Journal articles: 'Women Suffrage Australia History'

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Stevenson, Ana. "Imagining Women’s Suffrage." Pacific Historical Review 87, no. 4 (2018): 638–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/phr.2018.87.4.638.

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During the late nineteenth century, the print culture associated with women’s suffrage exhibited increasingly transnational connections. Between the 1870s and 1890s, suffragists in the United States, and then Australia and New Zealand, celebrated the early enfranchisement of women in the U.S. West. After the enfranchisement of antipodean women at the turn of the twentieth century, American suffragists in turn gained inspiration from New Zealand and Australia. In the process, suffrage print culture focused on the political and social possibilities associated with the frontier landscapes that defined these regions. However, by envisioning such landscapes as engendering white women’s freedom, suffrage print culture conceptually excluded Indigenous peoples from its visions of enfranchisement. The imaginative connections fostered in transnational suffrage print culture further encouraged actual transpacific connections between the suffragists themselves.

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Bowie, Katherine. "Women's Suffrage in Thailand: A Southeast Asian Historiographical Challenge." Comparative Studies in Society and History 52, no. 4 (October 2010): 708–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417510000435.

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Although much of the history of women's suffrage has focused on the American and British struggles of the early twentieth century, a newer generation of interdisciplinary scholars is exploring its global trajectory. Fundamental to these cross-cultural comparisons is the establishment of an international timeline of women's suffrage; its order at once shapes and is shaped by its historiography. According to the currently dominant chronology, “Female suffrage began with the 1893 legislation in New Zealand” (Ramirez, Soysal, and Shanahan 1997: 738; see also Grimshaw 1987 [1972]: xiv). In this timeline, “Australia was next to act, in 1902” (ibid.). Despite the geographical location of New Zealand and Australia in greater Southeast Asia, the narrative that accompanies this timeline portrays “first world” women as leading the struggle for suffrage and “third world” women as following their example.1As Ramirez, Soysal, and Shanahan write, “A smaller early wave of suffrage extensions between 1900 and 1930 occurred mostly in European states. A second, more dramatic wave occurred after 1930” (ibid.). Similarly, Patricia Grimshaw writes, “It was principally in the English-speaking world, in the United States, in Britain and its colonial dependencies, and in the Scandinavian countries that sustained activity for women's political enfranchisement occurred. Other countries eventually followed suit” (1987: xiv).

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Whitehead, Kay. "Australian women educators’ internal exile and banishment in a centralised patriarchal state school system." Historia y Memoria de la Educación, no. 17 (December 18, 2022): 255–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/hme.17.2023.33121.

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This article explores Australian women teachers’ struggles for equality with men from the late nineteenth to the mid-twentieth century. While Australia purported to be a progressive democratic nation, centralised patriarchal state school systems relied on women teachers to fulfil the requirements of free, compulsory and secular schooling. This study focuses on the state of South Australia where women were enfranchised in 1894, far ahead of European countries. However, women teachers were subjected to internal exile in the state school system, and banished by the marriage bar. The article begins with the construction of the South Australian state school system in the late nineteenth century. The enforcement of the marriage bar created a differentiated profession of many young single women who taught prior to marriage; a few married women who required an income; and a cohort of senior single women who made teaching a life-long career and contested other forms of subordination to which all women teachers were subject. Led by the latter group, South Australian women teachers pursued equality in early twentieth century mixed teachers unions and post-suffrage women’s organisations; and established the Women Teachers Guild in 1937 to secure more equal conditions of employment. The paper concludes with the situation after World War Two when married women were re admitted to the state school system to resolve teacher shortages; and campaigns for equal pay gathered momentum. In South Australia, the marriage bar was eventually removed in 1972.

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Grimshaw, Patricia. "Comparative Perspectives on White and Indigenous Women's Political Citizenship in Queensland: The 1905 Act to Amend the Elections Acts, 1885 to 1899." Queensland Review 12, no. 2 (November 2005): 9–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1321816600004062.

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The centenary of the passage in early 1905 of the Act to Amend the Elections Acts, 1885 to 1899, which extended the right to vote to white women in Queensland, marks a moment of great importance in the political and social history of Australia. The high ground of the history of women's suffrage in Australia is undoubtedly the passage of the 1902 Commonwealth Franchise Act that gave all white women in Australia political citizenship: the right to vote and to stand for parliamentary office at the federal level. Obviously this attracted the most attention internationally, given that it placed Australia on the short list of communities that had done so to date; most women in the world had to await the aftermath of the First or Second World Wars for similar rights.

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5

Russell, Penny. "Woman suffrage in australia: a gift or a struggle?" Women's History Review 4, no. 2 (June 1, 1995): 235–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09612029500200160.

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Trethewey, Lynne, and Kay Whitehead. "The City as a Site of Women Teachers' Post-Suffrage Political Activism: Adelaide, South Australia." Paedagogica Historica 39, no. 1 (January 2003): 107–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00309230307451.

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Popovic-Filipovic, Slavica. "Elsie Inglis (1864-1917) and the Scottish women’s hospitals in Serbia in the Great War. Part 2." Srpski arhiv za celokupno lekarstvo 146, no. 5-6 (2018): 345–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/sarh170704168p.

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The news about the great victories of the Gallant Little Serbia in the Great War spread far and wide. Following on the appeals from the Serbian legations and the Serbian Red Cross, assistance was arriving from all over the world. First medical missions and medical and other help arrived from Russia. It was followed by the medical missions from Great Britain, France, Greece, the Netherlands, Denmark, Switzerland, America, etc. Material help and individual volunteers arrived from Poland, Canada, Australia, New Zealand, Ireland, Norway, India, Japan, Egypt, South America, and elsewhere. The true friends of Serbia formed various funds under the auspices of the Red Cross Society, and other associations. In September 1914, the Serbian Relief Fund was established in London, while in Scotland the first units of the Scottish Women?s Hospitals for Foreign Service were formed in November of the same year. The aim of this work was to keep the memory of the Scottish Women?s Hospitals in Serbia and with the Serbs in the Great War. In the history of the Serbian nation during the Great War, a special place was held by the Scottish Women?s Hospitals ? a unique humanitarian medical mission. It was the initiative of Dr. Elsie Maud Inglis (1864?1917), a physician, surgeon, promoter of equal rights for women, and with the support of the Scottish Federation of Woman?s Suffrage Societies. The Scottish Women?s Hospitals, which were completely staffed by women, by their participation in the Great War, also contributed to gender and professional equality, especially in medicine. Many of today?s achievements came about thanks to the first generations of women doctors, who fought for equality in choosing to study medicine, and working in the medical field, in time of war and peacetime.

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Popovic-Filipovic, Slavica. "Elsie Inglis (1864-1917) and the Scottish women’s hospitals in Serbia in the Great War. Part 1." Srpski arhiv za celokupno lekarstvo 146, no. 3-4 (2018): 226–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/sarh170704167p.

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The news about the great victories of the Gallant Little Serbia in the Great War spread far and wide. Following on the appeals from the Serbian legations and the Serbian Red Cross, assistance was arriving from all over the world. First medical missions and medical and other help arrived from Russia. It was followed by the medical missions from Great Britain, France, Greece, The Netherlands, Denmark, Switzerland, America, etc. Material help and individual volunteers arrived from Poland, Canada, Australia, New Zealand, Ireland, Norway, India, Japan, Egypt, South America, and elsewhere. The true friends of Serbia formed various funds under the auspices of the Red Cross Society, and other associations. In September 1914, the Serbian Relief Fund was established in London, while in Scotland the first units of the Scottish Women?s Hospitals for Foreign Service were formed in November of the same year. The aim of this work was to keep the memory of the Scottish Women?s Hospitals in Serbia, and with the Serbs in the Great War. In the history of the Serbian nation during the Great War a special place was held by the Scottish Women?s Hospitals - a unique humanitarian medical mission. It was the initiative of Dr. Elsie Maud Inglis (1864-1917), a physician, surgeon, promoter of equal rights for women, and with the support of the Scottish Federation of Woman?s Suffrage Societies. The SWH Hospitals, which were completely staffed by women, by their participation in the Great War, also contributed to gender and professional equality, especially in medicine. Many of today?s achievements came about thanks to the first generations of women doctors, who fought for equality in choosing to study medicine, and working in the medical field, in time of war and peacetime.

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Suh, Chris. "“America’s Gunpowder Women”." Pacific Historical Review 88, no. 2 (2019): 175–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/phr.2019.88.2.175.

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This article uncovers the little-known story of how the novelist Pearl S. Buck used her authority as a popular expert on China to pose a direct challenge to her white middle-class American readers in the post-suffrage era. Through provocative comparisons between Chinese and white American women, Buck alleged that educated white women had failed to live up to their potential, and she demanded that they earn social equality by advancing into male-dominated professions outside the home. Although many of her readers disagreed, the novelist’s challenge was welcomed by the National Woman’s Party (NWP), which sought to abolish all gender-based discrimination and preferential treatment through the introduction of the Equal Rights Amendment (ERA). This story revises our understanding of the post-suffrage era by showing the vibrancy of feminist debates in the final years of the Great Depression, and it provides a new way into seeing how racialized thinking shaped American conceptions of women’s progress between first- and second-wave feminist movements.

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Stewart, Jean. "The History of Women's Suffrage in Queensland." Queensland Review 12, no. 2 (November 2005): 3–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1321816600004050.

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In 2004, as the centenary of women achieving the right to vote in Queensland elections drew near, plans were made to hold a conference: ‘A Celebration of the Centenary of Women's Suffrage in Queensland and the Achievements of Queensland Women in Parliament’. The conference was about Queensland women in Parliament, a joint endeavour of Professor Kay Saunders of the University of Queensland and the Royal Historical Society of Queensland. The conference was held on Saturday, 5 February 2005 in the Red Chamber (the former Legislative Council Chamber) of Parliament House. Speakers were assembled to present a history of the attainment of women's suffrage in Queensland and to recognise the achievements since 1905 of Queensland women as politicians in both the state and federal spheres. The majority of those papers appear in this issue of Queensland Review.

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Rouse, Wendy. "Gender, Sexuality, and Love between Women in California’s Suffrage Campaign." California History 97, no. 4 (2020): 144–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ch.2020.97.4.144.

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The traditional narrative of the women’s suffrage movement has presented a “respectable” version of suffrage history primarily focused on the prominent role of elite, cisgender, heterosexual white women in fighting for the vote. Scholars are currently challenging that narrative. The story of California suffragists Gail Laughlin and Dr. Mary Austin Sperry “queers” our understanding of suffrage history by revealing the ways that suffragists transgressed normative boundaries of gender and sexuality not only in their norm-defying gender expressions, but in their non-heteronormative domestic arrangements.

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Rouse, Wendy. "Gender, Sexuality, and Love between Women in California’s Suffrage Campaign." California History 97, no. 4 (2020): 144–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ch.2020.97.4.144.

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The traditional narrative of the women’s suffrage movement has presented a “respectable” version of suffrage history primarily focused on the prominent role of elite, cisgender, heterosexual white women in fighting for the vote. Scholars are currently challenging that narrative. The story of California suffragists Gail Laughlin and Dr. Mary Austin Sperry “queers” our understanding of suffrage history by revealing the ways that suffragists transgressed normative boundaries of gender and sexuality not only in their norm-defying gender expressions, but in their non-heteronormative domestic arrangements.

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13

Carpenter, Daniel, Zachary Popp, Tobias Resch, Benjamin Schneer, and Nicole Topich. "Suffrage Petitioning as Formative Practice: American Women Presage and Prepare for the Vote, 1840–1940." Studies in American Political Development 32, no. 1 (April 2018): 24–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898588x18000032.

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The American woman suffrage movement remade the U.S. Constitution and effected the broadest expansion of voting eligibility in the nation's history. Yet it did more than change laws and citizenship. It also plausibly shaped participatory patterns before and after the winning of voting rights for women. Drawing upon the idea of formative practice and reporting on a range of historical materials—including an original data set of 2,157 petitions sent to the U.S. Congress from 1874 to 1920 concerning women's voting rights—we focus on woman suffrage petitioning as both presaging the practice of voting and, in a sense, preparing tens of thousands of women for that activity. Our analyses reveal that, before 1920, suffrage petitioning activity was heightened in general and midterm election years (especially among Republican-leaning constituencies), suffrage petitioning both enabled and reflected organization in critical western states, and that post-suffrage women's turnout was immediately and significantly higher in states with greater pre-suffrage petitioning (controlling for a range of political, organizational, and demographic variables). In its claims, symbolism, habits, and temporality, suffrage petitioning differed from other petitioning in American political development and marked a formative practice for women on their way to voting.

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14

Cahill, Cathleen D. "“Our Sisters in China Are Free”: Visual Representations of Chinese and Chinese American Suffragists." Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 19, no. 4 (August 7, 2020): 634–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781420000365.

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AbstractBoth white and Chinese American suffragists in the United States closely watched and discussed the events of the Chinese Revolution of 1911 and the establishment of the Chinese Republic (1912–1949). They were aware of the republican revolutionaries’ support for women's rights, which conflicted with American stereotypes of China as a backward nation, especially in its treatment of women. Chinese suffragists, real and imagined, became a major talking point in debates over women's voting rights in the United States as white suffragists and national newspapers championed their stories. This led to prominent visual depictions of Chinese suffragists in the press, but also their participation in public events such as suffrage parades. For a brief time, the transnational nature of suffrage conversations was highly visible as was the suffrage activism of women in U.S. Chinese communities. However, because Chinese immigrants were barred from citizenship by U.S. immigration law, white activists tended to depict Chinese suffragists as foreign, resulting in the erasure of their memory in the U.S. suffrage movement.

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Gunter, Rachel Michelle. "Immigrant Declarants and Loyal American Women: How Suffragists Helped Redefine the Rights of Citizens." Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 19, no. 4 (August 4, 2020): 591–606. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s153778142000033x.

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AbstractAs a result of the woman suffrage movement, citizenship and voting rights, though considered separate issues by the courts, became more intertwined in the mind of the average American. This interconnectedness was also a product of the concurrent movement to disfranchise immigrant declarant voters—immigrants who had filed their intention to become citizens but had not completed the naturalization process. This essay shows how suffragists pursued immigrant declarant disfranchisement as part of the woman suffrage movement, arguing that the same competitive political conditions that encouraged politicians to enfranchise primarily white, citizen women led them to disfranchise immigrant declarants. It analyzes suffragists’ arguments at both the state and national levels that voting was a right of citizens who had met their wartime obligations to the nation, and maintains that woman suffrage and the votes of white women who supported the measures disfranchising immigrant declarants and limiting immigrant rights should be included in historians’ understanding of the immigration restrictionist and nativist movements.

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16

Teele, Dawn Langan. "Women & the Vote." Daedalus 149, no. 1 (January 2020): 25–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/daed_a_01771.

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There are four contexts in which women have won voting rights: as part of a universal reform for all citizens (15 percent of countries that granted women suffrage); imposed by a conqueror or colonial metropole (28 percent); gradually, after some men had been enfranchised (44 percent); or a hybrid category, often in the wake of re-democratization (14 percent). This essay outlines the global patterns of these reforms and argues that in a plurality of cases, where women's suffrage was gradual, enfranchisement depended on an electoral logic. Politicians subject to competition who believed women would, on average, support their party, supported reform. The suffrage movement provided information, and a potential mobilization apparatus, for politicians to draw on after the vote was extended. Together, both activism and electoral incentives were imperative for reform, providing important lessons for feminist mobilization today.

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DiCenzo, Maria. "Gutter politics: women newsies and the suffrage press." Women's History Review 12, no. 1 (March 1, 2003): 15–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09612020300200345.

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Terborg-Penn, Rosalyn, and Margaret Finnegan. "Selling Suffrage: Consumer Culture and Votes for Women." American Historical Review 105, no. 3 (June 2000): 944. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2651887.

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Swanson, Kara W. "Inventing the Woman Voter: Suffrage, Ability, and Patents." Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 19, no. 4 (August 7, 2020): 559–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781420000316.

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AbstractIn 1870, the New York State Suffrage Association published a pamphlet titled “Woman as Inventor.” White suffragists distributed this history of female invention to prove women's inventiveness, countering arguments that biological disabilities justified women's legal disabilities. In the United States, inventiveness was linked to the capacity for original thought considered crucial for voters, making female inventiveness relevant to the franchise. As women could and did receive patents, activists used them as government certification of female ability. By publicizing female inventors, counting patents granted to women, and displaying women's inventions, they sought to overturn the common wisdom that women could not invent and prove that they had the ability to vote. Although partially successful, these efforts left undisturbed the equally common assertion that African Americans could not invent. White suffragists kept the contemporary Black woman inventor invisible, relegating the technological creations of women of color to a primitive past. White suffragists created a feminist history of invention, in words and objects, that reinforced white supremacy—another erasure of Black women, whose activism white suffragists were eager to harness, yet whose public presence they sought to minimize in order to keep the woman voter, like the woman inventor, presumptively white.

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Anderson, Susan D. "“Latter-Day Slavery”." California History 97, no. 4 (2020): 137–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ch.2020.97.4.137.

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My research highlights little-known aspects of African American participation in the mobilization on behalf of women’s suffrage in California, an issue of vital importance to African Americans. The history of suffrage in the United States is marked by varying degrees of denial of voting rights to African Americans. In California, African Americans were pivotal participants in three major suffrage campaigns. Based on black women’s support for the Fifteenth Amendment, which granted black men the right to vote, black men and women formed a critical political alliance, one in which black men almost universally supported black women’s suffrage. Black women began and continued their activism on behalf of male and female voting rights, not as an extension of white-led suffrage campaigns, but as an expression of African American political culture. African Americans—including black women suffragists—developed their own political culture, in part, to associate with those of similar culture and life experiences, but also because white-led suffrage organizations excluded black members. Black politics in California reflected African Americans’ confidence in black women as political actors and their faith in their own independent efforts to secure the franchise for both black men and women.

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Anderson, Susan D. "“Latter-Day Slavery”." California History 97, no. 4 (2020): 137–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ch.2020.97.4.137.

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My research highlights little-known aspects of African American participation in the mobilization on behalf of women’s suffrage in California, an issue of vital importance to African Americans. The history of suffrage in the United States is marked by varying degrees of denial of voting rights to African Americans. In California, African Americans were pivotal participants in three major suffrage campaigns. Based on black women’s support for the Fifteenth Amendment, which granted black men the right to vote, black men and women formed a critical political alliance, one in which black men almost universally supported black women’s suffrage. Black women began and continued their activism on behalf of male and female voting rights, not as an extension of white-led suffrage campaigns, but as an expression of African American political culture. African Americans—including black women suffragists—developed their own political culture, in part, to associate with those of similar culture and life experiences, but also because white-led suffrage organizations excluded black members. Black politics in California reflected African Americans’ confidence in black women as political actors and their faith in their own independent efforts to secure the franchise for both black men and women.

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INGEN, L. V. "THE LIMITS OF STATE SUFFRAGE FOR CALIFORNIA WOMEN CANDIDATES IN THE PROGRESSIVE ERA." Pacific Historical Review 73, no. 1 (February 1, 2004): 21–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/phr.2004.73.1.21.

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California women gained the right to run for the state legislature and Congress when they won the vote in 1911. Coming nine years before the Nineteenth Amendment enfranchised women nationally in 1920, this era of state enfranchisement appeared ripe for women's electoral success. The ongoing national suffrage movement, the California Progressive Party, and the extensive network of California women's clubs could all have worked to advance women's candidacies. Instead, these factors created conditions that undermined women's political ambitions. Not until 1918, when passage of a national suffrage amendment seemed imminent and the power of the Progressive Party in California faded, did women �nd success as candidates. Their delayed victories reveal the limits of state enfranchisement for women's political power.

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Nicolosi, Ann Marie. "“The Most Beautiful Suffragette“: Inez Milholland and the Political Currency of Beauty." Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 6, no. 3 (July 2007): 287–309. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781400002103.

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This article examines the role of beauty and image in the U.S. suffrage movement. It focuses specifically on Inez Milholland and on how she and the movement capitalized on her extraordinary beauty and used her image and media popularity to present an icon for the movement, thereby softening and making acceptable the spectacle of women in public spaces and political matters. Milholland provided the movement with a representation that undermined the association of female political participation with masculine women and gender transgression. She provided a constructed model of acceptable white femininity, one that answered the anti-suffrage movement's accusations that suffragists were masculine women, inverts, and “abnormal” women whose lobbying for the vote was proof of their wretched state. Milholland thereby helped to bring women into the movement who might fear the taint of masculinity and gender transgression.

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Turner, Elizabeth Hayes, and Elna C. Green. "Southern Strategies: Southern Women and the Woman Suffrage Question." Journal of American History 85, no. 1 (June 1998): 280. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2568541.

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Lundström, Markus. "“The Ballot Humbug”." Moving the Social 66 (October 31, 2021): 111–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.46586/mts.66.2021.111-124.

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This article explores how anarchist women viewed the feminist struggle for suffrage in the early 1900s. By focusing on this ostensible historical anomaly — women against patriarchy refuting the call for women’s suffrage — the article ventures into a plural history of feminism. The historiographic wave metaphor, typically employed to portray different stages of feminism, is here reimagined as radio waves. Through a variety of publications written by influential anarchist women, the article tunes into a broadcast that airs how anarchy expels patriarchy through a generic struggle against hierarchy. The case of anarchist women and women’s suffrage arguably signposts how to productively invoke plurality in social movement historiography.

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Bažantová, Eva. "Počátky hnutí za získání ženského volebního práva ve Velké Británii v druhé polovině 60. let 19. století." PRÁVNĚHISTORICKÉ STUDIE 52, no. 3 (January 27, 2023): 131–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.14712/2464689x.2022.42.

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The paper focuses on the first phase of women’s efforts to gain the right to vote. There had been discussion over the preparation of the Second Reform Act about widening the franchise. In 1866, a group of women gathered in the Kensington Society came up with an idea to create a petition which called for right for women householders to gain right to vote on the same basis as men did, without the distinction of sex. The petition of 1866 reached an unexpected number of signatures and MP John Stuart Mill presented the question of women’s suffrage in the House of Commons. The paper follows the arguments for and against the women’s suffrage in the 1860s. The 1866 petition was an important step in the women’s emancipation movement as it started a broader movement to gain the suffrage.

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Fara, Patricia. "Women, science and suffrage in World War I." Notes and Records: the Royal Society Journal of the History of Science 69, no. 1 (November 19, 2014): 11–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1098/rsnr.2014.0057.

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Oh! This War! How it is tearing down walls and barriers, and battering in fast shut doors … Women's Liberal Review , 1915 World War I is often said to have benefited British women by giving them the vote and by enabling them to take on traditionally male roles, including ones in science, engineering and medicine. In reality, conventional hierarchies were rapidly re-established after the Armistice. Concentrating mainly on a small group of well-qualified scientific and medical women, marginalized at the time and also in the secondary literature, I review the attitudes they experienced and the work they undertook during and immediately after the war. The effects of century-old prejudices are still felt today.

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Prescott, Heather Munro, and Lauren MacIvor Thompson. "A Right to Ourselves: Women's Suffrage and the Birth Control Movement." Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 19, no. 4 (August 3, 2020): 542–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781420000304.

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AbstractThe suffrage and birth control movements are often treated separately in historical scholarship. This essay brings together new research to demonstrate their close connections. Many suffragists became active in the birth control movement just before and after the passage of the Nineteenth Amendment in 1920. The roots of suffrage arguments were deeply embedded in the same ideas that were foundational to the birth control movement: bodily freedom and notions of what constituted full and participatory citizenship. Beginning in the 1840s, women's rights reformers directly connected the vote to a broad range of economic and political issues, including the concept of self-ownership. Wide-ranging debates about individual autonomy remained present in women's rights rhetoric and were then repeated in the earliest arguments for legalizing birth control. The twentieth-century birth control movement, like the suffrage movement before it (which had largely focused only on achieving the vote for white women), would then grapple with competing goals of restrictive racist and eugenic arguments for contraception alongside the emphasis on achieving emancipation for all women.

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Rose, Kenneth D., and Elna C. Green. "Southern Strategies: Southern Women and the Woman Suffrage Question." American Historical Review 103, no. 3 (June 1998): 985. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2650726.

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Gidlow, Liette. "THE SEQUEL: THE FIFTEENTH AMENDMENT, THE NINETEENTH AMENDMENT, AND SOUTHERN BLACK WOMEN'S STRUGGLE TO VOTE." Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 17, no. 3 (July 2018): 433–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781418000051.

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This essay reframes both the woman suffrage narrative and narratives of African American voting rights struggles by focusing on the experiences of southern African American women between the 1870s and the 1920s. It argues that the Fifteenth Amendment remained central to their suffrage strategy long after the failure of the “New Departure” to win court sanction caused white suffragists to abandon it. As white supremacists in the South worked at the turn of the century to disfranchise black men, leading African American suffragists such as Mary Church Terrell, Gertrude Bustill Mossell, and Adella Hunt Logan called for the enforcement of the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments as well as the enfranchisement of black women. After the federal woman suffrage amendment was ratified in 1920, many southern African American women encountered the same barriers to voting—obstructionist tactics, threats, and violence—that black men had faced a generation earlier. In short, for aspiring African American voters in the South, the failure of the Nineteenth Amendment to secure voting rights for black women constituted a sad sequel to the failure of the Fifteenth Amendment to secure voting rights for black men.This interpretation offers three significant interventions. It pairs the Reconstruction-era Amendments with the Nineteenth Amendment, recognizing their shared focus on voting rights. It connects the voting rights struggles of southern African Americans across genders and generations. Finally, it finds that, for some women, the canonical “century of struggle” for voting rights continued long after the Nineteenth Amendment was ratified.

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Neuman, Johanna. "WHO WON WOMEN'S SUFFRAGE? A CASE FOR “MERE MEN”." Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 16, no. 3 (June 23, 2017): 347–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781417000081.

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Scholars of women's suffrage have long debated credit, a meditation on which leaders won the campaign to enfranchise American women. Many argue that victory came because of Alice Paul's militancy in picketing the White House. Others insist it was Carrie Chapman Catt's pragmatism in winning state victories. Still others note that both were needed, a political “one-two punch” of strategic effectiveness. This article suggests that one contingent often excluded from this narrative is men. Male suffragists are often portrayed as driven more by a hunger for quixotic political or sexual adventure, or by a chivalrous posture toward women. Examining the records of the New York Men's League for Woman Suffrage and the archival footprints male suffragists left behind, this article argues that whatever their motives, male suffragists made palatable to other men the once radical notion that women could join the coarse, corrupt, and cigar-filled world of politics without losing their femininity—or robbing men of their virility. By their very activism, they conditioned the public to see women—and men—beyond the gendered construct of the domestic sphere and in the light of the interest politics that dominated the Progressive Era.

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Mercado, Monica L. "The Politics of Women's History: Collecting for the Centennial of Women's Suffrage in New York State." Collections: A Journal for Museum and Archives Professionals 14, no. 3 (September 2018): 331–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/155019061801400309.

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The 2017 New York State suffrage centennial provided momentum for institutions to review and reimagine their women's history collections. Five of the many museum exhibitions timed to this anniversary— Votes for Women: Celebrating New York's Suffrage Centennial at the New York State Museum, Woman's Protest: Two Sides of the Fight for Suffrage in New York at the Cayuga Museum, Beyond Suffrage: A Century of New York Women in Politics at the Museum of the City of New York, and Hotbed and Collecting the Women's Marches at the New-York Historical Society—offer an opportunity to examine curatorial strategies that build on and share existing women's history collections, often accompanied by pointed acknowledgments of the unfinished struggles for voting rights and women's rights. As a constellation of historic sites and museums, state and federal commemorative commissions, and public and private funders join forces to bring these materials and the ideas they carry out of storage and into the exhibition gallery, this study of New York-based institutions speaks directly to commemorations being planned for the 2020 centennial of the Nineteenth Amendment and to new collecting projects in U.S. history museums more broadly.

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Kirkley, Evelyn A. "‘This Work is God's Cause’: Religion in the Southern Woman Suffrage Movement, 1880–1920." Church History 59, no. 4 (December 1990): 507–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3169146.

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As I began researching religion and woman suffrage in the South I asked a prominent historian of southern religion if he knew of any sources. I had assumed that religion and woman suffrage had an intimate relationship in the South, since historians have amply documented the close connection between southern religion and culture. After scraching his head for a moment, however, he commented dryly, “There really aren't any sources. That will be a short paper.” He went on to explain that religious arguments were seldom used in the struggle for woman suffrage, that natural rights ideology and the social benefits of moral women voting were more common defenses than ones based on Scripture. Even antisuffragists relied on the threat of black women voting and the superfluity of women voting when they were represented by their husbands at the ballot box more often than explicitly religious arguments.

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Pringle, Judith K. "Reflections on Professor Still's retrospective: A trans-Tasman response." Journal of Management & Organization 15, no. 5 (November 2009): 562–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1833367200002418.

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Professor Still presents a succinct and insightful piece, reflecting on the development for women in management within Australia over the past three decades. She rightly focuses on women in management rather than to try and map the multitudinous developments of the women/gender in organisation literature that has mushroomed into a sub-discipline of its own over the past three decades.In considering any parallel development for women in New Zealand it seems compelling to start in the late 19th century. As a result of direct and indirect action by the suffrage movement; fuelled by activities of the women's temperance union, NZ women gained the vote in 1893. Like Australia, the colonial women were perceived very much as Damned Whores and God's Police (Summer, 1994). In these brief reflections, I focus on the last 30 years of changes since the second wave of the feminist movement. In summary, the conclusions are somewhat depressingly similar to Australia; however, there are some noteworthy differences.

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Pringle, Judith K. "Reflections on Professor Still's retrospective: A trans-Tasman response." Journal of Management & Organization 15, no. 5 (November 2009): 562–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.5172/jmo.15.5.562.

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Professor Still presents a succinct and insightful piece, reflecting on the development for women in management within Australia over the past three decades. She rightly focuses on women in management rather than to try and map the multitudinous developments of the women/gender in organisation literature that has mushroomed into a sub-discipline of its own over the past three decades.In considering any parallel development for women in New Zealand it seems compelling to start in the late 19th century. As a result of direct and indirect action by the suffrage movement; fuelled by activities of the women's temperance union, NZ women gained the vote in 1893. Like Australia, the colonial women were perceived very much as Damned Whores and God's Police (Summer, 1994). In these brief reflections, I focus on the last 30 years of changes since the second wave of the feminist movement. In summary, the conclusions are somewhat depressingly similar to Australia; however, there are some noteworthy differences.

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36

Moehling, Carolyn M., and Melissa A. Thomasson. "Votes for Women: An Economic Perspective on Women’s Enfranchisement." Journal of Economic Perspectives 34, no. 2 (May 1, 2020): 3–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/jep.34.2.3.

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The ratification of the Nineteenth Amendment in 1920 officially granted voting rights to women across the United States. However, many states extended full or partial suffrage to women before the federal amendment. In this paper, we discuss the history of women's enfranchisement using an economic lens. We examine the demand side, discussing the rise of the women's movement and its alliances with other social movements, and describe how suffragists put pressure on legislators. On the supply side, we draw from theoretical models of suffrage extension to explain why men shared the right to vote with women. Finally, we review empirical studies that attempt to distinguish between competing explanations. We find that no single theory can explain women's suffrage in the United States and note that while the Nineteenth Amendment extended the franchise to women, state-level barriers to voting limited the ability of black women to exercise that right until the Voting Rights Act of 1965.

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Klaus, Alisa, and Beverly Beeton. "Women Vote in the West: The Woman Suffrage Movement, 1869-1896." Western Historical Quarterly 18, no. 4 (October 1987): 464. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/969394.

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DuBois, Ellen Carol. "Working Women, Class Relations, and Suffrage Militance: Harriot Stanton Blatch and the New York Woman Suffrage Movement, 1894-1909." Journal of American History 74, no. 1 (June 1987): 34. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1908504.

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39

Dublin, Thomas. "A Crowdsourcing Approach to Revitalizing Scholarship on Black Women Suffragists." Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 19, no. 4 (August 3, 2020): 575–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781420000328.

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AbstractThis article draws on a collection of crowdsourced biographical sketches of Black women suffragists to explore the contributions of these activists to the expansion of voting rights that accompanied the passage of the Nineteenth Amendment. It explores the motivations and strategies adopted by Black women suffragists and interracial alliances that emerged in the course of the suffrage struggle, comparing and contrasting the experiences of suffragists across racial lines.

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40

Geddes, J. F. "The Doctors’ Dilemma: medical women and the British suffrage movement." Women's History Review 18, no. 2 (April 2009): 203–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09612020902770691.

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Przeworski, Adam. "Conquered or Granted? A History of Suffrage Extensions." British Journal of Political Science 39, no. 2 (April 2009): 291–321. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123408000434.

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Why was franchise extended to the lower classses and to women? Was it conquered by the excluded groups, threatening that unless they were admitted as citizens they would reach for power by other, revolutionary, means? Or was it voluntarily granted by the incumbent elites? This question is examined statistically, using a new dataset covering the entire world from the inception of representative institutions until now. The general picture that emerges is that the poorer classes fought their way into the representative institutions and, once admitted, they were organized by different political parties. In pursuit of their economic and social goals, these parties sought to enhance their electoral positions, treating the issue of female suffrage as an instrument of electoral competition.

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Derleth, Jessica. "“KNEADING POLITICS”: COOKERY AND THE AMERICAN WOMAN SUFFRAGE MOVEMENT." Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 17, no. 3 (July 2018): 450–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781418000063.

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During the American woman suffrage movement, opponents described suffragists as abnormal, unsexed, non-mothers who desired to leave the home and family en masse, levying “war against the very foundation of society.” This charge ultimately compelled suffragists around the nation to respond by embracing expediency arguments, insisting the women's votes would bring morality, cleanliness, and order to the public sphere. This article charts how suffragists capitalized on movements for home economics, municipal housekeeping, and pure food to argue for the compatibility of politics and womanhood. In particular, this article examines suffrage cookbooks, recipes, and bazaars as key campaign tactics. More than a colorful historiographical side note, this cookery rhetoric was a purposeful political tactic meant to combat perennial images of suffragists as “unwomanly women.” And suffragists ultimately employed the practice and language of cookery to build a feminine persona that softened the image of their political participation and made women's suffrage more palatable to politicians, male voters, potential activists, and the general public.

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Myres, Sandra L., and Beverly Beeton. "Women Vote in the West: The Woman Suffrage Movement, 1869-1896." Journal of American History 73, no. 4 (March 1987): 1045. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1904114.

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Watson, Martha Solomon, and Genevieve G. McBride. "On Wisconsin Women: Working for Their Rights from Settlement to Suffrage." Journal of American History 81, no. 4 (March 1995): 1743. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2081749.

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Opler, Daniel. "Suffrage and the City: New York Women Battle for the Ballot." Journal of American History 108, no. 2 (September 1, 2021): 390–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jahist/jaab175.

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Parker, Alison M. "Recasting the Vote: How Women of Color Transformed the Suffrage Movement." Journal of American History 108, no. 3 (December 1, 2021): 614. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jahist/jaab286.

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Hyman, Colette A., and Barbara Stuhler. "Gentle Warriors: Clara Ueland and the Minesota Struggle for Women Suffrage." Journal of American History 83, no. 2 (September 1996): 646. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2945026.

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Rouse, Wendy, and Beth Slutsky. "Empowering the Physical and Political Self: Women and the Practice of Self-Defense, 1890–1920." Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 13, no. 4 (October 2014): 470–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781414000383.

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First-wave feminists in the Progressive Era found ways to make the political physical by empowering their bodies. As the women's suffrage movement gained momentum, advocates for women's self-defense training in England and in the United States insisted that all women were physically capable of defending themselves and should learn self-defense not only to protect themselves physically but to empower themselves psychologically and politically for the battles they would face in both the public and private spheres. Militant suffragettes used their bodies to convey discontent and resist oppression through marches, pickets, and hunger strikes. Yet, and perhaps more importantly, even average women, with no direct association with suffrage organizations, expressed a newfound sense of empowerment through physical training in boxing, wrestling, and jiu-jitsu.1This paper considers the ways in which women during the first wave of feminism empowered their bodies to fight assault, sexism, and disfranchisement through their training in the “manly art” of self-defense. Although not all women who embraced physical training and martial arts had explicit or implicit political motives, women's self-defense figuratively and literally challenged the power structure that prevented them from exercising their full rights as citizens and human beings.

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Corrigan, Lisa M. "Cuban Feminism: from Suffrage to Exile." Journal for the History of Rhetoric 8, no. 1 (January 1, 2005): 131–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/jhistrhetoric.8.1.0131.

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Abstract This paper examines the historical processes that spurred the Cuban feminist movement to articulate positions on suffrage, property rights, reproductive rights, marriage and divorce, children's issues, welfare, and education. It also discusses the changes in Cuban society during the Castro years and how the communist alignment of Cuban society influenced Cuban feminism. Finally, this paper suggests that one of the most interesting spaces to excavate women's history, women's voices and feminist activism is in exile. In exile, we see the hybridity and doubleness that has characterized Cuban life, particularly since the Soviet collapse. Writings by Castro's daughter, Alina Fernandez, help us understand where Cuban women are positioned at the beginning of the 21st century and the subject positioning of women writing in exile.

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Harvey, Anna L. "The Political Consequences of Suffrage Exclusion." Social Science History 20, no. 1 (1996): 97–132. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200021556.

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By the close of the first decade following ratification of constitutional female suffrage in the United States, it had become commonplace to read of female political leaders bemoaning the inefficacy of women's lobbying organizations, which despite their lobbying efforts did not engage in any electoral activity such as the mobilization of female voters (see, for example,NYT10 March 1928: 3;NYT31 March 1931: 22). That this should have been the case raises an interesting question: Why not? That is, given the likelihood that women's votes would have increased the efficacy of these lobbying efforts, why weren't the leaders of women's lobbying organizations, in particular those of the former suffrage machine, the National League of Women Voters (NLWV), pursuing those votes?

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Journal articles on the topic 'Women Suffrage Australia History'

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