Academic literature on the topic 'Women`s emancipation'

In this paper, I will attempt to interpret critically two mutually linked aspects of the philosophical work of Ksenija Atanasijevic. That is to say, my study will focus both on her elucidation of the ?emancipation of women? in Plato and Rufus, and on the life and work of the Greek women philosophers. Among these topics, the most important one is Plato?s argument in favor of the ?women?s emancipation?, which produced many controversial and mutually opposed interpretations. I will attempt to examine the interpretation of Ksenija Atanasijevic by comparing and contrasting it with the most relevant interpretations of this part of Republic. The purpose of this critical analysis is to establish how adequate and relevant Ksenija Atanasijevic?s readings of proto-feminist reflections of Plato and Rufus are, as well as that of Greek women philosophers.

The literature about the ex-state-socialist countries of Central and Eastern Europe raised the questions in what way women benefited from the legislation guaranteeing equal rights and the measures of emancipation during the decades of state socialism. The authors that also argued after 1990, the time of the social, economic and political transitions in the region, that women became the big losers of the changes. The paper aims to reflect on these examinations of gender relations during the state-socialist period and point out the contradictory ways of the introduction of women?s emancipation that led to ambiguous results in the propagated program of gender equality. Furthermore it discusses in which ways women?s positions remained subordinated and how the sexist representations of women increased in public life, the media and culture in Hungary after the 1970?s. A review of the main findings of earlier research accumulated so far concerning women?s lifes and gender relations in Hungary during state socialism will be followed by the question of in what ways these controversies of the system were articulated by the contemporary oppositional voices. Did the activists of the dissident Hungarian democratic opposition embrace the ideas of feminism and women?s issues in their criticism of the one-party system? On the base of contemporary documents and recent interviews with ex-activists it will be examined how feminist voices were articulated, yet controversially marginalized among the dissidents.

During the late Qing dynasty and the early Republic of China, women's clothing had a revolutionary change. Under the unprecedented social transformation in a millennium, Social Darwinism called for “mother of the citizens”, arousing public concern to release women's bodies. Anti-foot-binding movement awakened women's self-awareness and planted a hint of women's emancipation. While Feminism turned the value to the “parity of citizens,” women disguised their female character and dressed as men. Early Qipao was widespread during women’s liberation movement. The New Culture Movement facilitated ideology of Human Liberation. Women gradually possessed independence of personality and changed their corsets. They tended to confront and express body curves instead of cover and weakening.

The article analyzes the topical problem of consent in modern feminist theory as a way of achieving public consensus on the goals and forms of women?s emancipation. The emancipation of women is one of the most important achievements of modern society and an ongoing process. Therefore, the issues that are being discussed within the framework of feminist ethics are appropriate. For example, the extent to which men who hold power and dominance for thousands of years can genuinely liberate women and share with them equal rights and opportunities. There is also an acute problem of the extent to which women them- selves are willing to show solidarity and their consent on social and political issues. These issues and dis- cussions by contemporary feminists, who deserve the attention of a wide range of experts in applied ethics, argumentation theory, social and political theory, are addressed in this study.

Abstract In 2015, a reading group in Abuja, Nigeria, started the hashtag #BeingFemaleinNigeria, which received widespread attention. Within the confines of 140 characters, Nigerian women and men shared stories of gender inequality, sexism and misogyny in the country. Using feminist critical discourse analysis, this article unpacks the tweets under the #BeingFemaleinNigeria hashtag, and teases out what they tell us about gender inequality in Nigeria, and the ambitions for emancipation. This article takes the stance that African feminism(s) exist, that empirical study of lived experiences of African women should define it, and not perspectives that reject and argue that feminism comes from the other. Therefore, this empirical research contributes to scholarship that seeks to define the characteristics of African feminism(s), particularly as the field is criticised for being over-theorised.

Relevance of research. The problem of emancipation in the Ukrainian, particularly Galician musical environment of the end of the 19th and the first half of the 20th centuries is updated in the projection of the phenomenon of creativity of the outstanding opera singer Solomia Krushelnytska. The purpose of the article. Different approaches to the very phenomenon of emancipation in various European social and cultural traditions are analyzed, the socio-historical context of emancipation as a general trend of European civilization of the given period and its variant in the Ukrainian Galician society is presented. Methods. In the article comparative, systematic and historical research methods are used. The results and conclusions. It is indicated how the life style of S. Krushelnytska was formed in the context of a peculiar Galician version of the affirmation of the creative potential of Ukrainian women at the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries. A detailed study of the singer's epistolary, memoirs and scientific research on the issue of the emancipation of Ukrainian women artists made it possible to single out the main principles on which the "life project" of S. Krushelnytska as a national artist in the world opera continuum was formed. From the analysis of the views of the singer herself and the observations of her close circle and critics, it emerges, firstly, the integrity of the aesthetic, ethical and nationally oriented beliefs of her worldview, and secondly, the specificity of her "Apollonian" psychotype of creativity is determined, which allowed S. Krushelnitsky to overcome the limitations of a certain stage role and to grasp the most diverse repertoire of different national schools and eras, and thirdly, to naturally integrate the national soloist into concert programs with the widest panorama of European music, taking into account socio-historical processes of the past and present.

The paper focuses on the philosophical and socio-historical subtexts of the ideas on education and upbringing in Constantinople in the late 19th century and early 20th centuries, with examples from the works of Armenian female authors: Elpis Kesaratsian, Srbuhi Tyusab, Sipil, Haykanush Mark, Zapel Yesayan. According to them, the main historical and philosophical prerequisites for changing attitudes towards women’s education and upbringing relate not only to women but also to men. The aim of the paper is to study the issues of women’s indisputable right to education and upbringing, their natural learning abilities and opportunities as the quintessence of emancipation formed in Constantinople. The problem of the study is to show the philosophical subtext of the establishment of institutions for women’s education and upbringing, the organization of education, as well as the processes of overcoming the patriarchal tradition through education. This kind of study has been attempted for the first time. Since the 50s-60s of the 19th century, not only the nature of work and status of women but also the issues of their education and upbringing had special significance in Constantinople.

The Kurdish-led autonomous entity called Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria (NES) - also known as Rojava - considers women?s liberation an imperative condition for shaping a democratic society. The practice of autonomy in NES shares strong resemblances with Non- Territorial Autonomy (NTA) models; however, it introduces a novelty in the role of women as active agents in building a plurinational democracy. This paper examines (1) the intellectual and political origins of the political role ascribed to women in autonomous administrations and (2) how the practice of autonomy in Rojava has advanced women?s rights by shedding light on both institutional implementation of women?s rights, as well as the creation of (non)-territorial spaces of women?s emancipation within the autonomous model. The argument made is that the conceptual framework of the Rojava model goes beyond the Kurdish question and can be considered an attempt to resolve a democratic deficit of liberal democratic nation-states through bringing together solutions that address the intertwined subordination of minorities and women.

Studies on Amma Darko‟s presentation of women suggest a retaliatory and sexist characterization because of the condescending circumstances her female characters find themselves. This critique, however, distorts the novelty she brings to the table with regards to the politics of female emancipation. Thus, drawing on postcolonial feminism, this paper explores the dynamism in character presentation in Darko’s first four novelsin order to show how she rethinks female subjectivities. Such a reading is important in the ways in which it provides a better appreciation of Darko’s vision through character and characterisation and postcolonial feminisms.

This article examines how female conditioning and sexual repression affect the woman’s sense of self, womanhood, identity and her place in society. It argues that the woman’s body is at the core of the many sites of gender struggles/ politics. Accordingly, the woman’s body must be decolonised for her to attain true emancipation. On the one hand, this study identifies the grave consequences of sexual repression, how it robs women of their freedom to choose whom to love or marry, the freedom to seek legal redress against sexual abuse and terror, and how it hinders their quest for self-determination. On the other hand, it underscores the need to give women sexual freedom that must be respected and enforced by law for the overall good of society.

PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO
Esse estudo pretende analisar a imprensa feminina brasileira na década de 1960. Para tanto escolhemos concentrar-nos na coluna Em dia com a moda, veiculada na revista A Cigarra entre outubro de 1963 e junho de 1968. Com base na análise das cinquenta e sete edições da coluna, procuramos destacar como, aliado a um conjunto de características próprias da jornalista Walda Menezes, se formou um discurso capaz de difundir conceitos relacionados aos anos 60, como o culto à juventude, nova exposição do corpo através da moda e liberação sexual. Mais do que relacionar as transformações exemplificadas nas imagens publicadas n A Cigarra, importou-nos articular uma relação entre o final do século XIX e a década em questão, dois momentos em que os papeis femininos foram questionados. Passando pela representação da feminilidade no Brasil Colonial, chegamos à sua representação nas páginas de A Cigarra, para investigar de que maneira se cria identificação ou não entre a leitora e a publicação.
This study aims to analyse the Brazilian women s press in the 1960s. We chose to concentrate on the column Keeping up with fashion, conveyed in A Cigarra magazine between October 1963 and June 1968. Based on the analysis of the fifty-seven editions of the column, we observe how, under the influence of journalist Walda Menezes, a new speech was formed, capable of spreading the concepts related to the 60 s, as the cult of youth, the new way of exhibiting the body through fashion and sexual liberation. Rather than report the changes depicted in images published in A Cigarra, we chose to portray a relationship between the late nineteenth century and the decade in question, two periods of time when the female roles were under scrutiny. Through the image of femininity in colonial Brazil, we came to their image in the pages of A Cigarra, to investigate how identity is created or not between reader and publication.

A pesquisa acompanha as experiências sociais de mulheres escravas, libertas e descendentes livres, na cidade de São Paulo, durante o último quartel do século XIX, no processo social da transição do trabalho escravo para o livre. Pesquisamos livros de inscrições e de contratos de trabalho livre, exigências previstas pelas Posturas Municipais sobre Criados e Amas de Leite, de 1886. O conjunto de regulamentos vinha formalizar deveres e obrigações para empregadores e trabalhadores livres, no contexto do crescimento urbano acelerado, do processo avançado da abolição e da política imigratória que conduziam para a Capital imigrantes pobres e libertos destutelados. Migrantes das regiões escravistas da Província e daquelas que forneceram escravos para o tráfico interprovincial, africanas livres e nascidas na Capital empregaram-se nas residências das elites e camadas médias urbanas. Vislumbramos as estratégias de sobrevivência das agentes do trabalho doméstico livres e pobres, que a polícia registrava nos anos finais do regime escravista. Afastadas das atividades rentáveis, no contexto de pouca diversificação econômica, ex-escravas e descendentes livres sobreviveram dos parcos ganhos auferidos daqueles serviços socialmente desqualificados, dos quais os membros das elites e classes médias dependiam: fazendeiros, estrangeiros proprietários de hotéis, donos de confeitarias, coronéis, funcionários públicos, profissionais liberais, viúvas pobres e remediadas. Reconstituímos o cotidiano dos variados trabalhos que desempenharam a cozinha, a lavagem e o engomado das roupas, a limpeza da casa, o cuidado e o aleitamento de crianças , transitando entre as ruas, as várzeas dos rios e o tenso ambiente das casas. Das entrelinhas dos textos emergem libertas dispostas a improvisar variadas formas de resistência e recusa à opressão cotidiana. Experimentaram as liberdades possíveis e inegociáveis: recusaram com suas indisciplinas as jornadas extenuantes de trabalho, conquistaram aumentos salariais, cuidaram de seus doentes, compartilharam moradias com seus companheiros e filhos. Abandonando por fim os sobrados, indispuseram-se ao assédio sexual, aos maus tratos e aos baixos ordenados, que nem sempre recebiam: permanências de um escravismo doméstico e persistente, que, com suas práticas, ousaram recusar.
The research assembles the social experiences of slave women, released and free descendants in São Paulo during the last quarter of the nineteenth century, in the social process of transition from slave work to freedom. In order to accomplished our aim, we rummage into the books, subscriptions and free employment contracts, requirements established by Municipal ordinances on Criadas e Amas de Leite, from 1886. The ensemble of regulations was made in order to formalize the duties and obligations for employers and free employees , in the context of hasty urban growth the advanced process of abolition and the immigration policy that led, to the main city, poor immigrants and unruly people. Migrants from provincial slavery region sand those slaveholders who provided slaves to an interprovincial trafficking, mainly free African born, were employed in the elite and urban middle classes residences. We glimpse the survival strategies from poor and free agents of the housework registered by the police during the final years of the slave regime. Displaced from profitable activities in the context of low economic diversification, formers slaves and free descendants survived from meager gains earned from these socially unskilled services of which the members of the elite and middle classes depended and profited: farmers, foreigners hotel owners, colonels, civil servants, professional, widows and poor remedied. Our research attempt to reconstruct the daily life of several jobs that these free women have done in the new social order: the kitchen, washing and ironing clothes, cleaning the house, care and feeding children, traffic in the streets, the riverside and the tense environment of the houses. Reading between the lines of texts, it is possible to observe the existence of released women willing to improvise various ways of resistance and rejection of everyday oppression. Their experience makes possible ways of non-negotiable freedom, refusing, with their misbehavior, the days of exhausting work, consequently, winning wage increases, caring for their patients and the possibility of sharing housing with their partners and children. With the further abandon of the traditional townhouses, they eventually avoid the sexual harassment and the bad treatment: sojourn of domestic and persistent slavery, that these women, with their daily practices, have dared to decline.

Abstract The status and position of women in Pakistan and their subsequent access to power have undergone substantive change since the onset of the twentieth century. Muslim women in nineteenth-century India faced uphill struggles in easing some of the extreme restrictions on women ‘s activities associated with purdah, restricting polygamy, ensuring women ‘s legal rights under Islamic law which Muslims perceived had been taken away under British civil law, and in introducing female education. In the 1870s, Sir Syed Ahmad Khan advocated modern education as the only means for emancipation of Muslims under the British. In 1880, he developed the Mohammedan Educational Conference to propagate his message, now referred to as the Aligarh Movement. However, it was not until 1896 that the Conference formed a women ‘s section, and three years later opened its first girls ‘ teacher-training school, which laid a foundation for the education of Muslim girls. Progress was slow; by 1921, only four out of every thousand Muslim females had enjoyed the benefits of formal education.

Abstract D.H.L awrence ‘ s response to women reflects his awareness of the fundamental power of women over men’s emotional lives1 and of strong female influence in his own society.2 This perception of female ascendancy was deepened by his close relationship with his mother and by his early contact with the women’s emancipation movement. His resentment of female domination was complicated and intensified by his relationship with Frieda Weekley. Through Frieda, he became familiar with the acceptance of matriarchal values, derived from Bachofen, of the avant-garde group die kosmische Runde.3 Through living at close quarters with Frieda’s forceful personality, his deep-seated resistance to female domination was aggravated into a particular form of taunting invective.4 He refers often to the powerful and overwhelming mother figure as the “Magna Mater. “ It is a term that he applied to Frieda with variants such as the “Queen Bee, “ and to Ursula in Women in Love. The response can also be found as the mainspring of many important relationships within his works.

Abstract Amiri Baraka and Angela Davis were at the forefront of re-envisioning radical black politics during the 1960's and 1970's. Baraka was a founder of the Black Art Movement during the peak of the Black Power Movement and sought to synthesize artistic vision with a political program of black empowerment and resistance to white supremacy. His intellectual contributions depended heavily on his understanding of jazz and blues as art forms historically rooted in slavery and developing alongside American society's contortions over racism. Angela Davis's biography as a promising philosopher turned fugitive from the law motivated her intellectual journeys into describing the ills of white racism. And, like Baraka, she turned to the blues and jazz and importantly focused on the contributions of women artists who were pioneers in confronting the problem of racism while representing the promise of racial and sexual emancipation.

This chapter focuses exclusively on the months Butler commanded the U.S.’s occupation forces in rebel New Orleans, where the epithets “Beast Butler” and “Spoons Butler” (among others) were born. The details and quality of Butler’s leadership in New Orleans yielded both high praise and harsh criticism from residents and observers at the time, as well as from historians and Civil War enthusiasts since. This chapter carefully reexamines and reevaluates Butler’s record during the occupation, including his execution of William Mumford, his issuing of the “Woman Order,” his conflicts with unapologetic rebels and foreign consuls in the region, his efforts to protect the population from epidemic disease and uplift local Blacks and the poor, all while grappling with the complexities of his role in initiating national reconstruction and what to do about the enslaved people’s ongoing self-emancipation.