Academic literature on the topic 'Women slaveholders'
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Journal articles on the topic "Women slaveholders"
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DORNAN, INGE. "Masterful Women: Colonial Women Slaveholders in the Urban Low Country." Journal of American Studies 39, no. 3 (December 2005): 383–402. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021875805000587.
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When Abraham Minis, merchant and tavern keeper, of Savannah, Georgia sat down to draw up his last will and testament he faced a heart-wrenching dilemma: how would he successfully provide for all of his eight children and also ensure that his beloved wife Abigail would have enough to live out the rest of her days in widowhood in comfort? Three years later, in spring 1757, Abraham died. When his will was read, there were thankfully no surprises for Abigail and their children – Abraham had followed Low Country custom regarding the division of family wealth. He gave his three sons his horses and mares and left five daughters all of his black cattle. It was Abigail, he explained, who was to inherit “all the rest of my Estate both real and personal” to be “enjoyed by her” so that she would be able to “maintain educate and bring up our children.” He sealed his love, approval, and trust in his wife's abilities to meet this request by nominating her his sole executrix. Any help that she might need when settling the affairs of his estate, he observed, would be provided by his loyal friends Joseph Phillips and Benjamin Sheftall, who would assist and advise her.
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Keener, Craig S. "African American Readings of Paul." Journal of Pentecostal Theology 32, no. 1 (February 27, 2023): 5–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/17455251-32010011.
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Abstract Lisa Bowens’s African American Readings of Paul provides a fascinating adventure for all those interested in reception history of Paul and/or the history of the Black Church in the United States. Although also engaging modern scholarship, Bowens allows the historic voices of the Black Church to speak for themselves, thus sometimes challenging paradigms established by earlier scholars working from more limited evidence. When enslaved persons read the Bible, they embraced its liberationist and justice-oriented principles, rescuing Paul from the counterreadings of the slaveholders. Bowens sympathetically highlights the spiritual experiences of historic African American readers, by which they appropriated Paul’s ethos more deeply. Applying the same principles, African American women recognized Paul’s appreciation for women ministry colleagues and so contextualized his apparent prohibitions of women in ministry. The figures treated in this book are of more than historical interest; they often provide models of faithful discipleship and faithful readings of Scripture for readers today.
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Paton, Diana. "MARY WILLIAMSON'S LETTER, OR, SEEING WOMEN AND SISTERS IN THE ARCHIVES OF ATLANTIC SLAVERY." Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 29 (November 1, 2019): 153–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0080440119000070.
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ABSTRACT‘I was a few years back a slave on your property of Houton Tower, and as a Brown woman was fancied by a Mr Tumming unto who Mr Thomas James sold me.’ Thus begins Mary Williamson's letter, which for decades sat unexamined in an attic in Scotland until a history student became interested in her family's papers, and showed it to Diana Paton. In this article, Paton uses the letter to reflect on the history and historiography of ‘Brown’ women like Mary Williamson in Jamaica and other Atlantic slave societies. Mary Williamson's letter offers a rare perspective on the sexual encounters between white men and brown women that were pervasive in Atlantic slave societies. Yet its primary focus is on the greater importance of ties of place and family – particularly of relations between sisters – in a context in which the ‘severity’ of slavery was increasing. Mary Williamson's letter is a single and thus-far not formally archived trace in a broader archive of Atlantic slavery dominated by material left by slaveholders and government officials. Paton asks what the possibilities and limits of such a document may be for generating knowledge about the lives and experiences of those who were born into slavery.
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Harris, Trudier. "Christianity’s Last Stand: Visions of Spirituality in Post-1970 African American Women’s Literature." Religions 11, no. 7 (July 18, 2020): 369. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel11070369.
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Christianity appealed to writers of African descent from the moment they set foot on New World soil. That attraction, perhaps as a result of the professed mission of slaveholders to “Christianize the heathen African,” held sway in African American letters well into the twentieth century. While African American male writers joined their female counterparts in expressing an attraction to Christianity, black women writers, beginning in the mid-twentieth century, consistently began to express doubts about the assumed altruistic nature of a religion that had been used as justification for enslaving their ancestors. Lorraine Hansberry’s Beneatha Younger in A Raisin in the Sun (1959) initiated a questioning mode in relation to Christianity that continues into the present day. It was especially after 1970 that black women writers turned their attention to other ways of knowing, other kinds of spirituality, other ways of being in the world. Consequently, they enable their characters to find divinity within themselves or within communities of extra-natural individuals of which they are a part, such as vampires. As this questioning and re-conceptualization of spirituality and divinity continue into the twenty-first century, African American women writers make it clear that their characters, in pushing against traditional renderings of religion and spirituality, envision worlds that their contemporary historical counterparts cannot begin to imagine.
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Özkoray, Hayri Gökşin. "From Persecution to (Potential) Emancipation." Hawwa 17, no. 2-3 (October 23, 2019): 257–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15692086-12341359.
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Abstract This article deals with offences and crimes against female slaves, and those committed by female slaves, in Ottoman Istanbul (sixteenth-seventeeth centuries). Its main sources are imperial legislation and court records of the imperial capital, Istanbul, and its suburbs. Judicial archives remain the chief sources of early modern Ottoman historiography on gender. This contribution tackles slavery’s specificities regarding women, without ignoring the parallels with their male counterparts in the Ottoman Empire. By considering women as both objects and agents of legal violations and acts of violence, I simultaneously deal with the rights of slaveholders and slaves. Violations of these rights varied depending on the identity and juridical status of their authors, and were handled accordingly by the justice system. Thus, I consider violations committed by owners against their slaves, by slaves against their owners, and by third parties against the slaves of others. The rights and mutual obligations of masters and slaves were strictly defined in Ottoman law, although the judicial authorities upheld the preservation of private property above all. They dedicated themselves to fighting against the slightest doubt over masters’ quasi-absolute authority over their human possessions, whose unconditional obedience was required. Female slaves, in order to affirm their rights, had to provide irrefutable written proof or trustworthy verbal testimonies at the kadi courts.
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Lima, Henrique Espada. "“Until the Day of His Death”." Radical History Review 2021, no. 139 (January 1, 2021): 52–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/01636545-8822602.
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Abstract This article examines postmortem inventories and notarial records from Brazilian slaveholders in southern Brazil in the nineteenth century. By discussing selected cases in detail, it investigates the relationship between “precarious masters” (especially the poor and/or disabled, widows without family, and single elderly slaveholding women and men) and their slaves and former slaves to whom they bequeathed, in their testaments and final wills, manumission and property. The article reads these documents as intergenerational contractual arrangements that connected the masters’ expectations for care in illness and old age with the slaves’ and former slaves’ expectations for compensation for their work and dedication. Following these uneven relationships of interdependence and exploitation as they developed over time, the article suggests a reassessment of the role of paternalism in Brazil during the country’s final century of slavery. More than a tool to enforce relations of domination, paternalism articulated with the dynamics of vulnerability and interdependency as they changed over the life courses of both enslaved people and slave owners. This article shows how human aging became a terrain of negotiation and struggle as Brazilian slave society transformed throughout the nineteenth century.
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Chira, Adriana. "Affective Debts: Manumission by Grace and the Making of Gradual Emancipation Laws in Cuba, 1817–68." Law and History Review 36, no. 1 (December 12, 2017): 1–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0738248017000529.
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Drawing on thirty freedom suits from nineteenth-century eastern Cuba, this article explores how some slaves redefined slaveholders' oral promises of manumissions by grace from philanthropic acts into contracts providing a deferred wage payout. Manumissions by grace tended to reward affective labor (loyalty, affection) and to be granted to domestic slaves. Across Cuba, as in other slave societies of Spanish America, through self-purchase, slaves made sustained efforts to monetize the labor that they did by virtue of their ascribed status. The monetization of affective work stands out amongst such efforts. Freedom litigants involved in conflicts over manumissions by grace emphasized the market logics in domestic slavery, revealing that slavery was a fundamentally economic institution even in such instances where it appeared to be intertwined with kinship and domesticity. Through this move, they challenged the assumption that slaves toiled loyally for masters out of a natural commitment to an unchanging master-slave hierarchy. By the 1880s, through court litigation and extra-judicial violence, slave litigants and insurgents would turn oral promises of manumission by grace into a blueprint for general emancipation. Through their legal actions, enslaved people, especially women, revealed the significance and transactional nature of care work, a notion familiar to us today.
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Hardesty, Jared Ross. "Disappearing from Abolitionism's Heartland: The Legacy of Slavery and Emancipation in Boston." International Review of Social History 65, S28 (February 19, 2020): 145–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859020000176.
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AbstractThis article examines why Boston's slave and free black population consisted of more than 1,500 people in 1750, but by 1790 Boston was home to only 766 people of African descent. This disappearing act, where the town's black population declined by at least fifty per cent between 1763 and 1790, can only be explained by exploring slavery, abolition, and their legacies in Boston. Slaves were vital to the town's economy, filling skilled positions and providing labor for numerous industries. Using the skills acquired to challenge their enslavement, Afro-Bostonians found freedom during the American revolutionary era. Nevertheless, as New England's rural economy collapsed, young white men and women from all over the region flooded Boston looking for work, driving down wages, and competing with black people for menial employment. Forced out of the labor market, many former slaves and their descendants left the region entirely. Others joined the Continental or British armies and never returned home. Moreover, many slave owners, knowing that slavery was coming to an end in Massachusetts, sold their bondsmen and women to other colonies in the Americas where slavery was still legal and profitable. Thus, the long-term legacy of abolition for black Bostonians was that Boston's original enslaved population largely disappeared, while the city became a hub of abolitionism by the 1830s. Boston's abolitionist community – many the descendants of slaveholders – did not have to live with their forefathers’ sins. Instead, they crafted a narrative of a free Boston, making it an attractive destination for runaway slaves from across the Atlantic world.
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Nil Kamal Chakma. "Self-Making Without Inheritance: Harriet Jacobs’s Incident in the Life of a Slave Girl." Creative Launcher 7, no. 5 (October 30, 2022): 37–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.53032/tcl.2022.7.5.04.
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The slaves, especially women, are more vulnerable than the men to the oppressive system of slavery. It does not only seize the idea of self from a slave (which constitutes a human being, and slavery seeks support from and utilizes the existing laws by which all the legal rights of the slaves are hijacked) but also it puts them (women) into a constant struggle to negotiate, not just for the construction of their ‘selves’ but for their motherhoods and the right of being called wives of their husbands and so forth. The masters, the white, adopt numerous evil strategies which sabotage the slaves forming strong bondage between husband and wife; and parents and children. The masters and slaveholders separate the slaves to run slavery smoothly; for if they are kept together, there will grow a strong relationship among the slaves as they will share feelings, emotions, and sentiments, which may result in gathering a possible resistance against the entire slavery. In such a heavy check on the formation of family bondage, Jackobs’s spoke persona, Brent adopts several strategies, which not only help but also construct her identity and liberate herself as well as her children from the claws of slavery. Thus, this paper examines how the emergence of motherhood becomes the prime factor for negotiating and constructing self-identity, not for herself– Brent but also for her children, out of nothing– inheritance. Moreover, it has created awareness among the communities that despise slavery against slavery, afterward uprooting slavery forever.
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Cespedes, Karina L. "Beyond Freedom's Reach: An Imperfect Centering of Women and Children Caught within Cuba's Long Emancipation and the Afterlife of Slavery." International Labor and Working-Class History 96 (2019): 122–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547919000231.
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AbstractThis article examines Cuba's long process of gradual emancipation (from 1868–1886) and the continual states of bondage that categorize the afterlife of Cuban slavery. The article addresses deferred freedom, re-enslavement, and maintenance of legal states of bondage in the midst of “freedom.” It contends with the legacy of the casta system, the contradictions within the Moret Law of 1870, which “half-freed” children but not their mothers, and it analyzes the struggle for full emancipation after US occupation, with the thwarted attempt of forming the Partido Independiente de Color to enfranchise populations of color. The article argues that the desire to control the labor of racialized populations, and in particular the labor of black and indigenous women and children, unified Cuban and US slaveholders determined to detain emancipation; and provides an analysis of the re-enslavement of US free people of color at the end of the nineteenth century, kidnapped and brought to the Cuba as a method of bolstering slavery. The article draws on the scholarship of Saidiya Hartman and Shona Jackson to provide an assessment of the afterlife of Cuban slavery, the invisibility of indigenous labor, the hypervisibility of African labor in the Caribbean deployed to maintain white supremacy, and it critiques the humanizing narrative of labor as a means for freedom in order to address the ways in which, for racialized populations in Cuba, wage labor would emerge as a tool of oppression. The article raises an inquiry into the historiography on Cuban slavery to provide a critique of the invisibility of indigenous and African women and children. It also considers the role and place of sexual exchanges/prostitution utilized to obtain freedom and to finance self-manumission, alongside the powerful narratives of the social and sexual deviancy of black women that circulated within nineteenth-century Cuba.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Women slaveholders"
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Dornan, Ingeborg Irene. "Women slaveholders in the Georgia and South Carolina low country, 1750-1775." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2001. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/251763.
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Sandeen, Loucynda Elayne. "Who Owns This Body? Enslaved Women's Claim on Themselves." PDXScholar, 2013. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/1492.
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During the antebellum period of U.S. slavery (1830-1861), many people claimed ownership of the enslaved woman's body, both legally and figuratively. The assumption that they were merely property, however, belies the unstable, shifting truths about bodily ownership. This thesis inquires into the gendered specifics and ambiguities of the law, the body, and women under slavery. By examining the particular bodily regulation and exploitation of enslaved women, especially around their reproductive labor, I suggest that new operations of oppression and also of resistance come into focus.
The legal structure recognized enslaved women in the interest of owners, and this limitation was defining, meaning that justice flowed in one direction. If married white women were "civilly dead," as famously evoked by the Declaration of Sentiments (1848) then enslaved women were civilly non-existent. The law controlled, but did not protect slaves, and a number of opponents to slavery denounced this contradictory scenario during the antebellum era (and before). Literally, enslaved women were claimed by their masters, purchased and sold as chattel. Physically, they were claimed by those men (both white and black) who sought to have power over them. Symbolically, they were claimed by anti-slavers and pro-slavers alike when it suited their purposes, often in the domains of news and literature, for the sake of advancing their ideas, a rich record of which fills court cases, newsprint, and propaganda touching the slavery issue before the civil war.
Due to the numerous ways that enslaved women's bodies have been claimed, owned, or circulated in markets, it may have been considered implicit to many that others owned their bodies. I believe that this is an oversimplified historical supposition that needs to be re-theorized. Indeed, enslaved women lived in a time when they were often led to believe that their bodies were not truly their own, and yet, many of them resisted their particular forms of oppression by claiming ownership of their bodies and those of their children; sometimes using rather extreme methods to keep from contributing to their oppression. In other words, slave owners' monopoly of the legal, economic, and logistical meanings of ownership of slaves had to be constantly reaffirmed and negotiated. This thesis asks: who owned the enslaved woman's body? I seek to emphasize that enslaved women were valid claimants of themselves as can seen in primary sources that today have only been given limited expression in the historiography.
Books on the topic "Women slaveholders"
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Wood, Kirsten E. Fictive mastery: Slaveholding widows, gender, and power in the American Southeast, 1790-1860. [S.l.]: [s.n.], 1998.
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Vita, Alexis Brooks De. The 1855 murder case of Missouri versus Celia, an enslaved woman: An exercise in historical imagination. Lewiston: Edwin Mellen Press, 2010.
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Manolo, Florentino, ed. As sinhás pretas da Bahia: Suas escravas, suas jóias. Rio de Janeiro: Topbooks, 2021.
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Fish, Laura. Strange Music. London: Random House Group Limited, 2009.
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Fox, Tryphena Blanche Holder. A northern woman in the plantation South: Letters of Tryphena Blanche Holder Fox, 1856-1876. Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 1993.
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Fox, Tryphena Blanche Holder. A northern woman in the plantation South: Letters of Tryphena Blanche Holder Fox, 1856-1876. Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 1993.
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Butler, Octavia E. Kindred. Boston: Beacon Press, 1988.
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Butler, Octavia E. Kindred. 2nd ed. Boston: Beacon Press, 2003.
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Butler, Octavia E. Kindred. Boston: Beacon Press, 1988.
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Susan, Wright. A pound of flesh. [Place of publication not identified]: Roc, 2008.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Women slaveholders"
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de Hoog Cius, Fiona, and Kevin Bales. "‘In the Case of Women, It’s Total Viciousness’: Violence, Control, Power and Rage in Female Slaveholder-Enslaved Relationship." In International Perspectives on Gender-Based Violence, 89–104. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-42867-8_6.
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Walker, Christine. "Introduction." In Jamaica Ladies, 1–24. University of North Carolina Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469658797.003.0001.
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The introduction uses a single document, the 1713 will of Elizabeth Keyhorne, a widowed free woman of African descent living in Kingston who was both a slaveholder and had children who were still enslaved, to illustrate the book’s key themes. In the first half of the eighteenth century, a remarkably diverse group of free and freed women of European, Euro-African, and African descent helped to make Jamaica the wealthiest and largest slaveholding colony in the British Empire. As slaveholders, female colonists augmented their wealth, status, and legal independence on the island. Yet, many, like Keyhorne, maintained complicated and ambiguous relationships with enslaved people.
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"How to Be an Abolitionist." In New York's Burned-over District, edited by Spencer W. McBride and Jennifer Hull Dorsey, 368–69. Cornell University Press, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501770531.003.0059.
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This chapter discusses New Yorkers that opposed slavery and supported its end but remained wary of ultraism. It looks at a broadside published by prominent reformer Gerrit Smith in Peterboro, New York, which affirmed the popular perception of abolitionists as uncompromising and even unreasonable. It also includes some of the duties of an abolitionist, such as praying and laboring heartily for the welfare of the slaveholder and slave. The chapter highlights the belief of the abolitionists that if God hates the robbery for burnt offering, then it is wrong to patronize Associations that solicit the contributions of slaveholders. It highlights the invitation of the broadside to men and women in the United States to solemnly pledge themselves in the year 1841 to the conscientious discharge of the foregoing duties of an abolitionist.
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Fields-Black, Edda L. "Stolen Children." In Combee, 53–66. Oxford University PressNew York, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197552797.003.0003.
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Abstract This chapter talks about tobacco farmer Atthow Pattison’s bequeathment of Rit Green, Harriet Tubman’s mother, to his granddaughter, Mary Pattison after his death. It explores the typical norm of the time wherein wealthy white Southern girls and women inherit enslaved people who would take care of them, their children, and their homes and would help them maintain the proper station of a lady. It also analyzes Atthow’s motivation to limit Rit Green’s servitude by the Act of 1790, which allowed manumission of enslaved people under age 50 by deed or will. The chapter recounts the “abroad marriage” of Tubman’s parents as they were enslaved by two different slaveholders, which eventually ended in separation as Rit’s slaveholder decided to move away. It points out Tubman’s refusal to learn how to weave and to be forced to live and work in close proximity with white folks as her first acts of rebellion.
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Glymph, Thavolia. "Poor White Women in the Confederacy." In The Women's Fight, 55–86. University of North Carolina Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469653631.003.0003.
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Poor white women and children hawking goods and traveling the roads in carts was not a new sight during the Civil War, but it did take on a different resonance in this context. How poor white women fit or were to be incorporated into a war for slavery garnered more concern from slaveholders, government, and military officials as the war progressed. Their increased visibility as dissenters from the Confederate project caused problems; they got into conflicts with other white, female refugees, engaged in outright resistance, and sided with poor and working-class white men who did not want to fight for or deserted the Confederacy. Calls for white southerners to unite across class lines began to fall apart as the war went on partly because of the disproportionate demands placed on poor and working-class women became untenable for many. The worlds of poor white women and slaveholding female refugees also began to overlap, emphasizing the dissimilarity of these women’s experiences. The politics of poor and nonslaveholding white Southern women was grounded in the particularities of their political economy and social worlds.
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Zallen, Jeremy. "Piney Lights." In American Lucifers, 57–93. University of North Carolina Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469653327.003.0003.
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In the urban peripheral spaces of antebellum tenements, domestic workers and outworking seamstresses labored late into the night with cheap, explosive turpentine lamps. Using newspaper accounts, travel narratives, and letters between turpentine camp overseers and slaveholders, this chapter explores how the gendered politics of space and time in the ready-made clothing revolution were made through a new slave-produced illuminant called “camphene.” A volatile mixture of spirits of turpentine and high-proof alcohol, camphene connected outworking seamstresses in New York with the enslaved woodsmen laboring in remote North Carolina turpentine camps to accumulate nearly every drop of turpentine in the United States. Reading against the grain, the chapter reconstructs how seamstresses and slaves attempted to navigate, shape, and sometimes escape from spaces and work processes dominated by slaveholders, clothiers, and husbands. Through the antebellum making and using of this piney light, white women working in the home and black men tapping pines far from plantations endured terrible violence and danger, rendered spatially, temporally, and culturally invisible, to underwrite the worlds of Northern and Southern white men. The chapter attempts to pull this antebellum relation out of the shadows by exploring the worlds of freedom, slavery, and gender made through piney light.
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Kantrowitz, Stephen. "Fighting Like Men Civil War Dilemmas of Abolitionist Manhood." In Battle Scars, 19–40. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195174441.003.0002.
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Abstract In the decade before the Civil War, many of Massachusetts’s black and white abolitionist men mobilized themselves into unofficial armies against the slave power. They did much else, of course, some of it in collaboration with one another as well as with black and white women: speaking and petitioning against slavery, producing and distributing abolitionist literature, and providing aid to fugitives. But when it came to conceiving of themselves as soldiers in the war against slavery, black and white abolitionist men in the Bay State took dramatically different routes. Black men formed militia units and sought acceptance by the state, while white men assembled in secret societies and drilled for confrontation with slaveholders and their henchmen.
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Walker, Christine. "Manumissions." In Jamaica Ladies, 255–89. University of North Carolina Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469658797.003.0007.
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The final chapter probes the ambivalent and varied intimate connections between free, formerly enslaved, and enslaved people from another angle, investigating women’s manumission practices. Manumission or legal freedom has typically been portrayed as a reward offered by white men to the enslaved women whom they maintained largely coercive sexual relationships with. Focusing on women’s manumission directives tells a different story. Whereas men preferred to manumit their biological children, female slaveholders largely freed other adult women whom they perceived to be intimate companions. Women also displayed an interest in manumitting enslaved children, whom they treated as surrogate kin. Women sought to blend these children into their own families, bestowing money, education, and enslaved people on them. A notable portion of female enslavers bestowed money, property, and slaves on the people whom they manumitted. Their actions had multivalent consequences. On the one hand, women who manumitted captives aggregated the community of free people of African descent on the island. On the other, they used slaveholding to co-opt freed people into Jamaica’s slaveholding system. In a place where liberty and slavery were mutually constitutive, enslaving others became a key means of securing and protecting one’s free status.
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Luskey, Brian P. "A Great Social Problem." In Men Is Cheap, 177–206. University of North Carolina Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469654324.003.0007.
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The war for Union, Abraham Lincoln reasoned, would be won on its balance sheet as much as in the hearts and minds of its citizens. This was true both from the perspective of the War Department and individual northern households. Union soldiers—volunteers, draftees, and substitutes—poured from the North toward the South to vanquish the slaveholders’ aristocracy. The manpower that went into their killing and dying work produced the movement of thousands of white and black southern refugees to the households of white northerners. Recruiters, brokers, benevolent societies, and northern families—all believers that free labor could emancipate them—would try to seize the power, the capital, embedded in the labor of the men, women, and children fleeing to them. Doing so would help them win the war for Union.
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Steinbach, Steven A., Maeva Marcus, and Robert Cohen. "The Constitution in the New Nation (1789–1848)." In With Liberty and Justice for All?, 117–62. Oxford University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197516317.003.0003.
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Annette Gordon-Reed, Carl M. Loeb University Professor at Harvard University, writes about constitutional developments during the Jefferson and Jackson eras. Who were “the People” supposedly included in the Constitution’s soaring opening words? They obviously were not enslaved persons, largely abandoned to the caprices of the laws, courts, practices, and prejudices of Southern states and slaveholders. Nor were they Native Americans, soon to be forcibly “removed” from their ancestral homes. Nor were they women, whose “rights” depended on their fathers and husbands. Nor, as time passed, would free Blacks enjoy the privileges of citizenship. The primary source documents accompanying Chapter 3 focus pointedly on slavery-related constitutional controversies at both the national and state levels, the plight of Native Americans during the nation’s first half century, the intense partisan fights that emerged in the late 1790s over the Alien and Sedition Acts, and Tocqueville’s conception of “democracy in America.”
Reports on the topic "Women slaveholders"
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Rodrigues-Moura, Enrique, and Christina Märzhauser. Renegotiating the subaltern : Female voices in Peixoto’s «Obra Nova de Língua Geral de Mina» (Brazil, 1731/1741). Otto-Friedrich-Universität, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.20378/irb-57507.
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Out of ~11.000.000 enslaved Africans disembarked in the Americas, ~ 46% were taken to Brazil, where transatlantic slave trade only ended in 1850 (official abolition of slavery in 1888). In the Brazilian inland «capitania» Minas Gerais, slave numbers exploded due to gold mining in the first half of 18th century from 30.000 to nearly 300.000 black inhabitants out of a total ~350.000 in 1786. Due to gender demographics, intimate relations between African women and European men were frequent during Antonio da Costa Peixoto’s lifetime. In 1731/1741, this country clerk in Minas Gerais’ colonial administration, originally from Northern Portugal, completed his 42-page manuscript «Obra Nova de Língua Geral de Mina» («New work on the general language of Mina») documenting a variety of Gbe (sub-group of Kwa), one of the many African languages thought to have quickly disappeared in oversea slaveholder colonies. Some of Peixoto’s dialogues show African women who – despite being black and female and therefore usually associated with double subaltern status (see Spivak 1994 «The subaltern cannot speak») – successfully renegotiate their power position in trade. Although Peixoto’s efforts to acquire, describe and promote the «Língua Geral de Mina» can be interpreted as a «white» colonist’s strategy to secure his position through successful control, his dialogues also stress the importance of winning trust and cultivating good relations with members of the local black community. Several dialogues testify a degree of agency by Africans that undermines conventional representations of colonial relations, including a woman who enforces her «no credit» policy for her services, as shown above. Historical research on African and Afro-descendant women in Minas Gerais documents that some did not only manage to free themselves from slavery but even acquired considerable wealth.