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Journal articles on the topic 'Working class – France – History'

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Published: 10 March 2023

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1

Cohen, Lizabeth. "Tradition and the Working Class, 1850–1950." International Labor and Working-Class History 42 (1992): 82–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547900011248.

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For two days, October 25–26, 1991, about forty scholars—mostly, but not exclusively, historians—sat around a conference table in the Alumni Room of the prestigious Ecole Polytechnique in Paris and discussed “Tradition and the Working Class, 1850–1950.” We came from nine countries (the largest delegations were from France and the United States) to participate in the third of what has become a tradition in itself among historians of the working class, an international colloquium sponsored by ILWCH and the French social history journal. Le Mouvemem social, and supported as well by the Maison des Sciences de l'Homme. CNRS. and DAGIC.

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2

Accampo, Elinor. ":The Fabric of Gender: Working‐Class Culture in Third Republic France." American Historical Review 110, no. 5 (December 2005): 1603–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/ahr.110.5.1603a.

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3

Rosenberg, Clifford. "The Fabric of Gender: Working-Class Culture in Third Republic France." International Labor and Working-Class History 69, no. 1 (March 2006): 204–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s014754790622012x.

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4

Tilly, Louise A. "The Working-Class Historian Tourist: A Visit to Thiers (Auvergne), France." International Labor and Working-Class History 31 (1987): 156. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547900004336.

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5

Dekker, Rudolf. "Labour Conflicts and Working-Class Culture in Early Modern Holland." International Review of Social History 35, no. 3 (December 1990): 377–420. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859000010051.

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SUMMARYFrom the 15th to the 18th century Holland, the most urbanized part of the northern Netherlands, had a tradition of labour action. In this article the informal workers' organizations which existed especially within the textile industry are described. In the 17th century the action forms adjusted themselves to the better coordinated activities of the authorities and employers. After about 1750 this protest tradition disappeared, along with the economic recession which especially struck the traditional industries. Because of this the continuity of the transition from the ancien régime to the modern era which may be discerned in the labour movements of countries like France and England, cannot be found in Holland.

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6

Adams, Julia. "Working-Class Politics in Nineteenth-Century Toulouse, France: Paths of Proletarianization Revisited." Social Science History 17, no. 2 (1993): 195. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1171280.

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Adams, Julia. "Working-Class Politics in Nineteenth-Century Toulouse, France: Paths of Proletarianization Revisited." Social Science History 17, no. 2 (1993): 195–225. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200016825.

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“The worker has different opinions than his employer and is naturally socialist,” Toulouse’s police commissioner asserted confidently in 1849. “I have made this observation after visiting several workshops, especially those of printers, bookbinders, hatmakers, and tailors . . . where workers speak enthusiastically of 1793 and of the need to renew the terrors of this period in order to improve the conditions of the working class” (Aminzade 1981: 95).

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Accampo, Elinor, and Katherine A. Lynch. "Family, Class, and Ideology in Early Industrial France: Social Policy and the Working-Class Family, 1825-1848." American Historical Review 95, no. 3 (June 1990): 840. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2164373.

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9

Clarke, J. "The Fabric of Gender: Working-Class Culture in Third Republic France." French Studies 61, no. 3 (July 1, 2007): 394. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/fs/knm110.

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Clarke, J. "The Fabric of Gender: Working Class Culture in Third Republic France." French Studies 61, no. 4 (October 1, 2007): 541–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/fs/knm145.

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11

Lebon, Francis, and Laura Lee Downs. "Childhood in the Promised Land. Working-Class Movements and the Colonies de vacances in France, 1880-1960." Vingtième Siècle. Revue d'histoire, no. 81 (January 2004): 190. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3772010.

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O'Connell, Sean. "Speculations on working class debt: credit and paternalism in France, Germany and the UK." Entreprises et histoire 59, no. 2 (2010): 80. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/eh.059.0080.

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13

Filippov, V. D. "Mulhouse Workers' Town (1853−1897): Industrialism, rationalism and settlements." Vestnik Tomskogo gosudarstvennogo arkhitekturno-stroitel'nogo universiteta. JOURNAL of Construction and Architecture 24, no. 6 (December 20, 2022): 62–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.31675/1607-1859-2022-24-6-62-78.

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The paper describes the history of the of Mulhouse, a working-class town in France found in 1853. Shown is the connection of its foundation with local social conditions and industrialism of Henri de Saint-Simon.The conditions of the workers' town emergence and the Soviet workers' settlements in the 1930s are compared to identify the reasons for the similarity in the architectural design. The development history of the Workers' Town is given and possible reasons for this settlement over 150 years is analyzed.

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14

Moss, Bernard H. "Economic and Monetary Union and the Social Divide in France." Contemporary European History 7, no. 2 (July 1998): 227–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777300004884.

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Monetary policy since the Second World War has always been a politically and socially sensitive issue in France. It reflected the peculiar strength of the French Communist Party (PCF) in the unions and working class. Postwar governments relied upon monetary inflation, devaluation and administered credit to sustain growth and guarantee social peace. With the exception of the period following General de Gaulle's seizure of power in 1958, there was little choice for governments faced with weak, divided and conflicting unions, a volatile work force, and a united left threatening radical change. Where German governments responded to union challenges and the oil shock of 1974 with deflation, the French expanded the money supply. The divergence of French policy from German after 1968 made European economic and monetary union impossible.

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Mazzella, Sylvie. "Marsiglia: cittŕ portuale e di immigrazione. Riflessioni sulla «seconda generazione»." MONDI MIGRANTI, no. 3 (March 2009): 191–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/mm2008-003011.

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- When one looks at the presence of the foreigner in the city, the question of the peculiarity of the city and its local history is inevitably taken into account. In that regard, Marseille has always represented a unique laboratory in France. In the first part, the paper elaborates on the conditions of the emergence of the "second-generation" category in France in order to underline and criticize better in the second part the Urban Ecology and Marxist theories most often referenced when analyzing this topic. How do these theories translate into practice within the context of Marseille? Unlike the working-class world from Northern France, it appears that business activities in the broad sense - activities provided to the person in transit - , are a challenging and lucrative path providing social enhancement and promotion to the second-generation youth. It shows a transfer from father to son rather than an intergenerational clash. Such a clash is more noticeable between former migrants and new entrants in France.Keywords Marseille; immigration; second-generation; business activities.

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16

Rollet, Catherine. "Laura Lee Downs, Childhood in the Promised Land. Working Class Movements and the colonies de vacances in France, 1880-1960." Revue d’histoire moderne et contemporaine 52-2, no. 2 (2005): 239. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/rhmc.522.0239.

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Quincy-Lefebvre, Pascale, and Laura Lee Downs. "Childhood in the Promised Land: Working-Class Movements and the Colonies de Vacances in France, 1880-1960." Le Mouvement social, no. 209 (October 2004): 111. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3780134.

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ARNOLD, E. J. "COUNTER-REVOLUTIONARY THEMES AND THE WORKING CLASS IN FRANCE OF THE BELLE EPOQUE: THE CASE OF THE SYNDICATS JAUNES, 1899-1912." French History 13, no. 2 (June 1, 1999): 99–133. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/fh/13.2.99.

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19

Panchasi, Roxanne, and Laura-Lee Downs. "Children in the Promised Land: Working-Class Movements and the Colonies de Vacances in France, 1880-1960." Labour / Le Travail 53 (2004): 331. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25149487.

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20

Cage, E. Claire. "Child Sexual Abuse and Medical Expertise in Nineteenth-Century France." French Historical Studies 42, no. 3 (August 1, 2019): 391–421. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00161071-7558315.

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Abstract Child sexual abuse was a prevalent problem that appeared before the courts with dramatically increasing frequency in nineteenth-century France. During this period medical experts played a much more influential role in the courts; however, those summoned to intervene in child sexual assault cases not only bolstered but also undermined efforts to bring offenders to justice. Many doctors who could not detect physical traces of sexual abuse concluded that the assault had not occurred and that the child's accusation was false. Furthermore, doctors routinely cast moral judgments on those identified as victims of sexual abuse. The understandings of childhood innocence that engendered new efforts to combat child sexual abuse were called into question by the simultaneous rise of medicolegal experts, whose frequent negative findings led many to discount accusations of abuse and to maintain that children, particularly girls and working-class children, were not as innocent as they seemed. Dans la France du dix-neuvième siècle, l'abus sexuel des enfants était un problème courant qui a de plus en plus préoccupé les tribunaux, où les experts médicaux jouaient un rôle grandissant. Cependant, les médecins appelés à intervenir dans les cas d'agression sexuelle d'enfants ont non seulement soutenu mais ont aussi miné les efforts de punir les coupables. De nombreux médecins qui ne pouvaient pas discerner de traces physiques d'abus sexuel ont conclu que l'agression sexuelle n'avait jamais eu lieu et que l'accusation de l'enfant n'était pas fondée. En outre, les médecins portaient régulièrement des jugements moraux sur les enfants identifiés comme victimes. L'idée de l'innocence de l'enfance, qui a suscité de nouveaux efforts pour lutter contre l'abus sexuel, a été remise en question par le respect croissant pour l'expertise médico-légale. Les conclusions souvent négatives des experts ont encouragé le public à ignorer les accusations d'abus et à maintenir que les enfants, en particulier les filles et les enfants de la classe ouvrière, n'étaient pas aussi innocents qu'ils en avaient l'air.

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21

BOWLES, BRETT. "MARCEL PAGNOL'S THE BAKER'S WIFE, A CINEMATIC CHARIVARI IN POPULAR FRONT FRANCE." Historical Journal 48, no. 2 (May 27, 2005): 437–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x05004462.

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Taking an anthropological approach, this article interprets Pagnol's critically acknowledged classic as a reinvention of a carnivalesque ritual practised in France from the late middle ages through the late 1930s, when ethnographers observed its last vestiges. By linking La Femme du boulanger (The baker's wife, 1938) to contemporaneous debates over gender, national decadence, and the definition of French cultural identity, I argue that the film recycles the charivari's long-standing function as a tool of popular protest against social and political practices regarded as detrimental to the welfare of the nation. In the context of the Popular Front, Pagnol's charivari ridiculed divisive partisan politics pitting Left against Right, symbolically purged class conflict from the social body, and created a new form of folklore that served as a focal point for the communitarian ritual of movie-going among the urban working and middle classes. In so doing, the film promoted the ongoing shift in public support away from the Popular Front in favour of a conservative ‘National Union’ government under Prime Minister Edouard Daladier, who in 1938–9 assumed the role of France's newest political patriarch.

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22

Ponsard, Nathalie. "Life Writing from Below in France." European Journal of Life Writing 7 (March 28, 2018): LWFB67—LWFB79. http://dx.doi.org/10.5463/ejlw.7.243.

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Without seeking to be exhaustive, this paper offers an overview of the different ways in which workers’ autobiographies have been analysed in France in the human sciences. In the first phase, a social and political approach was dominant. Through workers’ autobiographies written in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, researchers have attempted to grasp the relationship to politics, and especially in the twentieth century the acceptance or rejection of the communist model in the reconstruction of their political and trade union trajectories. At the same time, in a cultural approach, they have tried to understand the educational and literary influences which marked these self-taught workers who, unusually in the workers’ world, crossed over from practices of reading to practices of writing. Over the last ten years, workers’ autobiographies have become sources particularly used in the framework of labour history and workers’ history. Indeed they make it possible to grasp how men and women articulate their working conditions: the atmosphere in the workshop, gestures in work and relations between the body and the work, perception of noises and smells, relationships with hierarchy and trade-unions. These autobiographies can be considered as constituting real “political acts” which contribute to class struggle. Finally, at the intersection of anthropological researches about “ordinary writings” and literary studies about the writing of work and writing at work, they pose a question about the means and the meaning of writing experiences by paying more attention to the form of the writings and to the workers’ literary ambitions, which are often revealed in interviews.

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23

Perry, M. "'Unemployment Revolutionizes the Working Class': Le Cri Des Chomeurs, French Communists and the Birth of the Movement of the Unemployed in France, 1931-1932." French History 16, no. 4 (December 1, 2002): 441–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/fh/16.4.441.

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24

Fuchs, Rachel G. "Reviews of Books:Childhood in the Promised Land: Working-Class Movements and the Colonies de Vacances in France, 1880-1960 Laura Lee Downs." American Historical Review 109, no. 1 (February 2004): 264–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/530294.

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25

Birchall, Ian. "Camarades! La naissance du parti communiste en France, Romain Ducoulombier, Paris: Perrin, 2010." Historical Materialism 21, no. 3 (2013): 178–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1569206x-12341308.

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AbstractRomain Ducoulombier, author ofCamarades!, a study of the origins of the French Communist Party, belongs to a different ideological context to earlier authors on the subject, such as Kriegel, Wohl or Robrieux. But though Ducoulombier claims originality for his work, there is little genuinely new here. He fails to grasp the impact of the Russian Revolution on the French working class and has little understanding of the dynamics of the Communist International. He stresses the ‘asceticism’ and ‘messianism’ of the early Communist Party without giving a precise meaning to these terms. Worst of all, Ducoulombier concentrates on archival material while saying remarkably little about the French Communist Party’s actual activities, notably work in the trade unions, anti-militarism and anti-colonialism.

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26

Donovan, James. "Combatting Bias in the Criminal Courts of France, 1870s-1913." American Journal of Legal History 60, no. 2 (May 23, 2020): 137–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ajlh/njaa008.

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Abstract In nineteenth-century France, liberals assumed that a conservative judiciary was frequently biased in favour of the prosecution, and socialists assumed that juries were dominated by the upper classes and too unrepresentative of the population to render justice equitably. Agitation by the left to combat these perceived biases led to the adoption of two key reforms of the fin de siècle. One was the abolition in 1881 of the résumé, or summing-up of the case by the chief justice of the cour d’assises (felony court). Liberals thought this reform was necessary because judges allegedly often used the résumé to persuade jurors in favour of conviction, a charge repeated by modern historians. The other reform, beginning at about the same time, was to make jury composition more democratic. By 1880, newly empowered liberals (at least in Paris) had begun to reduce the proportion of wealthy men on jury lists. This was followed in 1908 by the implementation of a circular issued by the Minister of Justice ordering the jury commissions to inscribe working-class men on the annual jury lists. However, a quantitative analysis of jury verdicts suggests that the reforms of the early 1880s and 1908 had only modest impacts on jury verdicts. Ideas and attitudes seem to have been more important. This has implications regarding two key controversies among modern jurists: the extent to which judges influence jurors and the extent to which the characteristics of jurors influence their verdicts.

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Reynolds, Siân. "Who wanted the crèches? Working mothers and the birth-rate in France 1900–1950." Continuity and Change 5, no. 2 (August 1990): 173–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0268416000003970.

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Inventée en France, la crèche collective a été impliquée à plusieurs reprises dans le débat démographique. Inaugurée dans le souci philanthropique d'enrayer la mortalité infantile d'enfants envoyés en nourrice, la crèche est d'abord approuvée par les natalistes du début du siècle. A partir de 1918 par contre, le mouvement nataliste la voit d'un mauvais œil: selon lui, elle incite les mèeres de famille à chercher du travail. Mais déjà bien implantée, elle fait partie désormais des programmes d'amélioration de la santé de la classe ouvrière mis en œuvre par des municipalités de gauche. Ni la gauche, ni le mouvement féministe de l'époque ne revendiquent la cràche comme moyen de libérer les femmes – cette fonction n'apparaît clairement qu'après la Deuxième Guerre Mondiale. Les crèeches – relativement nombreuses en France par rapport aux pays anglo-saxons – doivent peut-être leur existence davantage aux soucis démographique qu'aux revendications des parents d'enfants ou du mouvement des femmes.

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28

Camiscioli, Elisa. "Coercion and Choice." French Historical Studies 42, no. 3 (August 1, 2019): 483–507. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00161071-7558357.

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Abstract This article employs police investigations of the “traffic in women” between France and Argentina in the first three decades of the twentieth century to highlight the multiple narratives in play when contemporaries talked about trafficking and relayed their experiences of it. While the dominant narrative of “white slavery” in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries emphasized coercion, sexual exploitation, and victimization, many young working-class women described the journey to Argentina in terms of perceived opportunity, whether for money, travel, or freedom. This is not to downplay the social and economic vulnerability of these women and the precarious lives they led in French and Argentine cities. Instead, the article emphasizes the inadequacy of many existing frameworks for discussing sex trafficking, and prostitution more generally, as they rely too heavily on a stark division between coercion and choice. Cet article repose sur une analyse d'enquêtes de police portant sur la « traite des femmes » entre la France et l'Argentine durant le premier tiers du vingtième siècle. Il met l'accent sur la multiplicité des discours évoquant la traite, et l'expérience des femmes impliquées. Si, à la fin du dix-neuvième et au début du vingtième siècle, le discours dominant à propos de la « traite des blanches » souligne la coercition, l'exploitation sexuelle et la victimisation, de nombreuses femmes appartenant à la classe ouvrière décrivent leur périple en Argentine comme une opportunité de gagner plus d'argent, de voyager, ou de saisir leur liberté. Cet article ne vise cependant à minimiser ni le rôle de la vulnérabilité économique et sociale de ces femmes, ni leur vie précaire dans les villes de France et d'Argentine. Il cherche plutôt à mettre en évidence le caractère inadapté des différents paradigmes existants pour aborder le sujet du trafic sexuel, et plus généralement de la prostitution, ainsi que la manière dont ces paradigmes reposent sur une division trop marquée entre le choix et la contrainte.

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Moss, B. H. "Republican Socialism and the Making of the Working Class in Britain, France, and the United States: A Critique of Thompsonian Culturalism." Comparative Studies in Society and History 35, no. 2 (April 1993): 390–413. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417500018417.

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30

Downs, Laura Lee. "“Each and every one of you must become a chef”: Toward a Social Politics of Working‐Class Childhood on the Extreme Right in 1930s France." Journal of Modern History 81, no. 1 (March 2009): 1–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/593154.

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31

Dave, Paul. "Choosing Death: Working-Class Coming of Age in Contemporary British Cinema." Journal of British Cinema and Television 10, no. 4 (October 2013): 746–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/jbctv.2013.0173.

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Starting with Franco Moretti's hypothesis of a relationship between the experience of modernity and the coming of age narrative in the European novel, this article explores representations of the working-class Bildung in contemporary British films that can be seen as responding to social and economic changes generally associated with neoliberalism. Contrasting the emphasis on the individual negotiation of social space in the films of Danny Boyle with work from a range of directors, including Ken Loach, Penny Woolcock, Shane Meadows and Anton Corbijn, along with recent production cycles such as the football film, the article seeks to identify representations of working-class experiences, both limiting and liberating, which mark the inherently problematic attempt to imagine a successful working-class coming of age. In doing so, the article considers the usefulness of Raymond Williams’ class-inflected account of traditions of the social bond, in particular his notion of a ‘common culture’. At the same time, it examines how such representations of working-class life often emphasise the experience of class conflict, distinguished here from class struggle, and how, formally, this emphasis can result in narratives which are marked less by what Moretti describes as the ‘novelistic’, temporising structures of the classical Bildungsroman and more by the sense of crisis and trauma found in the late Bildungsroman and modern tragedy. Ultimately, the article argues for the relevance of the long view of the social history of Britain, as a pioneer culture of capitalism, in understanding these aspects of the representation of class cultures in contemporary British film.

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32

Siegel, Mona L. "The Fabric of Gender: Working‐Class Culture in Third Republic France. By Helen Harden Chenut. (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2005. Pp. ix, 436. $60.00.)." Historian 68, no. 4 (December 1, 2006): 864–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1540-6563.2006.00169_40.x.

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Gullickson, Gay L. "The Fabric of Gender: Working‐Class Culture in Third Republic France. By Helen Harden Chenut. University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2005. Pp. xi+436. $60.00." Journal of Modern History 80, no. 2 (June 2008): 434–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/591579.

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Dormois, Jean-Pierre. "Xavier Lafrance The Making of Capitalism in France: Class Structures, Economic Development, the State and the Formation of the French Working Class, 1750-1914 Leyde, Brill, 2019, ix-311 p." Annales. Histoire, Sciences Sociales 76, no. 1 (March 2021): 199–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ahss.2021.78.

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35

Grumberg, Zoé. "‘L’antisémitisme est l’auxiliaire obligatoire du fascisme’: Jewish Communists, Antifascism and Antisemitism in France, 1944-1960s." Fascism 9, no. 1-2 (December 21, 2020): 75–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116257-20201184.

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Abstract This article studies the discursive construction by Jewish communists of the struggle against antisemitism in France between 1944 and the 1960s. It shows that after the Holocaust, without denying the racial aspect of Nazi antisemitism, Jewish communists adopted the French Communist Party and the ussr’s antifascist analysis of antisemitism according to which antisemitism was the corollary of fascism, a strategy to divide people and the working class. However, after the War, Jewish communists’ fight against antisemitism was also shaped by their experiences as Jews during the Holocaust, by their commitment to defend Jewish interests and by their desire to be (re)integrated into the French nation. The author argues that through a specific Jewish and communist antifascist fight against antisemitism, Jewish communists managed to remain faithful to their multiples allegiances – to Jews, to the pcf, and to French universalism – and to reach multiples audiences that identified, at least temporarily, with antifascism.

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36

Laforcade, Geoffroy de. "‘Foreigners’, Nationalism and the ‘Colonial Fracture’." International Journal of Comparative Sociology 47, no. 3-4 (August 2006): 217–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020715206066165.

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The riots that shook the French banlieues in 2005, while unique in their geographic extension and political resonance, are but the most recent manifestation of an ongoing escalation of violence and repression that has periodically rocked the economically devastated, socially fractured and highly cosmopolitan cityscape of post-industrial France. The stigmatization of unemployed youths and outcast working-class families as ‘foreign’ is a complex and multi-layered phenomenon. This article traces the history of the so-called ‘immigrant problem’, and of policy responses to it, from the time of the Algerian war to the republican nationalist backlash against multiculturalism over the past two decades. The trauma of decolonization, increased visibility of Maghrebi, West African, Antillian and other communities with origins outside of Europe, fears of ‘islamicization’, and political/ideological controversies over how the nation's history should be remembered and taught to future generations, have weighed heavily on the representation of immigrants and their descendants as unassimilated threats to national cohesion. Far from limiting their agency to criminality and random social violence, the youths of the banlieues have played an active role in redefining the terms in which citizenship and national identity, as well as the colonial heritage of France, are cast in the arena of public debate, challenging state policies and well-entrenched historical myths in the process.

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Margadant, T. W. "Family, Class and Ideology in Early Industrial France: Social Policy and the Working-Class Family, 1825-1848. By Katherine A, Lynch (Madison, Wisconsin: University of Wisconsin Press, 1988. xiii plus 272 pp.)." Journal of Social History 24, no. 1 (September 1, 1990): 177–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jsh/24.1.177.

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Miller, Judith A. "The Virtuous Marketplace: Women and Men, Money and Politics in Paris, 1830–1870. By Victoria E. Thompson. Baltimore and London: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2000. Pp. viii, 229. $32.00." Journal of Economic History 61, no. 4 (December 2001): 1120–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050701005630.

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Victoria Thompson's study of the French market begins with the Richard Terdiman's premise that societies faced with rapid change engage in “semiotic activity” (Discourse/Counter Discourse: The Theory and Practice of Symbolic Resistance in Nineteenth-Century France. Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1985). In other words, the tensions surrounding political, economic, and social upheaval send individuals scurrying to categorize and explain the new world confronting them. Certainly, the boom-and-bust economy of nineteenth-century France generated such anxieties. Interestingly, many of those fears focused on female sexuality, a topic that might seem remote from the debates over living wages for working-class men or the appearance of new credit mechanisms. The problem that interests Thompson is twofold. First, how did French society cope with the potentially destructive power of early capitalism, a power that could dissolve familial bonds and up-end social hierarchies? Second, how did new gender norms work within the new market framework? The French answer to both problems was the creation of a “virtuous marketplace,” one in which honor and self-control shaped men's economic practices, and in which distinct gender roles kept women a respectable distance from the temptations of material gain.

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MIN, You-Ki. "Treatment or Prevention? the matter of Priority in the Anti-tuberculosis Movement at the Turn of the 20th Century France." Korean Journal of Medical History 31, no. 3 (December 31, 2022): 691–720. http://dx.doi.org/10.13081/kjmh.2022.31.691.

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The purpose of this paper is to analyze discussions on the matter of priority in treatment and prevention that took place in the medical community, the government and social hygiene associations to tuberculosis referred to as one of the national calamity in France at the turn of the 20th century. In other words, it is to show that treatment and prevention have complementary properties in France’s anti-tuberculosis movement, considering the discussions on which institutions should preferably be expanded - between the Sanatorium that values medical treatment and the anti-tuberculosis dispensary that values social prevention.</br>Tuberculosis, which is known to have existed from the ancient times, spread to the era of industrialization and urbanization, resulting in a large loss of lives in the second half of the 19th century following cholera in the first half of the century. Starting in Germany in the middle of this century, Sanatorium established a treatment for tuberculosis patients with air therapy, proper exercise or rest, and diet. In France, a public Sanatorium was built for the lower class, not like a luxury resort style Sanatorium for the wealthy class, from the 1890s. The spread was slow, however, due to financial problems. In the 1900s, anti-tuberculosis dispensary as a health center were increasingly built in working class quarters. The debate over whether to support the sanatorium or the dispensary was ignited at first, but since the mid-to-late 1900s, the two institutions’ roles, namely, medical treatment and social prevention, have been recognized as complementary. The Anti-tuberculosis dispensary Act of 1916 and the Sanatorium Act of 1919 systematically supported the complementary relationship between treatment and prevention in fighting against tuberculosis.

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O’Connor, Alan. "Habitus and field: Punk record labels in Spain." Punk & Post Punk 10, no. 2 (June 1, 2021): 265–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/punk_00071_1.

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Following the method of Bourdieu’s Distinction (1984) and especially The Weight of the World (1999), this article presents interviews with four Spanish record labels, which provide case studies of the workings of the field. Distinction shows that uses of culture are affected by social class. The Weight of the World presents lightly edited interviews with marginalized groups in France. The interviews presented in this article attempt to relate the lifestyle or class habitus of the person interviewed to their strategies of operating a punk record label. The recorded interviews also provide a great deal of concrete information on independent punk labels in Spain.

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Szopa, Katarzyna. "Karmicielki świata. Mamki mleczne w świetle reprodukcji życia społecznego." Wielogłos, no. 1 (47) (July 2021): 1–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/2084395xwi.21.001.13576.

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[Feeders of the World. Wet Nurses and Social Reproduction] The article is an attempt to outline the history of wet-nursing on the example of France from the late 18th century until the beginning of the 20th century. The main aim of the article is to highlight the social and economic changes undergone by the profession of wet-nursing. This study explores the process in which increasing industrialisation and urbanisation leads to wet nurses becoming gradually subjected to what Karl Marx described as formal subsumption of labour under capital. Wet-nursing was one of the most important functions contributing to societies’ survival and reproduction, which is why at the turn of the 19th century it was commodified and transformed into one of the most alienated types of labour. These processes were accompanied by a series of changes in the social and cultural perception of wet nurses, notably by the so-called rabble discourse typical for the 19th-century means of racialising working class people.

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Silva, Daniela Aparecida da, Larissa Cristina Oliveira, and Nayara Hakime Dutra Oliveira. "FAFAMI Project — Family Speaking Is Familiar: History and Prospects." Journal of Business and Economics 10, no. 12 (December 22, 2019): 1223–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.15341/jbe(2155-7950)/12.10.2019/009.

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This article aims to address the FAFAMI Project — Family speaking is familiar — in it’s historicity to the present moment, as a project of teaching, research and extension of the University of São Paulo state (UNESP) in Franca, SP, contributions to the historical moment and to the reality of the families with whom it operates. As this project aims to bring the university closer to the community, trying to themes that are related to the daily life of the families, there was a need to a bibliographical research for reflective notes that contextualize the moment in which we are inserted, the economic, political and social regent system and its implications for society, especially for the working class. And, also, reflect on the role of families in this system, how they are seen, their responsibilities in society, as how they are configured, among other fundamental questions for any analysis of reality.

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Furlough, E. "The Fabric of Gender: Working-Class Culture in Third Republic France. By Helen Harden Chenut (University Park, PA: The Pennsylvania State University Press, 2005. 448 pp. $60.00)." Journal of Social History 40, no. 4 (June 1, 2007): 1051–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jsh.2007.0097.

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Gilmore, Oisín. "XavierLafrance, The making of capitalism in France: class structures, economic development, the state and the formation of the French working class, 1750–1914 (Leiden: Brill, 2019. Pp. x+312. ISBN 978‐90‐04‐27632‐1 Hbk. €118)." Economic History Review 74, no. 2 (April 6, 2021): 571–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/ehr.13075.

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Eichner, Carolyn J. "Book Review: Helen Harden Chenut, The Fabric of Gender: Working-Class Culture in Third Republic France, Pennsylvania State Press: University Park, PA, 2005; 436 pp., 18 illus.; 0271025204, $60 (hbk)." European History Quarterly 39, no. 1 (January 2009): 130–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/02656914090390010611.

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Nord, Philip. "Childhood in the Promised Land: Working-Class Movements and the Colonies de Vacances in France, 1880–1960. By Laura Lee Downs (Durham, Duke University Press, 2002) 402 pp. $74.95 cloth $24.95 paper." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 35, no. 1 (July 2004): 132–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/002219504323091388.

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Berenson, Edward. "Childhood in the Promised Land: Working‐Class Movements and the Colonies de Vacances in France, 1880–1960. By Laura Lee Downs. Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 2002. Pp. xv+411. $74.95 (cloth); $24.95 (paper)." Journal of Modern History 76, no. 4 (December 2004): 970–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/427592.

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Hanagan, Michael. "Family, Class, and Ideology in Early Industrial France: Social Policy and the Working Class Family, 1825–1848. By Katherine A. Lynch. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1988. Pp. xiii, 272. $39.50, cloth; $18.75, paper." Journal of Economic History 49, no. 4 (December 1989): 1020–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050700009694.

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CARDESÍN, JOSÉ MARÍA. "‘A tale of two cities’: the memory of Ferrol, between the Navy and the working class." Urban History 31, no. 3 (December 2004): 329–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0963926805002403.

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The city of Ferrol was designed ‘ex-novo’ by military engineers to serve the Spanish monarchy and to house its naval base and dockyards. The principles of stratification on which society was based, and the need to defend the city from enemy attacks and to discipline workers led to a spatial plan that segregated the Navy officers and the working classes. In the nineteenth century, the naval base and the enclave economy of Ferrol became obsolete. Furthermore, the new political culture of the nation state and liberal democracy complicated further the task of controlling the working class. The Spanish Civil War allowed for the updating of Ferrol's spatial plan thanks to the identification of a single enemy both inside and outside: the political repression of the working-class became a major issue in the victory against the II República. The Franco regime meant the return of a segregated and militarized Ferrol, whereas in the 1980s, European integration and the transition to democracy made this model obsolete.It was clearer than crystal to the lords of the State preserves of loaves and fishes, that things in general were settled for ever. Charles Dickens, A Tale of Two CitiesBecause I do it with a little ship only, I am called a thief; you, doing it with a great navy, are called an emperor. Augustinus, De Civitate Dei

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Sampere, Xavier Domènech. "The Workers' Movement and Political Change in Spain, 1956–1977." International Labor and Working-Class History 83 (2013): 70–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s014754791300015x.

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“That the number of our Members be unlimited” … Today we might pass over such a rule as a commonplace: and yet it is one of the hinges upon which history turns. It signified the end to any notion of exclusiveness, of politics as the preserve of any hereditary elite or property Group … To throw open the doors to propaganda and agitation in this “unlimited” way implied a new notion of democracy, which cast aside ancient inhibitions and trusted to self-activating and self-organising processes among the common people.E.P. Thompson, The Making of the English Working Class The decline of labor history in the research agenda of senior Spanish scholars matches the surprising interest in it of young researchers as indicated by the opening of new lines of research and the explosion of studies on other social movements that also have a strong class character in their origins. Moreover, despite the progressive decline of published academic research on the quintessential social movement, the truth is that its history is still crucial for understanding the political and social dynamics of the late Franco regime and the first years of democracy for at least two reasons.

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