusion that by the 1980s, due to the passage of the stages of further ideological, social and economic differentiation, the separation of the individual from the working collective, the isolation of the elite and a certain isolation of its ordinary members in the production environment, bourgeois aspirations and ideals of hoarding were growing stronger.