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Starkey, Joseph. "Renouncing the left : working-class conservatism in France, 1930-1939." Thesis, Cardiff University, 2014. http://orca.cf.ac.uk/72795/.
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Histories of the working class in France have largely ignored the existence of working-class conservatism. This is particularly true of histories of the interwar period. Yet, there were an array of Catholic and right-wing groups during these years that endeavoured to bring workers within their orbit. Moreover, many workers judged that their interests were better served by these groups. This thesis explores the participation of workers in Catholic and right-wing groups during the 1930s. What did these groups claim to offer workers within the wider context of their ideological goals? In which ways did conservative workers understand and express their interests, and why did they identify the supposed ‘enemies of the left’ as the best means of defending them? What was the daily experience of conservative workers like, and how did this experience contribute to the formation of 'non-left' political identities? These questions are addressed in a study of the largest Catholic and right-wing groups in France during the 1930s. This thesis argues that, during a period of left-wing ascendancy, these groups made the recruitment of workers a top priority. To this end, they harnessed particular elements of mass political culture and adapted them to their own ideological ends. However, the ideology of these groups did not simply reflect the interests of the workers that supported them. This thesis argues that the interests of conservative workers were a rational and complex product of their own experience. They were formed by a large range of materials, from preconceived attitudes to issues such as gender and race, to the everyday experience of bullying and intimidation on the factory floor. This thesis shows that workers could conceive of their interests in a number of different ways, and chose from a range of different groups to try and further them.
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Gouérou, Anne-Marie. "Les notables du Tarn dans leur relation avec les paysans au XIXème siècle et dans le premier XXème." Thesis, Toulouse 2, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015TOU20066.
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La grande propriété étend sa domination de la montagne tarnaise au Gaillacois, englobant Castrais et Vaurais. Au cœur de la relation notables / paysans, les modes de faire-valoir suscitent des débats passionnés. Le métayage, mode dominant, partage idéal capital / travail pour ses partisans, est rejeté par les propriétaires soucieux de modernisation comme incompatible avec le progrès, que le maître-valetage, faire-valoir direct caractérisé par la présence d'un maître-valet fournisseur de main-d'œuvre, peut seul favoriser. Cependant, il ne s'impose pas et disparait, tandis que le métayage, qui repose sur le partage de la production, à mi-fruits ou au tiers en faveur du propriétaire, se maintient jusque dans les années 1960. Une porosité existe : fermage et métayage partagent les caractères les plus archaïques, corvées, redevances et les mêmes interdits. On accorde au maître-valet un pourcentage de certaines productions, afin de lutter contre son « indolence ». La stagnation de la production semble conforter l'incompatibilité métayage / progrès. Mais les résultats obtenus par certains propriétaires qui s'appuient sur les droits qu'il donne, contrôle des cultures et assolements, utilisation des corvées pour la bonification des terres, s'opposent à cette interprétation. L'investissement personnel semble essentiel. La présence des notables de la terre influence la vie politique : par le biais des comices, ils tentent, en récompensant travail, sobriété et maintien de nombreux enfants dans l'agriculture, d'immobiliser une société rurale traditionnelle. Au plan électoral, leur influence, indéniable, est contrebalancée par la structure de la population paysanneThe great estate area spread his domination from the Tarnese mountains to the Gaillac region, including the Castres and Lavaur ones. The different farming modes inspire passionate debates and are at the heart of the relationships between the worthies and the peasants. The main-mode-sharecropping -an ideal share capital / work for his supporters is rejected by owners concerned with modernization as conflicting with progress, whereas the farm-servant system appears the best one direct farming, characterized by the presence of a farm-servant master who is to provide labour. However, it does not last long and vanishes when the criticized sharecropping system, based on the fifty-fifty share or the one-third one of the production for the owner, last until the 1960's. A porosity exists: tenant farming and sharecropping share most archaic characters, chores, fees and even bans. A percentage on some crops is granted to the servants' masters so as to fight his « indolence ». The stagnation of production seems to comfort the incompatibility sharecropping / progress. But the results that some owners get thanks to the given by sharecropping, crops control, land cleaning, the use of chores for improvement of the soil, are opposed at this interpretation. Personal investment appears as essential. The presence of land worthies influence the political life : through agricultural organizations, they tries to reward work, sobriety and maintenance of numerous children in agriculture, to bring the traditional rural to standstill. On the polling plan, their undeniable influence is counterbalanced by the structure of peasant population
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Balfour, Sebastian Michael. "The remaking of the Spanish labour movement : social change, urban growth and working class militancy, Barcelona, 1939-1976." Thesis, Bucks New University, 1987. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.714455.
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Burckel, Vincent. "La classe populaire n’est pas morte. Enquête sur une « famille sociale » en lutte dans une petite ville de l’ancienne Moselle du fer (2008-2018)." Thesis, Université Paris-Saclay (ComUE), 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019SACLV045.
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Cette thèse s’appuie sur une enquête ethnographique menée pendant plusieurs années à Hagoncourt, une petite ville de Lorraine marquée par l’industrie du fer. Elle a pour objet l’histoire sociale de sa « classe populaire », c’est-à-dire d’un ensemble social localement situé rassemblant des individus socialement dominés, issus pour la plupart de familles ouvrières. Du XIXe siècle, jusqu’au milieu des années 1970, à Hagoncourt, l’usine sidérurgique et la mine de fer assurent à la ville et à sa population une prospérité relative, visible aussi bien dans ses cités bien tenues que dans ses nombreux commerces. La fermeture de l’usine puis de la mine, précipite la majorité des Hagoncourtois dans une crise économique et sociale sans précédent : plus que jamais, le chômage et la précarité touchent ou menacent tous les membres de l’ancienne « classe ouvrière ». Après quarante ans de politiques néo-libérales, de reflux du paternalisme aussi bien que du « communisme populaire » et de l’« insubordination ouvrière », ou encore d’oppositions internes exacerbées, le « peuple d’Hagoncourt » semble marqué par une sorte de désespérance à la fois sociale et politique, dont l’abstention aux élections est un indicateur sûr. Cependant, de la « génération du fer » (les « vieux ») à la « génération de la crise » (« les jeunes »), on retrouve une énergie sociale qui laisse penser que la classe populaire d’Hagoncourt est bien toujours en vie socialement. Depuis la crise financière et économique de 2007-2008, les membres de la classe populaire d’Hagoncourt, située dans la vallée de l’Orne-Fensch (où se trouve Hagoncourt) se sont distinguées dans leur luttes pour la survie de l’usine de Gandrange (2008) puis de celle de Florange (2012), avant de nourrir le mouvement des « gilets jaunes » à partir de 2018. De façon générale, ce qu’on peut appeler la « triple vie » ou les trois formes de l’habitus de la classe populaire d’Hagoncourt composent une figure collective contemporaine dans toute ses contradictions et ses convergences, face à la domination sociale : 1) Une morale agonistique ou « guerrière », traditionnellement considérée comme « masculine », qui valorise la force physique ou la rudesse des manières et du langage et qui peut aller jusqu’à un certain nihilisme ; 2) Une morale pacifique, traditionnellement considérée comme « féminine », qui privilégie la manière douce, une forme de timidité et qui peut tendre vers un certain conformisme social ; 3) Une morale politique ou civique, avec un penchant pour l’intérêt général et la recherche de sens, associée à la valorisation de la « culture », qui peut dériver aussi bien vers une sorte de « narcissisme social » que vers une disposition politique « révolutionnaire » résultant d’une « lutte des classes »What can be defined as the « triple life » of the working class, refers to the three forms of the working class’ habitus. The members of the working class do not equally display these forms according to the historical period. If for the “iron” generation sent to the hub or the kitchen since the age of 14 and designed to live a simple rough life in the “small-town”, the “hard model” of the habitus prevails in an evident way; the “crisis generation” that has over a long time been protected by the soft comfort of the family home and a juvenile atmosphere in school, now listens to the propaganda of a world that becomes more “open” and seems to start life in a “gentle slope”. Nevertheless, since 2008 the aggravation of the circumstances of working class’ life for an undetermined period, has led to a hardening of the ensemble in the context of unrestrained capitalism. According to the dominant ideology the working class should have melted into the bourgeoisie ever since the fall of the Berlin wall in the 1990’s. The young generation of the working class finds a new horizon of exploitation and domination. Poverty hits them instead of the “American dream” and a society without classes which they could have imagined while watching TF1. Considering their relationship with politics, it is known that the 1980’s (the Mitterand years) have marked a reflux of “popular communism” and the insubordination of the workers. Although, the years 2000 (the Sarkozy-Hollande-Macron years) come with a little new wind of popular insurrection that grows more and more intense, until it becomes the “yellow tempest” in 2018. Amongst the people of Hagoncourt that have been interviewed, with the exception of the “iron” and “crisis” generations, three forms of habitus can be identified that imply a social existence threatened and weakened by the dominant class: 1) agonistic or warlike morals traditionally considered « masculine », that valorise physical force and brutal manners and language and sometimes tend to a certain nihilism. 2) peaceful morals, traditionally considered “feminine” that give privilege to tender manners, a kind of timidity and sometimes tend to a certain social conformity. 3) political or civic morals with a preference for the general interest and the quest for meaning associated to the valorisation of culture and that can possibly take on a “revolutionary” political disposition
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Lefeuvre, Morgan. "De l'avènement du parlant à la seconde guerre mondiale : histoire générale des studios de cinéma en France 1929-1939." Thesis, Paris 3, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013PA030143.
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A travers une étude générale des infrastructures de production, l’ambition de cette recherche est double. Il s’agit d’une part de mettre en évidence la centralité du studio dans l’organisation de la production cinématographique française des années 1930, mais également de montrer quel a pu être l’impact des évolutions de fonctionnement des studios au cours de la décennie sur les conditions de travail et les modes de sociabilité des ouvriers et techniciens du film. Cette thèse ne se contente pas de rassembler des données factuelles et de dresser un inventaire des structures de production dans la France de l’entre-deux-guerres, elle étudie également les dynamiques d’une branche de l’industrie cinématographique en pleine évolution - les studios – tout en faisant de l’humain – ouvriers et techniciens du film - le pivot de la réflexion. L’analyse des dimensions techniques, économiques et humaines des studios français dans les années 1930, se déploie en trois parties correspondant à trois périodes marquées par des dynamiques différentes.La première partie (1929-1930), aborde la question du passage au parlant en privilégiant une approche descriptive des installations ; elle dresse un tableau de la situation en 1929 et analyse les nouvelles dynamiques économiques et techniques qui modifient en profondeur le paysage des studios français à l’aube de la décennie. La deuxième partie (1931-1933), s’attache à mettre en lumière le fonctionnement quotidien des studios, leur rôle dans la formation et la carrière des professionnels mais également leur impact sur la vie économique et sociale des territoires dans lesquels ils sont implantés. Enfin la troisième partie, (1934-1939), soulève la question du modèle de développement des studios français. Premières victimes de la crise de la production des années 1934-1935, les ouvriers et techniciens du film sont les premiers à réagir, répondant à la dégradation de leurs conditions de travail et de rémunération par un mouvement de revendications et de luttes sociales qui agitent les studios durant toute la seconde moitié de la décennieThroughout this general study of the production facilities, the goal of the research is two fold. It aims first at establishing the centrality of the studios in organizing the French movie production in the 1930’s. It equally looks at showing what have been the impacts of the changes which had affected the functioning of the studios during this decade on the working conditions and sociability modes of the working class and technicians of the film industry. Not only this PhD gathers evidences and draws an inventory of the production facilities in the France between the two world wars, but it also studies the dynamics of a fast evolving branch of the film industry, the studios, while making of the human - workers and technicians of the film industry - the centre of the reflection. The analysis of the technical, economic and human dimensions of French movie studios in 1930’s, unfolds in three parts corresponding to three periods marked by different dynamics. The first part (1929-1930), discusses the transition to talking cinema favoring a descriptive approach of the facilities; it paints a picture of the situation in 1929 and analyzes the new economic and technical dynamics that profoundly altered the landscape of French studios at the beginning of the decade. The second part (1931-1933) , aims to highlight the daily operation of the studios, their role in the training and career of professionals but also their impact on economic and social life of the territories in which they are located. Finally, the third part, (1934-1939), raised the question of the development model of French studios. First victims of the crisis of 1934-1935 production year, workers and technicians of the film are the first to react, responding to the deterioration of their working conditions and compensation by a movement of demands and social struggles that stir the studios throughout the second half of the decade
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Charlton, John Douglas. "Working class structure and working class politics in Britain 1950." Thesis, University of Leeds, 1991. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.303518.
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Rezende, Vinícius Donizete de [UNESP]. "Anônimas da história: relações de trabalho e atuação política de sapateiras entre as décadas de 1950 e 1980 (Franca-SP)." Universidade Estadual Paulista (UNESP), 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/93261.
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rezende_vd_me_fran.pdf: 10856254 bytes, checksum: 7ae4a41ce86bb84b4d1892369dd74407 (MD5)Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)
A cidade de Franca tem na indústria calçadista sua principal atividade econômica, sendo um dos maiores centros produtores de calçados do país. A partir da década de 1950 ocorreu a intensificação do processo de industrialização do setor, com a implantação de modernas técnicas de produção, voltadas para o aumento da produtividade. Essas transformações acarretaram um significativo crescimento populacional, destacando-se a migração de mineiros, em grande parte ex-trabalhadores rurais. O parque industrial é marcado pela heterogeneidade, englobando grandes indústrias com mais de mil trabalhadores, até pequenas oficinas de conserto. Estudos recentes buscaram analisar as experiências dos trabalhadores do setor no cotidiano de trabalho e extrafábrica. Abriram novas perspectivas de análise, dentro das quais se insere o presente trabalho. Ao longo do processo de formação e consolidação da indústria calçadista no município as mulheres ocuparam posição de destaque, compondo cerca de 40% da força de trabalho empregada nesse setor produtivo. Contudo, verificou-se que a história da classe operária do município havia sido escrita sobretudo no masculino, desconsiderando-se as experiências das trabalhadoras do calçado. Assim, tivemos como principais objetivos analisar o processo de formação das mulheres enquanto operárias, as relações de trabalho e as expressões de ação política de um conjunto de sapateiras que fizeram parte do processo de industrialização entre as décadas de 1950 e 1980. Trabalhou-se com um corpus documental composto por fontes orais, documentos sindicais e outras fontes impressas. Foi possível constatar que as trabalhadoras vivenciaram um processo de sociabilização caracterizado pela divisão sexual do trabalho e subordinação aos homens desde os anos iniciais de suas vidas, características persistentes...
The city of Franca - Brazil has in the shoemaker industry its main economic activity, being one of the biggest producing centers of footwear of the country. From the decade of 1950 the intensification of the process of industrialization of the sector occurred with the modern implantation production techniques, guided toward the increase of the productivity. These transformations had caused a significant population growth, putting in relief the migration of “mineiros”, mostly agricultural former-workers. The industrial park is marked by the heterogeneity, agglomerating great industries with more than a thousand workers, even small repair shops. Recent studies had searched to analyse the experiences of the workers of the sector in the daily of work and the extra-factory. They had opened new perspectives of analysis, inside of which it inserts the present work. Along of the process of formation and the consolidation of the shoemaker industry in the city the women had occupied distinction position, composing about 40% of the force of work used in this productive sector. However, it occurs that the history of the working class of the city had been written principally in the masculine, it ignoring the experiences of the workers-women of the footwear. Thus, we had as main objectives to analyse the process of formation of the women being workers, the relations of work and the expressions of politic actions of a set of women-shoemaker that had been party of the proceeding of industrialization between the decades of 1950 and 1980. We worked with a corpus documental composed for verbal sources, trade union documents and other sources printed. It was possible to verify that the workers had lived deeply a process of socialization characterized for the sexual division of the work and subordination to the men since the initial years of its lives, persistent characteristics in its experiences as workers...(Complete abstract click electronic access below)
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Rezende, Vinícius Donizete de. "Anônimas da história : relações de trabalho e atuação política de sapateiras entre as décadas de 1950 e 1980 (Franca-SP) /." Franca : [s.n.], 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/93261.
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Orientador: Teresa Maria MalatianBanca: Marisa Saenz Leme
Banca: Fernando Teixeira da Silva
Resumo: A cidade de Franca tem na indústria calçadista sua principal atividade econômica, sendo um dos maiores centros produtores de calçados do país. A partir da década de 1950 ocorreu a intensificação do processo de industrialização do setor, com a implantação de modernas técnicas de produção, voltadas para o aumento da produtividade. Essas transformações acarretaram um significativo crescimento populacional, destacando-se a migração de mineiros, em grande parte ex-trabalhadores rurais. O parque industrial é marcado pela heterogeneidade, englobando grandes indústrias com mais de mil trabalhadores, até pequenas oficinas de conserto. Estudos recentes buscaram analisar as experiências dos trabalhadores do setor no cotidiano de trabalho e extrafábrica. Abriram novas perspectivas de análise, dentro das quais se insere o presente trabalho. Ao longo do processo de formação e consolidação da indústria calçadista no município as mulheres ocuparam posição de destaque, compondo cerca de 40% da força de trabalho empregada nesse setor produtivo. Contudo, verificou-se que a história da classe operária do município havia sido escrita sobretudo no masculino, desconsiderando-se as experiências das trabalhadoras do calçado. Assim, tivemos como principais objetivos analisar o processo de formação das mulheres enquanto operárias, as relações de trabalho e as expressões de ação política de um conjunto de sapateiras que fizeram parte do processo de industrialização entre as décadas de 1950 e 1980. Trabalhou-se com um corpus documental composto por fontes orais, documentos sindicais e outras fontes impressas. Foi possível constatar que as trabalhadoras vivenciaram um processo de sociabilização caracterizado pela divisão sexual do trabalho e subordinação aos homens desde os anos iniciais de suas vidas, características persistentes...(Resumo completo, clicar acesso eletrônico abaixo)
Abstract: The city of Franca - Brazil has in the shoemaker industry its main economic activity, being one of the biggest producing centers of footwear of the country. From the decade of 1950 the intensification of the process of industrialization of the sector occurred with the modern implantation production techniques, guided toward the increase of the productivity. These transformations had caused a significant population growth, putting in relief the migration of "mineiros", mostly agricultural former-workers. The industrial park is marked by the heterogeneity, agglomerating great industries with more than a thousand workers, even small repair shops. Recent studies had searched to analyse the experiences of the workers of the sector in the daily of work and the extra-factory. They had opened new perspectives of analysis, inside of which it inserts the present work. Along of the process of formation and the consolidation of the shoemaker industry in the city the women had occupied distinction position, composing about 40% of the force of work used in this productive sector. However, it occurs that the history of the working class of the city had been written principally in the masculine, it ignoring the experiences of the workers-women of the footwear. Thus, we had as main objectives to analyse the process of formation of the women being workers, the relations of work and the expressions of politic actions of a set of women-shoemaker that had been party of the proceeding of industrialization between the decades of 1950 and 1980. We worked with a corpus documental composed for verbal sources, trade union documents and other sources printed. It was possible to verify that the workers had lived deeply a process of socialization characterized for the sexual division of the work and subordination to the men since the initial years of its lives, persistent characteristics in its experiences as workers...(Complete abstract click electronic access below)
Mestre
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Quinney, Nigel Peter. "Edwardian militarism and working class youth." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1987. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.385630.
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Wilson, Karen. "Aspects of solidarity between middle-class and working-class women 1880-1903." Thesis, Keele University, 1990. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.293991.
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Guha, Ray Siddhartha. "Calcutta tramwaymen : a study of working class history /." Kolkata : Progressive, 2007. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb41066944d.
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Childs, Michael James 1956. "Working class youth in late Victorian and Edwardian England." Thesis, McGill University, 1986. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=74015.
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Dengate, Jacob. "Lighting the torch of liberty : the French Revolution and Chartist political culture, 1838-1852." Thesis, Aberystwyth University, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/2160/eee3b4b8-ba1e-48bd-848e-26391b96af26.
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From 1838 until the end of the European Revolutions in 1852, the French Revolution provided Chartists with a repertoire of symbolism that Chartists would deploy in their activism, histories, and literature to foster a sense of collective consciousness, define a democratic world-view, and encourage internationalist sentiment. Challenging conservative notions of the revolution as a bloody and anarchic affair, Chartists constructed histories of 1789 that posed the era as a romantic struggle for freedom and nationhood analogous to their own, and one that was deeply entwined with British history and national identity. During the 1830s, Chartist opposition to the New Poor Law drew from the gothic repertoire of the Bastille to frame inequality in Britain. The workhouse 'bastile' was not viewed simply as an illegitimate imposition upon Britain, but came to symbolise the character of class rule. Meanwhile, Chartist newspapers also printed fictions based on the French Revolution, inserting Chartist concerns into the narratives, and their histories of 1789 stressed the similarity between France on the eve of revolution and Britain on the eve of the Charter. During the 1840s Chartist internationalism was contextualised by a framework of thinking about international politics constructed around the Revolutions of 1789 and 1830, while the convulsions of Continental Europe during 1848 were interpreted as both a confirmation of Chartist historical discourse and as the opening of a new era of international struggle. In the Democratic Review (1849-1850), the Red Republican (1850), and The Friend of the People (1850-1852), Chartists like George Julian Harney, Helen Macfarlane, William James Linton, and Gerald Massey, along with leading figures of the radical émigrés of 1848, characterised 'democracy' as a spirit of action and a system of belief. For them, the democratic heritage was populated by a diverse array of figures, including the Apostles of Jesus, Martin Luther, the romantic poets, and the Jacobins of 1793. The 'Red Republicanism' that flourished during 1848-1852 was sustained by the historical viewpoints arrived at during the Chartist period generally. Attempts to define a 'science' of socialism was as much about correcting the misadventures of past ages as it was a means to realise the promise announced by the 'Springtime of the Peoples'.
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David, Cédric. "Logement social des immigrants et politique municipale en banlieue ouvrière (Saint-Denis, 1944-1995) : histoire d’une improbable citoyenneté urbaine." Thesis, Paris 10, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016PA100094/document.
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Territoire d’industrie et d’immigration, Saint-Denis est un des hauts-lieux de la "banlieue rouge" de Paris. Après 1945, la pénurie de logements que connaît la France y est aggravée par la médiocrité du parc immobilier ancien et par une croissance démographique, qui se traduit par le développement de bidonvilles d’immigrants. La municipalité communiste fait de la construction de logements un axe central de sa politique sociale, constituant ainsi l’un des plus importants offices d’habitation à loyer modéré (HLM) de banlieue parisienne, gestionnaire d’environ 9 000 logements à la fin des années 1970. Les enjeux posés par la gestion d’un tel organisme et les mutations sociales induites s’observent dans les archives locales. Parmi ces questions, celle du logement des immigrants étrangers ou (post)coloniaux prend une importance croissante à partir des années 1960. Encore inférieure à 10 % en 1965, la proportion des ménages d’immigrants logés par l’office municipal s’élève à au moins un quart des locataires dans les années 1980. La reconnaissance de leur appartenance locale, si ce n’est d’une citoyenneté urbaine, est en jeu et paraît fortement dépendante des contraintes économiques, sociales et institutionnelles pesant sur la gestion d’un office HLM en banlieue ouvrière. La logique d’une hospitalité municipale graduelle et conditionnée est d’abord mise en difficulté par la dissymétrie entre offre et demande de logements sociaux. À partir de la fin des années 1960, lors d’importantes opérations d’aménagement urbain, la question est vue sous l’angle du peuplement immigré et de sa répartition dans l’agglomération. Une logique de « seuil de tolérance » aux immigrants à la source de discriminations prend alors forme. Elle est relative dans la mesure où la part des immigrants logés continue de progresser. Néanmoins, l’importante crise budgétaire qui touche l’office HLM de Saint-Denis à partir 1974, combinée à une désindustrialisation avancée, contribue à une crispation durable sur la question ethno-racialeTerritory of industry and immigration, Saint-Denis is one of the symbolic places of the "banlieue rouge" (red suburbs) of Paris. After 1945, the housing shortage happening in France is worsened in Saint-Denis by the mediocrity of the old housing stock and by a population growth which leads to the spreading of immigrants slums. The communist municipality makes housing construction a central axis of its social policy, therefore becoming one of the greatest HLM (social housing) municipal agencies of the parisian suburbs, managing about 9 000 apartments at the end of the 1970s. Managing such an agency and the induced social mutations pose challenges that can be observed in the local archives. Among those, the question of the housing of foreign or (post)colonial immigrants is taking on increasing importance from the 1960s. Still below 10 % in 1965, the proportion of foreign households housed by the municipal agency amounts to at least a quarter of the tenants in the 1980s. The acknowledgment of their local membership, if not even of their urban citizenship, is at stake and appears to be highly dependant on economic, social and institutionnal constraints which weigh on the managment of a HLM agency in a working class suburb. The logic of a gradual and conditionned municipal hospitality is first of all put in a difficult position by the dissymmetry between supply and demand on social housing. From the end of the 1960s, during significant urban planning operations, the question is seen from the perspective of the immigrant settlement and its repartition in the agglomeration. A logic of "tolerance threshold" to the immigrants which is the origin of discriminations then begins to take place. It is relative since the share of housed immigrants is still progressing. Nevertheless, the important budget crisis which is striking the HLM municipal agency of Saint-Denis from 1974, combined with an advanced desindustrialisation, contributes to a sustaining contortion on the ethno-racial question
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Scott, Gillian. "The working class women's most active and democratic movement." Thesis, University of Sussex, 1988. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.236239.
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Franklin, Adrian. "Privatism, the home and working class culture : a life history approach." Thesis, University of Bristol, 1989. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.310274.
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Cherry, Janet. "The making of an African working class: Port Elizabeth 1925-1963." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 1992. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/17243.
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Bibliography: pages 231-239.The thesis examines the 'making' of an african working class in Port Elizabeth. It offers an alternative interpretation to conventional histories which emphasize continuity both in the idea of a strong industrial working class and in a tradition of militant and effective worker organisation. At the same time, it posits the idea that there was a working-class movement which developed among Port Elizabeth's african community in the late 1940's and 1950's. Chapter 1 examines population growth in Port Elizabeth, the growth of secondary industry, and employment opportunities for africans. It is argued that limited opportunities for african employment in secondary industry affected the forms of working-class organisation that emerged. Chapter 2 examines the situation of the urban african population in the 1920's and 1930's, looking at factors which influenced its organisation and consciousness. The low wages paid to african workers were not challenged effectively in this period by the Industrial and Commercial Workers Union which had declined by the mid-1920's, or the Trades and Labour Council which did not organise african workers. However, the permanently urbanised status of the majority of the african population laid the basis for a militant community consciousness. Chapter 3 analyses attempts to organise african workers during the Second World War. It focusses on Wage Board determinations. the first african trade unions formed by the Ballingers and Max Gordon, the organisation of the Council of Non-European Trade Unions and the Trades and Labour Council, and the organisation of railway workers. It is argued that these attempts at organising african labour were largely unsuccessful in building strong industrial unions with an african leadership. Chapter 4 looks at the rise of the 'new unions' in the post-war period, when african workers were drawn into manufacturing on a large scale, and an african working-class leadership began to emerge. The response to this from the state, capital and other trade unions is examined through looking at the struggles of workers in four sectors: stevedoring, laundry, textiles and food. These sectors are contrasted with the tertiary sector where organisation of african workers was weak. Chapter 5 examines the politics of reproduction of the african working class between 1 945 and 1960. It looks at changes in the nature of the African National Congress and the Communist Party of South Africa, and at innovative strategies around issues of reproduction. The role of women's organisation and their struggle against the extension of pass laws is highlighted, and it is posited that a working class movement developed in this period. Chapter 6 analyses the application of influx control in Port Elizabeth in the 1950's, and the conflict of interests over the implementation of the labour bureau system. It examines the divisions in the african working class between migrants and non-migrants, and the response of different sections of the working class. Chapter 7 looks at the role of the South African Congress of Trade Unions. It is argued that the integration of point-of-production struggles with community and political struggles was the outcome of the position of african workers in industry combined with strong political organisation in the 'sphere of reproduction'. Changes in the structural position of african workers combined with political repression led to the collapse of this working class movement in the early 1960's.
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Morrill, Richard Brooke. ""Warriors of the Working-day" Class in Shakespeare's Second Historical Trilogy." Fogler Library, University of Maine, 2004. http://www.library.umaine.edu/theses/pdf/MorrillRB2004.pdf.
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Hobbs, Mark. "Visual representations of working-class Berlin, 1924–1930." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2010. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/2182/.
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This thesis examines the urban topography of Berlin’s working-class districts, as seen in the art, architecture and other images produced in the city between 1924 and 1930. During the 1920s, Berlin flourished as centre of modern culture. Yet this flourishing did not exist exclusively amongst the intellectual elites that occupied the city centre and affluent western suburbs. It also extended into the proletarian districts to the north and east of the city. Within these areas existed a complex urban landscape that was rich with cultural tradition and artistic expression. This thesis seeks to redress the bias towards the centre of Berlin and its recognised cultural currents, by exploring the art and architecture found in the city’s working-class districts. The thesis adopts Henri Lefebvre’s premise that each society creates its own space in which it lives, works, and sustains its cultural identity. On this basis, working-class culture and the spaces in which it was practiced, are treated with equal weight. The thesis begins by examining how the laissez-faire economics of the German Empire (1871–1914), combined with a massive influx of rural migrants into Berlin, creating a complex industrial landscape, whose working-class inhabitants retained many pastoral traditions. The thesis moves on to study the works of a number of artists active in Berlin between 1924 and 1930, using examples of their work to examine the unique nature of the working-class districts, and the culture and traditions that took place within them. The second half of the thesis explores the working-class districts from an explicitly political perspective. The extensive house building programme that took place across Berlin throughout the twenties is explored in all its varied and conflicting political perspectives. What emerges is a picture of a growing schism between Berlin’s Social Democratic government, and Communist supporters in the working-class districts. 1929 emerges as a critical year in which political contestations of space between the two parties and their supporters reached new levels of hostility, as working-class culture clashed against Social Democratic urban policy.
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Segars, Terry. "The fire service : the social history of a uniformed working-class occupation." Thesis, University of Essex, 1989. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.235631.
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Scriven, Thomas. "Activism and the everyday : the practices of radical working-class politics, 1830-1842." Thesis, University of Manchester, 2013. https://www.research.manchester.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/activism-and-the-everyday-the-practices-of-radical-workingclass-politics-18301842(499e8040-fc6d-4711-904e-b86cf257d3a4).html.
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This thesis will re-evaluate the Chartist movement through research into day-to-day practice in four areas: sociability, material networks, gender and political subjectivity. It will demonstrate that Chartism's activism and the everyday lives of its members were indistinct. In the early years of the movement and the years preceding it, activism and political thought engaged with the quotidian to successfully build a movement that was not only relevant to but an integral part of people's everyday lives. This thesis will analyse how this interaction was not limited to Chartist activists politicising everyday grievances, but also how day-to-day practices and relationships contributed to the infrastructure, intellectual culture and political programme of the movement. This thesis will make original contributions to a number of debates. It challenges the dominant view of Chartism as first and foremost a political movement distinct from its social conditions. It will be argued that this dichotomy between the political and the social cannot be sustained, and it will be shown that activists were most successful when they drew from and were part of society. It will criticise the related trend in studies of Chartism and Radicalism to focus on political identity, meaning and forms of communication. It will argue that these topics are valuable, but need to be seen within a wider existential framework and integrated with an approach that sees cultural activity as one part of a range of activities. As such, it will illustrate the ways that cultural practices are bound with social relationships. Following this, it will make the case for practice to be looked at not just in symbolic or ritualistic terms but also in terms of day-to-day activities that were crucial for the development and maintenance of political movements. It will be argued that prosaic, mundane and day-to-day activities are integral aspects of social movements and as such are worthwhile areas of research. Finally, it will add to our understanding of Chartism by providing biographical information on Henry Vincent, an under-researched figure, and the south west and west of England, under-researched regions. This thesis is organised into two parts. The first will follow the work of activists in developing Chartism in the south west of England from the end of the Swing Riots until the Chartist Convention of 1839. Here it will be argued that Chartism relied upon a close and intensive interaction between activists and the communities they were politicising, with the result being that the movement was coloured by the politics, intellectual culture and practices of those communities. The second section will look at how the private lives and social networks of individual activists were integral to their political ideas, rhetoric and capacity to work as activists. Correspondence, documents produced by the state, the radical press and the internal records of the Chartist movement all shed light on the way everyday life and political thought and action merged.
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DeGenaro, William. "The junior college movement: Corporate education for the working class." Diss., The University of Arizona, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/289774.
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The working class, largely excluded from college life before the twentieth century, obtained access to higher education through the two-year college movement, which began in 1901. "Junior colleges," a name that education scholars at elite universities invented to denote the new institutions, grew out of a desire to put higher education in service to business interests. Junior colleges trained industrial workers and provided transfer to four-year colleges for the most qualified students. Through tools such as first-year composition curricula and active guidance counseling programs, junior colleges frequently attempted to teach students lessons in competition, individuality, and meritocracy. Leaders of the movement feared social unrest would result from burgeoning labor movements and the rapid influx of immigrants from Eastern and Southern Europe and constructed disciplinary devices to squelch elements they perceived to be subversive and dangerous. Furthermore, leaders of the movement enjoyed support for their regressive ideology in the popular press, which legitimated the movement and helped to manufacture a need for the brands of education (e.g., vocationalism) the junior college came to promulgate.
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Bryson, Rebecca Jane. "Working-class living standards in the West Yorkshire town of Huddersfield, 1870-1914." Thesis, University of Huddersfield, 1996. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.338615.
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Davis, John W. "'The Uplifting Game' : nonconformity and the working class in South Lambeth 1884-1903." Thesis, University of Sussex, 1991. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.357520.
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Archer, Janice Marie. "Working women in thirteenth-century Paris." Diss., The University of Arizona, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/187182.
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This thesis examines the role of women in the Parisian economy in the late thirteenth century. The Livre des metiers of Etienne Boileau offers normative provisions regarding societal structures that permitted but restricted the participation of women, while the tax rolls commonly known as the roles de la taille de Philippe le Bel furnish numbers which show their actual participation. While these sources are well known, they have not heretofore been rigorously examined. Conclusions about women based on them have been amorphous. Married women are nearly invisible in these records, but unmarried women and widows headed 13.6% of Parisian workshops. Women monopolized the Parisian silk industry. About one-third of Parisian women in the late thirteenth century worked in jobs traditionally considered "women's work," including the preparation of food and clothing, peddling food on the street, and providing personal services. The other two-thirds did nearly every kind of work that men did. A "putting out" system was well in place in Paris at this time. Women classified as chambrieres or ouvrieres worked at home, spinning and weaving raw materials provided by an entrepreneur and selling back to the entrepreneur the finished product. Working at home allowed a woman to combine household duties with production for the marketplace. Girls usually learned a trade by working alongside their parents. Formal apprenticeships were less common for girls than for boys. While women could and did participate in nearly every trade, their numbers were concentrated in the lowest-paid metiers. The few women who practiced trades dominated by men were much more successful financially.
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Mathieu, Jean-Philip. "Quebec City's Ship Carpenters, 1840 to 1893: Working Class Self-Organization on the Waterfront." Thesis, University of Ottawa (Canada), 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/28587.
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In the mid-nineteenth century, the construction of wooden sailing vessels became the single most important employer in Quebec City. Thousands of people worked as shipwrights in the shipbuilding industry, but ship carpenters were the backbone of the trade. These workers displayed an extraordinary capacity for mobilization, being responsible for some of Canada's earliest labour organizations, starting in 1840 with the Societe amicale et bienveillante des charpentiers de vaisseaux de Quebec. This study demonstrates that ship carpenters' impressive capacity for organization was the result of the trade's remarkable ethnic homogeneity, as no less than 90% of ship carpenters were French Canadian, and most lived together in the working class suburb of Saint Roch. This homogeneity allowed ship carpenters to avoid the bitter internecine conflict that plagued the early labour movement, and allowed them to become part of the vanguard of the Canadian working class.
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Sayer, Karen Anne. "'Girls into demons' : nineteenth century representations of English working class women employed in agriculture." Thesis, University of Sussex, 1991. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.316811.
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Chinn, Carl. "The anatomy of a working-class neighbourhood : West Sparkbrook 1871-1914." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 1986. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/239/.
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This thesis explores the premise that during the late Victorian and Edwardian eras there existed a significant and influential division within the working class of England's industrial towns and cities. This division, based largely on economic factors to do with the size and regularity of earnings, manifested itself first in the type and locality of residence, which in turn emphasised and reinforced the division of the working class into an upper section of better-paid usually more skilled and regularly-employed and a lower, poorer section of the low-waged and casually employed. Whilst it is not suggested that this produced "working classes" rather than "a working class", it did, nevertheless, result in two sections among the wage-earning class whose members pursued in many significant ways quite different ways of life. Economic differences allied to residential segregation meant that each section: developed different notions of such concepts as "rough" and "respectable" and did not by any means share beliefs as to what constituted acceptable or "deviant" behaviour. These and other questions are pursued by an examination of the years from 1871 to 1914 in the Birmingham neighbourhood of West Sparkbrook. The chronology has been set to make possible the use of census material and oral evidence, and the neighbourhood was chosen because, although it was in these years mainly an area of middle and upper working class housing, it had within it clearly differentiated pockets of lower working class housing, and so makes significant comparisons possible. After an examination of the growth of West Sparkbrook as a residential district, an analysis has been made of the institutions, habits and behaviour of the people of the district. Documentary, archival and oral evidence has been called on to examine the cultural schism in a number of exemplary areas. Differences in housing, schooling, working and shopping have been considered, and attitudes towards drinking, gambling and fighting. The differing roles and responsibilities within the family of men, women and children have been shown in the different groups, as well as leisure behaviour and the role of religion and of religious and charitable institutions in the lives of the community. From this picture emerges a clearer idea of the limits imposed on behaviour by the notions of "rough" and "respectable", and the extent to which these notions were developed by each group within its specific social, economic and cultural environment.
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Bloodworth, Jeff. "Farewell to the vital center : a history of American liberalism, 1968-1980 /." View abstract, 2006. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:3214003.
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Fisher, Jo. "Uncovering a history of working-class feminism in Argentina : 'ni marvjas, ni marimachos'." Thesis, University of London, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.392352.
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Chan, U. Wai. "An autonomous and unautonomous body : the making of Macau's female working class, 1957-1989." Thesis, University of Macau, 2012. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2590567.
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Gibbs, Patricia Anne. "A social history of white working class women in industrializing Port Elizabeth, 1917-1936." Thesis, Rhodes University, 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002395.
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The study period saw a significant increase in the urbanisation of whites and blacks in Port Elizabeth induced by droughts and coercive legislation, but also by burgeoning industrialisation. Industry had been given great stimulus by World War 1 and maintained by protectionist legislation in the 1920s which the local state and industrialists came to endorse. The ethos of the town was overwhelmingly British in terms of the population, the composition of the local council, business interests and the prevailing culture. Whites formed the largest component of the population in Port Elizabeth during the inter-war years. The majority of white women lived in the North End, the industrial hub and a major working class area of the city. Although the provision of housing was initially neglected, economic and subeconomic housing in the 1930s helped to create both racial separation and a sense of community between sectors of the working class. Yet, white working class women did not form a homogenous group, but rather consisted of different ethnic groups, occupations and classes. The Afrikaans speaking sector, formed a significant component of the industrial labour force especially in the leather, food and beverage and clothing industries. In a centre where white labour was favoured and marketed as an advantage to outside investors, they rapidly displaced coloured women. The female workforce was basically young, underpaid (especially in comparison to wages on the Rand) and temporary. While white women were still in evidence in other occupations such as domestic work and in the informal sector, their numbers here steadily diminished as both racial segregation and municipal regulation, were implemented. Against a background of chaotic social conditions, large slum areas and the spread of infectious diseases, the local council did much to improve health services particularly for women and children. Poor relief instituted in 1919 was, however, less forthcoming and female - headed households were often left to rely on the services of local welfare organisations. The extended family, however, was the norm affording support against atomization. Although pressurised by social ills throughout the period, the family was increasingly buttressed by state assistance. Prevailing morality was likewise actively constructed in terms of legislative repression and racial division. This often lead to social aberrations such as infanticide which was only reduced by the increase of state assistance and, in the longer term, social mobility of the whites.
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McLean, Lorna Ruth. "Home, yard and neighbourhood: Women's work and the urban working-class family economy, Ottawa, 1871." Thesis, University of Ottawa (Canada), 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/5891.
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This thesis examines the work of married women in working-class families in Ottawa in 1871. It demonstrates that home production by women for consumption, sale and/or exchange, together with arrangements of household structures, made a primary and fundamental contribution to the survival of the family unit. Women laboured and their labour was vital. Using the 1871 manuscript census, the study analysed the myriad of ways that married women utilized their available resources to reduce expenditures and to increase the wage-based family income. It was the work of women that provided some protection against the insecurity of inadequate wages, seasonal employment, illness or death.
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McBee, Randy D. "Struggling, petting, muzzling, mushing, loving, fondling, feeling or whatever you wish to call it : a social history of working-class heterosexuality in the United States, 1890s-1930s /." free to MU campus, to others for purchase, 1996. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/mo/fullcit?p9821329.
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Moore, S. "Women, industrialisation and protest in Bradford, West Yorkshire, 1780-1845." Thesis, University of Essex, 1986. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.377084.
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Wise, Nathan History & Philosophy Faculty of Arts & Social Sciences UNSW. "A working man???s hell: working class men's experiences with work in the Australian imperial force during the Great War." Awarded by:University of New South Wales. School of History and Philosophy, 2007. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/32462.
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Historical analyses of soldiers in the Australian Imperial Force (AIF) during the Great War have focused overwhelming on combat experiences and the environment of the trenches. By contrast, little consideration has been made of the non-combat experiences of these individuals, or of the time they spent behind the front lines. Far from military experiences revolving around combat and trench warfare, the letters, diaries, and memoirs of working class men suggest that daily life for the rank and file actually revolved around work, and in particular manual labour. Through a focus on working class men???s experiences in the AIF during the Great War, this dissertation seeks to discover more about these experiences with work in an attempt to understand the broader aspects of life in the military. In this environment of daily work, many working class men also came to approach military service as a job of work, and they carried over the mentalities of the civilian workplace into their daily life in the military. This dissertation thus seeks to understand how workplace cultures were transferred from civilian workplaces into the military. It explores working class men???s approaches towards daily work in two different theatres of war, Gallipoli and the Western Front, in order to highlight the significance of work within military life. Furthermore, it evaluates aspects of this workplace culture, such as relations with employers, the use of workplace skills, and the implementation of industrial relations methods, to understand the continuities between the lives of civilians and soldiers. Finally, this dissertation is not a military history: it adopts a culturalist approach towards the lives of people in the AIF, and in the environment of the Great War, in an effort to place the military experiences of these working class men within the context of their broader civilian lives.
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Andrew, Alison. "The working class and education in Preston 1830-1870 : a study of social relations." Thesis, University of Leicester, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/2381/7697.
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Simonton, Deborah. "The education and training of eighteenth-century English girls, with special reference to the working class." Thesis, University of Essex, 1988. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.278418.
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Davies, Robert Samuel Walter. "Differentiation in the working class, class consciousness, and development of the Labour Party in Liverpool up to 1939." Thesis, Liverpool John Moores University, 1993. http://researchonline.ljmu.ac.uk/4943/.
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Wemp, Brian. "The Grands Magasins Dufayel, the working class, and the origins of consumer culture in Paris, 1880-1916." Thesis, McGill University, 2011. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=103494.
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France's transition from an agrarian-aristocratic to an industrial-consumer society accelerated in the late nineteenth century due to important innovations in the retail industry. The department store introduced fixed prices and rapid turnover of goods, making consumption easier and faster. These innovations were then spread to the working class of Paris at the Grands Magasins Dufayel. The store became more than merely a retail destination, however, as it supplied a form of leisure space and consumer entertainment in the working-class area of northern Paris. It also diffused advertising promoting a vision of a future consumer society in which the working class would enjoy greater material wealth and social opportunities, rendering traditional paternalism obsolete. In spite of its prominence in late nineteenth-century Paris, however, the Dufayel department store has been largely dismissed by current historiography which sees the advent of consumer culture as a fundamentally bourgeois phenomenon. But by considering the Dufayel experiment on its own terms rather than as an imitation of bourgeois consumer culture we gain new insights on several aspects of late nineteenth-century consumer culture. We learn that in many ways the bourgeoisie was ambivalent with respect to the emergence of consumer culture, seeking whenever possible products or advertisements that hid their mass-produced origin. In this light the department store itself, far from being a tool for the dissemination of bourgeois values, was often a threat to those values, and its elaborate advertising was needed to distract the bourgeois shopper from this fact. Bourgeois ambivalence about consumer culture was expressed in the outbreak of food-adulteration anxiety in the late nineteenth-century press, when consumer culture was associated with the decline in quality and, more importantly, the loss of authenticity in French food. Finally we are able to see how one example of consumer technology--the phonograph--triumphed in turn-of-the-century Paris because promoters were able to exploit class divisions in order to shape the public into a common consumer market.La transformation de la France d'une nation agraire et aristocratique à une société de consommation industrielle s'est accélérée en fin du XIXe siècle en raison d'importantes innovations dans le secteur commercial. Le grand magasin a introduit les prix fixes et les taux de rotation rapide des marchandises, ce qui a rendu la consommation plus facile et plus rapide. Ces innovations ont ensuite été étendues à la classe ouvrière de Paris aux Grands Magasins Dufayel. Le magasin est devenu plus qu'une simple destination de détail en fournissant de l'espace de loisir et de divertissement dans les quartiers populaires du nord de Paris. Il a également diffusé la publicité proposant une vision de la société de consommation future dans laquelle la classe ouvrière bénéficierait d'une nouvelle richesse matérielle ainsi que des opportunités sociales, rendant obsolète le paternalisme traditionnel. En dépit de son importance à la fin du XIXe siècle, Dufayel a été largement ignoré par l'historiographie actuelle qui voit la culture de la consommation comme un phénomène fondamentalement bourgeois. Mais en considérant l'expérience Dufayel selon ses propres termes, plutôt que comme une imitation de la culture bourgeoise, nous pouvons acquérir de nouvelles connaissances sur plusieurs aspects de la culture de consommation à la fin du XIXe siècle. Nous apprenons que de nombreuses façons la bourgeoisie était ambivalente à l'égard de la culture de consommation, recherchant les produits ou les publicités qui déguisait leur origine industrielle. Dans cette perspective le grand magasin lui-même, loin d'être un outil pour la diffusion des valeurs bourgeoises, a souvent menacé ces valeurs; sa publicité était un moyen de détourner l'acheteur bourgeois de ce fait. Cette ambivalence a été exprimée dans la presse du XIXe siècle sous la forme de l'anxiété à propos du frelatage alimentaire quand la culture de consommation a été associée à une baisse de qualité et à la perte de l'authenticité de la cuisine française. Enfin nous pouvons voir comment une technologie de consommation - le phonographe - a triomphé à Paris quand les promoteurs ont réussi à exploiter les préjugés de classe afin de créer un marché de consommation commun.
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Ramsden, Stefan. "Working class community in the era of affluence : sociability and identity in a Yorkshire town, 1945-1980." Thesis, University of Hull, 2011. http://hydra.hull.ac.uk/resources/hull:6290.
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This thesis presents a qualitative case-study of the impact of post-war affluence on working-class ways of life in the small town of Beverley, focussed particularly on sociability and identity. The thesis argues that sociological and historical concern with the decline of forms of ‘traditional working-class community’ amongst mobile populations in the 1950s and 1960s has obscured recognition of the continuing importance and vitality of local community for many working-class people in this period. Those who argued that there was a decline of community during the age of affluence (approximately 1955-1975) posited a transition from ‘traditional’ to new forms of working-class life – the present thesis suggests that in so doing, authors exaggerated both the communality of the ‘traditional’ working classes and the individualism of newly affluent workers. In Beverley, individualism and status divisions existed alongside communal sociability and mutuality in working-class streets before the age of affluence. The rising living standards of the 1950s and 1960s did not coincide with an appreciable shift towards ‘privatised nuclear families’. I am not arguing only for continuity. In the years of austerity of the 1940s, prior to the affluent decades, some streets were the focus of female sociability and mutual assistance to an extent not apparent in the 1970s. From the 1950s, rising wages, improved housing, and the availability of consumer goods such as cars and televisions allowed many to engage in new forms of sociable leisure. Post-war ideological emphasis on the companionate marriage and child-centred parenting also influenced social behaviour. But companions for both new and old forms of sociability were largely family, friends and acquaintances who also lived in the town – Beverley as a whole remained a remarkably complete social world for many of its residents. The thesis explores connections between structural features, local social networks, and an apparently strong sense of ‘Beverlonian’ identity during the affluent era. Beverley was a relatively small town with considerable demographic continuity, and residents reported that it felt like a knowable community; post-war council and private housing estates were built close to older neighbourhoods and therefore did not disrupt the social networks and connection to place of those who moved into them, as was often the case in larger cities; a range of industrial workplaces and a civil society of clubs and associations were contexts for the formation of local social networks and also gave residents a sense of their town as a distinct community with its own history and a measure of self-determination; civil society promoted the idea of a town community discursively through civic ceremony and in the pages of the local newspaper.
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Scholz, Mark T. "Paternalism and the construction of cités ouvrières in France, 1848-1914 /." Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 1993. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/10386.
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Morton, Bess. "Making diamonds from dust : a working class history of British Labour Party women, 1906-1956 /." Title page, contents and abstract only, 1991. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09ARM/09armm889.pdf.
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McCullough, Aimee Claire. "'On the margins of family and home life?' : working-class fatherhood and masculinity in post-war Scotland." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/25746.
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This thesis examines working-class fatherhood and masculinities in post-war Scotland, the history of which is almost non-existent. Scottish working-class fathers have more commonly been associated with the ‘public sphere’ of work, politics and male leisure pursuits and presented negatively in public and official discourses of the family. Using twenty-five newly conducted oral history interviews with men who became fathers during the period 1970-1990, as well as additional source materials, this thesis explores the ways in which their everyday lives, feelings and experiences were shaped by becoming and being fathers. In examining change and continuities in both the representations and lived experiences of fatherhood during a period of important social, economic, political and demographic change, it contributes new insights to the histories of fatherhood, gender, family, and everyday lives in Scotland, and in Britain more widely. It argues that ideas and norms surrounding fatherhood changed significantly, and were highly contested, during this period. Fathers were both celebrated as ‘newly’ involved in family life, signified by rising attendance at childbirth and increased practical and visible participation in childcare, but also increasingly scrutinised and deemed to be losing their ‘traditional’ breadwinning and authoritarian roles. Although there were significant continuities, a combination of factors caused these shifts, including the changing structure and composition of the labour market, deindustrialisation, the increasing participation of mothers in employment and second-wave feminism. Shifting ideas about gender relations were also accompanied by changing understandings of parent-child relationships and child welfare, in the wake of rising divorce and the growth of one-parent families. In highlighting the complexity and diversity of fatherhood and masculinity amongst working-class men, by placing their relationships, roles, status and identities as fathers at the forefront, and by speaking to men themselves, this thesis adds an important and neglected insight to the Scottish family and provides a fresh perspective on men’s gendered identities. Fathers were central to, rather than on the margins of, family and home life, and fatherhood was, in turn central to men’s identities and everyday lives.
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Sonnessa, Antonio. "The resistance of the Turin working class to the rise of fascism : political and community responses, 1921-1925." Thesis, Goldsmiths College (University of London), 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.272277.
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Ross, Philip D. (Philip David). "Working on the margins : a labour history of the native peoples of Northern Labrador." Thesis, McGill University, 1986. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=72807.
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Mellaerts, Wim. "Dispute settlement and the law in three provincial towns in France, England and Holland, 1880-1914 : a cross-national comparison." Thesis, University of East Anglia, 1997. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.338045.
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Hussey, Stephen. "#We rubbed along all right' : the rural working class household between the wars in North Essex and South Buckinghamshire." Thesis, University of Essex, 1994. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.241196.
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Moore, Stephen Christopher. "The development of working class housing in Ireland 1840-1912 : a study of housing conditions, built form and policy." Thesis, University of Ulster, 1986. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.253990.
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Green, N. P. "The nature of the Bourgeoisie : Nature, art and cultural class formation in nineteenth century France." Thesis, University of Portsmouth, 1986. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.372753.
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