Academic literature on the topic 'Women – Rome – Social life and customs'

AbstractOne reason many traditional Lari customs celebrating life cycle events, such as births, marriages, and pilgrimages were preserved well into the 1970s is that women, particularly the older women, have been the keepers of this knowledge. They maintained the practice of these customs and passed on the knowledge to their daughters and younger members of their social networks. This paper examines Lari marriage practices in the 1970s and contrasts them with earlier customs as reported by older women. It discusses also the role of social networks in maintaining, changing, and passing on marriage customs.

The auditor is one promising profession to current and the future. The number of women auditors currently is higher than in men. However, the number of female auditors currently has positively increased. Balinese female auditor’s research used an interpretive phenomenology analysis approach in exploring understanding. The subjects of this study involved three Balinese female auditors. Data mining was carried out by conducting in-depth interviewees to gain an understanding of the interviewer’s role as auditors of Balinese women in a dual role. The excavation results show the auditors have the concept of work-life balance always happy in life and always grateful. The highest motivation and support of interviewees is their family. Work-life balance is a challenge in life, namely, career, family, and social aspects in the customs form. The alternative work arrangements development is felt to be a solution to reduce work-life conflict and female auditor fatigue.

Aim: To examine how wedding customs have acquired unwritten rules over time and how much they have changed in the last hundred years.Methods: Semi-structured interviews with three respondents from Gornja Poljica (Split city hinterland) and a secondary analysis of sources with the aim of analyzing the course and customs of weddings over three generations in Gornja Poljica.Results: As in the past, there is a wedding procedure consisting of the gathering of wedding guests, the pick-up of the bride at her home, the wedding ceremony, the celebration, and the visit of the bride’s family to her new home. The new customs are a bachelorette party, a garter toss, a wedding cake and wearing a wedding dress all night. Of 28 customs from 100 years ago, nine (one-third) have disappeared, the wedding day has been changed from Monday to Saturday, the ceremony has been shortened from three days to one, the number of wedding guests has been increased, and the bachelorette party has been introduced.Conclusion: From the narratives, it appears that the wedding ceremony is primarily a personal event, one of the most important in the life of the bride and groom, especially for the woman, for whom it represents a permanent change in family and social status. Until the 1950s, women were more passive in the role of bride than they are today. Through the process of women’s emancipation, globalization and the possibility of free choice, the values and practice of marriage itself have changed.

This study examines the central role of marriage among upper-middle-class Muslim Egyptians in Cairo, Egypt. It is based on ethnographic fieldwork carried out over a total of 20 months by the author between 1988 and 1996. Using religious and legal sources as well as semistructured interviews and participant observation among two generations of 20 households, this study indicates that marriage continues to occupy a significant place in the life course of both upper-middle-class Muslim men and women. This article indicates that societal norms, as well as family structure and expectations, influence the prevalence of marriage as a necessary rite of passage for achieving adulthood among this class of Egyptians. Furthermore, this article describes the actual customs, beliefs, and practices associated with Muslim Egyptian marriages to counteract the Western bias that often obscures studies of this area of the world.

The rate of underage marriage in Gorontalo is very high, even though religion, customs and state laws prohibit it. The results of the direct interviews conducted and the observations made indicate that poverty, low levels of education and matchmaking myths may have caused this increase. Furthermore, the increasingly high level of promiscuity and weakened socio-cultural ties have led to an increase in the number of extramarital pregnancies, and forced marriage is unavoidable to maintain the dignity of the community. It was discovered that most married couples do not wed legally until they have problems in their marriage and seek a divorce. Moreover, women must also be responsible for their life choices because this paper shows that poor service practices have caused underage women to be objectified by physical, social and symbolic violence. The unavailability of a support system from the government and society makes a partner rely on the kindness of his or her parents. Therefore, it was suggested that government intervention, in the form of prevention and support systems for underage married women, must be integrated with the role of the community and religious leaders.

The article examines the status and role of the mother in Kazakh culture and the influence of traditions on its functioning. Social sciences ascertain a wide variety of maternal practices and characteristics of the socialization of children in different cultures. In this article, we will consider the attitude of modern Kazakh womenmothers, representatives of the urban middle class to the observance of such traditional practices of socialization of children as «at koyu», «shildekhana», «besikke salu», «kyrkynan shykaru», «tusau kesu», « toy «,» tilashar «,» togym kaqar «. The main directions of the Kazakh folk system of upbringing are: respect for elders, reverence for ancestors, care for representatives of the older generation, manifestation of love and care in a reasonable combination with exactingness towards children (family traditions associated with various stages in a child's life). Many customs, traditions, rituals of the Kazakh people are the unwritten laws of upbringing, a kind of moral code of the family, they crystallized the centuries-old experience of raising children in a family. Customs and traditions, rituals, proverbs, sayings, fairy tales do not have an educational effect on their own, but on condition that the parents by personal example in the family observe and support the principles and ideas expressed in them. Cultural traditions, rituals, customs in the Kazakh family are reproduced from generation to generation and are the moral framework of socialization. The purpose of this article is to analyze the use of traditional practices of socialization of children by Kazakh women-mothers, representatives of the urban middle class. The scientific significance of the work lies in the problematization of the use of traditional practices, when the conditions of urban life often do not allow the use of these practices and this causes the assessment of these practices by women-mothers as important / not important, necessary / unnecessary. The value of this study lies in the analysis of the traditions and rituals of raising children that have been preserved and reproduced in urban Kazakh families. Some rituals have changed, lost their former meaning, but have still survived to this day. In our study, we wanted to reveal the issue of preserving traditions and customs in matters of raising a child and implementing motherhood in an urban Kazakh family. The study showed that there is a tendency to preserve the national identity and identity of the Kazakh people in urban families through the reproduction of the traditions and customs of the socialization of children.

Introduction. This article attempts a review of key trends in the transformation of Bashkir women’s social status within the family framework between 1917 and 1927. Goals. The study employs newly discovered data to show some specific features in the marital status of Bashkiria’s women in the 1920s. Materials and Methods. Relevant documents from the Russian State Archive of Social and Political History and the National Archive of the Republic of Bashkortostan served as the main sources for the research; published materials on the subject also proved as instrumental and efficient. The research methods employed include statistical, descriptive, and comparative historical ones. Results. The research indicates that the period under consideration was marked by the struggle of dedicated women to improve their positions in various spheres including that of the family. The struggle was long and painstaking. In Bashkiria, the old ways were changing slowly, and throughout those years traditional Bashkir customs and perceptions continued to play an important role in regulating family and marriage institutions. Such phenomena as polygamy, early marriages (including unwilled and unequal ones), kalym and others were still quite common. Nevertheless, the first decade of Soviet rule in the republic was also a period of serious success marked by advancing the de facto equality of women in the family, and the legislative measures did seek to improve the marital status of women. The analysis shows that in the period in question was witnessing a radical transformation in women’s positions in the family and everyday life contexts. The research allows for a conclusion that the image of a ‘new woman’ in the family sphere was being shaped during the first Soviet decade.

In recent decades, the problem of drug addiction to its population has become increasingly acute for Afghanistan. The growth of drug addiction here occurred during the period of a rapid increase in the volume of drug production within the country in the early 2000s. During this period, Afghanistan ceased to be not only a producer and exporter of drugs, but also became an active consumer of it. In this turn it led to the quick spread of drug addiction throughout its territory. This social problem is closely connected with the set of internal problems that already existed here. The growth of drug addiction has become a threat to the country’s national security. In this situation, a special place is occupied by the drug addiction of Afghan women, which has a destructive effect on some of the foundations and norms that underline the «daily» life of Afghans. The situation with drug addiction among women reveals the peculiarities of Afghan society and the difference in the position between men and women. The uniqueness of the Afghan society and its adherence to Islam are some of the factors that force researchers to consider the problem of female drug addiction in Afghanistan separately from males ones. A certain imprint on the perception of the current situation by the Afghans themselves is made by the position of women in society, which is fixed to her by age-old customs and traditions that are common among the majority of the Afghans’ population. In addition, the social role of woman and her place in society also have an impact on the formation of drug addiction, which has a significant difference from a similar phenomenon in other regions of the world. After Taliban came back to power in Afghanistan, the situation related to women’s rights remained uncertain for several months. In December 2021, an index was published that significantly expanded the rights of women.

Human population who were straggling in the forest, started living as a society. This society of people disclosed their ascent identities such as lifestyle, Culture, rituals, belief, work, food habits, dress, language, arts, worship and etc. when we look over the Pazhanthamizh community, Sangham literature plays a major role in them. The Biological aspects of early people have been established through poets, Royal poets, Feminine poets and etc., when we see on the cultural aspects, women’s have separate place in their land in which they haved shaped their lifestyles for generations. In the changing environmental community, there are many changes in Political, Economical and Cultural elements. In order to reveal them creators have established their analysis through voices to the human community. However, until the gender difference of male and female is taught, just like the two sides of a win struggles for women’s rights and feminist voices will not rest up. In the life of women who were taught about virtuosity, the code of life in the sangham period have been desalted and imposed their morals. By Manoj Kurur’s creations we can come to know about the young generations of oppressed sangham women’s who broke their social customs and restrictions. This article examine’s the control x restraint in the opposition of the Novel in Malayalam “Nilam Poothu Malarntha Nall” in which a femine voice is brought through a male voice.

After September 11 2001 questions about the nature and society of Islam were asked all over the world. Unfortunately in the rush to provide answers inadequate and even distorted explanations were provided. Muslim groups like the Taliban in Afghanistan and Pakistan with their brutal ways came to symbolise Islam. The need to understand society through a diachronic and in-depth study was thus even more urgent. The following work is an attempt to explain how Muslims organise their lives through an examination of rituals conducted by women. This particularistic account has far-reaching ramifications for the study of Muslim society.This article seeks to contribute to the general debate on Islamic societies. In particular it contributes to the ethnographic discussion on the Pukhtun. First, it seeks to establish the distinctive sociality of Pukhtun wealthy women or Bibiane in terms of their participation, within and beyond the household, in gham-khadi festivities, joining them with hundreds of individuals from different families and social backgrounds. Second, the article makes a case for documenting the lives of this grouping of elite South Asian women, contesting their conventional representation as idle by illustrating their commitment to various forms of work within familial and social contexts. Third, it describes the segregated zones of gham-khadi as a space of female agency. Reconstructing the terms of this agency helps us to revise previous anthropological accounts of Pukhtun society, which project Pukhtunwali in predominantly masculine terms, while depicting gham-khadi as an entirely feminine category. Bibiane's gham-khadi performances allow a reflection upon Pukhtunwali and wider Pukhtun society as currently undergoing transformation. Fourth, as a contribution to Frontier ethnography, the arguments in this article lay especial emphasis on gham-khadi as a transregional phenomenon, given the relocation of most Pukhtun families to the cosmopolitan capital Islamabad. Since gham-khadi is held at families' ancestral homes (kille-koroona), new variations and interpretations of conventional practices penetrate to the village context of Swat and Mardan. Ceremonies are especially subject to negotiation as relatively young convent-educated married Bibiane take issue with their ‘customs’ (rewaj) from a scriptural Islamic perspective. These contradictions are being increasingly articulated by the female graduates of an Islamabad-based reformist religious school, Al-Huda. Al-Huda, part of a broader regional and arguably national movement of purist Islamization, attempts to apply Quranic and hadith prophetic teaching to everyday life. This reform involves educated elite and middle-class women. These women actively impart Islamic ways of living to family members across metropolitan–rural boundaries. The school's lectures (dars, classes) provide a basis for questioning ‘customary’ or Pukhtun life-cycle practices, authorizing some Bibiane to amend visiting patterns in conformity to the Quran. The manipulation of life-cycle commemorations by elite and middle-class women as a vehicle of change, Islamization and a particular mode of modernity furthermore becomes significant in the light of recent socio-political Islamic movements in post-Taliban Frontier Province. More broadly, the article contributes to various sociological and anthropological topics, notably the nature and expression of elite cultures and issues of sociality, funerals and marriage, custom and religion, space and gender, morality and reason, and social role and personhood within the contexts of Middle-Eastern and South Asian Islam.

The purpose of this dissertation is to conduct a comprehensive study of Roman women's portrait busts of the third century AD. The free-standing portrait bust forms a discrete historical category through which to trace developments in third-century women's portraiture. The high-status, commemorative tradition of the bust and the durability of this format, which could be displayed and utilised in a large range of different contexts, made this an important portrait genre for women in the third century. These busts consequently offer powerful insight into the ideological function and status of Roman women in the third century. By placing third-century women's busts in the context of their form, history and provenance, I hope to create a methodology that allows me to ascertain the ancient intention of these portraits. My hypothesis is that, while elements of self-styling and bust-format reveal innovation, the moral vocabulary of Empire as presented in women's portrait busts did not change dramatically in the third century. I will argue that these portraits reflect the heightened ideological status of certain forms of Roman femininity in this period. Rather than being expressive of spiritual escapism or emotional turmoil women's portrait busts functioned as a means of re-confirming the Roman rhetoric of feminine virtue in the third century.

This thesis focuses on patriarchy and machismo and the long lasting political, economic, and social effects that their practice has had on women in the United States and Latin America. It examines the role of the Catholic Church, political influences, social, cultural, economic and legal issues, historic issues (such as the Industrial Revolution), the importance of the family's preference for sons rather than daughters, and the differences in the raising of male and female children for their adult roles.

This project supports the contrary argument that Hemingway provided a voice for the post-Victorian woman, a woman exercising her strength within relationships, her sexuality, her femininity, and her freedom from oppression during the twentieth century women's movement.

The contract of mandatum in Roman law, unlike its namesake in modern civil law legal systems, was not a contract of representation or agency. It was a contract of gratuitous performance of services for others. According to Corpus luris Civilis it was a contract which drew its origin from the duties of friendship. This paper examines certain rules of mandatum and compares them with a similar legal institution known as procuratio and concludes that friendship must indeed have been the origin of the contract. The paper then examines various aspects of friendship in Roman society, and concludes that social custom cannot have been the sole basis for the creation of the contract. The philosophical and ethical views of Cicero and Seneca are then considered. From the works of these two authors two lines of thought regarding friendship are deduced: friendships are to be entered into for their own sake, or friendships are to be entered into for the benefits that will ensue. The former is the 'noble' view of friendship, the latter the 'utilitarian'. The author concludes after a reexamination of the rules of mandatum that the 'noble' view provides a better answer to the question of why mandatum was created by the Roman jurists.

The expected role for women in 5th century Athens as presented in evidence from myths, rituals, medicine and religion was socially and biologically conceived of in strict terms, but it was also perceived as conflicted. This conflict will be explored by investigating women in real life and women in myth and ritual. The ideal rites of passage women were intended to pass through in their lives as exemplified in medical texts required women to shed their blood at appropriate times from menarche to marriage to motherhood. These transitions are socially signified by certain rituals designed to highlight the change in the individuals' status. This medical conception of the female body and its functions was affected by social expectations of the proper female role in society: to be a wife and mother. Myths presented extraordinary women as failing to bleed in the standard socially expected transitions from parthenos to gyne. The discrepancy between the presentation of women in social and medical thought and the presentation of women in myth indicates the ambiguities and difficulties that surround the development of girls into complete women often explored in rituals. These two provinces, women in everyday life and women in myth and ritual, overlap, relate and interpenetrate in the presentation of the goddess Artemis. Artemis operates in a place where myth and real life function together in the form of rituals surrounding women bleeding in these rites of passage. The methodology of social anthropology adopted in this study allows the interpretation of myth in action in women's lives and investigates where social ideals, mythology and the goddess Artemis overlap to inform the lives of women. Rather than merely describe what occurred in myth and ritual or what a woman's life was meant to be, this model will illustrate how such elements combined to affect a woman's life and the functioning of the society in which she lived. The picture which is created of the position of women when this evidence is considered in conjunction with the precepts of social anthropology illustrates part of a discourse about the position women and reveals how the social structure of their place in society was produced and reproduced.

This thesis studies the religious system of the city of Rome and its immediate hinterland from the end of the Second Punic War to the emergence of autocratic rule shortly before the turn of the millennium. The Romans lacked a separate word for 'religion'. Scholars therefore hold that modern notions of religion, due to their Christianizing assumptions, cannot be applied to Roman religion, which consisted in public and social religious observance rather than in individual spirituality. The first chapter argues that Roman religion can be conceptualized as a system of social religious behaviour and individual motivational processes. A comparative definition of 'religion', which transcends Christianizing assumptions, is proposed to support this argument. In chapter two, modern interpretations of Roman religion, which view Republican religion as a 'closed system' in which religion is undifferentiated from politics and from public life, are criticized. It is argued that these interpretations start from unwarranted preconceptions concerning the interrelation of religion and society. Instead, I suggest that we should apply the model of an 'open system': the religious system at Rome was interrelated with its environment, but at the same time it could be conceptualized as being differentiated from other realms of social activity at Rome. Chapter three refutes the view that the identity of religion at Rome can be described by models of political or cultural identity. Instead, religious communication in Late Republican Rome was characterized by contextual rather than by substantive meanings. The fluidity of religious meaning in Late Republican Rome, a metropolis of nearly 1,000,000 inhabitants, implies that normative definitions of the constituents of Roman religion fail to convince. In relation to coloniae and municipia it is attempted to show that the religious system of Rome, a local religion geared to the physical city and its immediate hinterland, was not capable of becoming a universal religion. In the fourth chapter, the parameters organizing Roman religion are discussed. My thesis is that Roman religion in the Late Republic was decentralized in that religious authority was diffused and religious responsibilities were divided. In the city of Rome, there existed a market of religious alternatives, which was characterized by the compatibility of different deities and cults in a polytheistic context.

With the increasing number of women entering the labour force internationally, the role of women is changing. Consequently, researchers are pressed to investigate how females of all cultures balance their work and family responsibilities. Amongst Hindu couples, this issue can either be a source of tension or positive support. An overview of literature indicates that the psychological aspects of dual-career Hindu women have received little attention in South Africa. The current study aimed to explore and describe coping resources and the subjective well-being of full-time employed Hindu mothers. The study took the form of a non-experimental exploratory-descriptive design. Participants were selected through nonprobability convenience sampling. The sample of the study consisted of sixty full-time employed Hindu mothers between the ages of 25 and 45 years of age who had at least one dependent primary school child aged between 7 to 12 years. Various questionnaires were used to collect data for this study. These included a Biographical Questionnaire, The Coping Resources Inventory (CRI), The Satisfaction with Life Scale (SWLS), and The Affectometer 2 (AFM2). Data was analysed by means of descriptive statistics. Cronbach’s coefficient alphas were utilised to calculate the reliability of the scores of each questionnaire. A multivariate technique was used to determine the amount of clusters formed. A non-hierarchical partitioning technique known as K-means cluster analysis was utilised in this study. An analysis of variance (ANOVA) was utilised in order to compare the mean scores of the various clusters. A post-hoc analysis using the Scheffé test was computed to test for significant differences. Cohen’s d statistics was subsequently used to determine the practical significance of the differences found between the cluster means on each of the measures. The cluster analysis indicated three clusters that differed significantly from one another on all three measures. The results of the CRI indicated that the participants used cognitive and spiritual resources to assist them to cope with the transition from traditional to modern contemporary roles. It was also found that the participants with low coping resources had inferior subjective well-being compared to those who had average and high CRI scores. The findings indicated that the participants were generally satisfied with their lives and experienced high levels of positive affect and low levels of negative affect. However, as a group there was a trend for the participants to have experienced slightly lower levels of global happiness or slightly negative affect. The results of this study broadens the knowledge base of positive psychology with respect to the diverse cultures and gender roles within South Africa. Overall, this study highlighted the value and the need for South African research on the coping resources and subjective well-being of dual-career Hindu mothers.

This research is an exploration of the place of religious beliefs and practices in the life of contemporary, predominantly Catholic, Filipinas in a large Quezon City Barangay in Metro Manila. I use an iterative discussion of the present in the light of historical studies, which point to women in pre-Spanish ‘Filipino’ society having been the custodians of a rich religious heritage and the central performers in a great variety of ritual activities. I contend that although the widespread Catholic evangelisation, which accompanied colonisation, privileged male religious leadership, Filipinos have retained their belief in feminine personages being primary conduits of access to spiritual agency through which the course of life is directed. In continuity with pre-Hispanic practices, religious activities continue to be conceived in popular consciousness as predominantly women’s sphere of work in the Philippines. I argue that the reason for this is that power is not conceived as a unitary, undifferentiated entity. There are gendered avenues to prestige and power in the Philippines, one of which directly concerns religious leadership and authority. The legitimacy of religious leadership in the Philippines is heavily dependent on the ability to foster and maintain harmonious social relations. At the local level, this leadership role is largely vested in mature influential women, who are the primary arbiters of social values in their local communities. I hold that Filipinos have appropriated symbols of Catholicism in ways that allow for a continuation and strengthening of their basic indigenous beliefs so that Filipinos’ religious beliefs and practices are not dichotomous, as has sometimes been argued. Rather, I illustrate from my research that present day urban Filipinos engage in a blend of formal and informal religious practices and that in the rituals associated with both of these forms of religious practice, women exercise important and influential roles. From the position of a feminist perspective I draw on individual women’s articulation of their life stories, combined with my observation and participation in the religious practices of Catholic women from different ethnic and socio-economic backgrounds, to discuss the role of Filipinas in local level community religious leadership. I make interconnections between women’s influence in this sphere, their positioning in family social relations, their role in the celebration of All Saints and All Souls Days in Metro Manila’s cemeteries and the ubiquity and importance of Marian devotions. I accompany these discussions with an extensive body of pictorial plates.

AbstractHow does the ponytail maneuver gendered expectations? Although in the introduction I distinguish cultural sociology from critical theory and the cultural studies tradition, which reveal foremost the reproduction of social inequalities and hierarchies, there is no denying that the ponytail is gendered. This chapter explores ponytailed agency within the plausible limits of culture. I stress the ways that women may use ponytails to meet a multitude of expectations, and I argue that codes of fashion and customs permit women (and men) to wear this hairstyle to display gendered expectations in amplified and sober ways. This dynamic process generates a half-life of the ponytail in which its many forms and imitations are manifest in diverse situations that intensify and condense customs to make fashion and to recreate customs. What directs the ponytail’s performativity are the codes that define the ways we meet fashion and customs: as commercial ploys or with altruistic intentions, as normal or deviant in diverse situations. Ponytailed women, in style or simply by habit, can fight for democracy or represent commercial interests, and media critics ensure we see this wealth of prospective role models: some standing on the barricades and some imitating neoliberal and patriarchal ideals.

AbstractThis chapter focuses on adult family-related experiences and the manner in which they affect later-life socio-emotional and economic well-being (loneliness, employment, earnings). Particularly innovative is the investigation of these relationships in a cross-national perspective. Results from two studies conducted by the authors of this chapter within the CONOPP project show that deviations from family-related social customs differently impact socio-emotional and economic well-being outcomes as there is: (a) a non-normative family penalty for loneliness (individuals who never experience cohabitation/marriage or parenthood or postpone such events are the loneliest); and (b) a non-normative family bonus for women’s economic outcomes (single and/or childless women have the highest earnings). Moreover, analyses revealed that European countries differ considerably in the manner in which similar family-related experiences affect later-life well-being. For example, childlessness had a stronger negative impact on loneliness in Eastern Europe than in Western Europe and the observed heterogeneity could be explained by culturally-embedded family-related values and norms (childless individuals in countries placing stronger accent on ‘traditional’ family values are lonelier compared to childless individuals in less ‘traditionalistic’ nations). In terms of economic outcomes, results show that the lower the female labor force participation during child-rearing years, the more substantial the differences in later-life employment and income between women with different family life trajectories.

AbstractWork-life pressures on the modern woman shape hair fashions and customs. The ponytail binds hair in practical ways that can echo feminist undercurrents, implying “I’m busy, I’m working, and need my hair OFF my face.” Furthermore, this chapter shows how the ponytail naturalizes women’s presence in male-dominated jobs and roles, and therefore radiates with the social progress of former feminist generations. Those who find the ponytail to be practical in work and family life encompass women who believe they live in a post-feminist reality as well as those who remain on the barricades, fists raised, ponytails waving. Ponytailed women are at times loud, youthful, bold, and unapologetic; other times, they perform bold body politics: positionality, presence, and existence. Clearly, the ponytail is iconic, a total social fact used to feel, see, and enact a meaningful relationship with a complex but gendered society. As modern women navigate their practical lives, a new code emerges, a code of movement that fuses the corporeal and practical with the social and feminist environments in which they reside. This code gives the ponytail—itself an embodiment of movement—a performativity of social movements.

This chapter studies the musical life of private houses in the city. Informed by historical documents (namely wills, dowries, inventories, and customs records), music scores, and treatises from the colonial period, it begins by documenting the instruments and books of music that prevailed in the domestic space and its context. Subsequently, it supplies new information about the music trade among individuals from Cádiz, Lima, and Santiago, showing how the elite took advantage of their commercial networks to foster their musical practice. It also revises the role performed by women and the familiar entourage in private musical life, as well as the prevailing genres and styles, highlighting the different ways of performing dances and songs. One of the chapter’s conclusions, indeed, is that the performance—more than the instruments and genres in themselves—acquired increasing importance in social terms during the 18th century, as the enlightened ideas gained more influence in the city.

Media engineers subtle ways in which gender bias can persist in society and ensures the perpetuation of women subjugation in the society. In this chapterI want to excavate the various factors which contributes to the augmentation of gender biases by the media and how the media in developing countries strengthens the cause patriarchy masquerading in the façade of preserving traditions and customs? I also intend to unravel how perennial problems like illiteracy and abject poverty further dents the projectof women empowerment and how deeply entrenched patriarchal values manipulate the media to withhold emancipation in true sense. How women even after being qualified suffers from several negative effects undermining her own status? It will also be interesting to delve into the ways in which gendered media is far more subversive and ubiquitous in the developing world than developed world. And lastly how the gender bias in media can be curbed in the light of social and political awakening in women in particular and the development of humaningenuity and consciousness in general.

Violence against women has been the subject of study in many countries and in different cultures. The fact that women enjoy a secondary position in many societies is proved through different studies, in spite of the changes in the laws of the countries. How differently a woman is treated at home and work front too is a known subject of research. There are numerous women out there who have been forced into the work force without any option left for them to decide otherwise. May be they don’t enjoy the recognition they deserve and the only motivating force for them is the preservation of their individual dignity. There is no certainty about their future yet they are successful in many ways. Here are three women who have dared to raise a voice against the injustice done to them and have ended up in shelter homes for having a mind which thinks differently than the imposed social norms and customs set by the society and have used their voice to get help to preserve their dignity. From uncertainty about life and hopelessness to gaining confidence, having a strong resiliency to hoping for a better future for the future generation, they have seen it all and have extraordinary inspiring life stories to share with the ordinary women.

This chapter assesses Fawwaz’s writings on marriage, divorce, and family life, 1892‒1900. In stand-alone essays and a long-running debate with a customs official, published in the journal Fursat al-awqat, Fawwaz addressed the exploitation of late versions of Islamic fiqh (jurisprudence) and its hadith sources, and the fiction of the Islamic basis of extreme seclusion, as patriarchal mechanisms to keep women subordinate and unhappy in marriage. It assesses the reformist views of Muhammad ‘Abduh while arguing that Fawwaz focused less on legal change and more on the prevalence of misogynistic views in the marital relationship that maintained the hegemony of patriarchal social organization. In her debate with Husayn Fawzi, Fawwaz used logic, arguments from history, and knowledge of Islamic sources to reject his understanding of gender, based on his reading of the creation story, Qur’an, and hadith, and medieval marriage manuals. This debate centred on marriage but went beyond it to explore Islamic understandings of gender difference.

Since the agricultural revolution, traditional fermented beers served social and dietary functions, including hydration. There are longstanding customs of producing, consuming, and socializing with home-made beers. However, because they are time- and labour-intensive to produce, shifts away from traditional beers often occur with the introduction of market alcohols, which may not fulfil the dietary functions of traditional beers. This paper uses nine years of longitudinal data from 963 Tsimane’ Bolivian forager-horticulturalist adults to examine how the consumption of chicha, a traditional fermented beer, and market alcohol changed during a period of increased market integration from 2002 to 2010. It then uses cross-sectional dietary recall data with 45 adults to estimate chicha contributions to water intake. Our findings suggest that chicha consumption has decreased over time for women but not men. Chicha consumption, while more common, was strongly predictive of market alcohol consumption. Chicha contributed 1 litre to water needs for men and 0.6 litre for women. The increased drive to produce cash crops may not only limit the availability of preferred crops for chicha but also reduce the amount of time available to spend making chicha. Alternatives for making water more palatable, such as adding store-bought water flavouring powders, could further reduce traditional chicha consumption thereby having potential implications on daily social life and ripple effects on nutrition and hydration.

This closing chapter opens with a brief summary of what came before. Across cultures and times, partnership systems and domination systems have affected our brains, actions, relationships, values, customs, and institutions. Over the last centuries, progressive social movements focused on dismantling economic and political domination, but gave scant attention to traditions of domination and violence in parent-child and gender relations, so domination systems keep rebuilding themselves. The rest of the chapter is a call to action. It details how to construct the missing four cornerstones required to support a more equitable, caring, and sustainable partnership future. The first cornerstone is childhood; concrete steps to reduce the staggering rates of abuse and violence against children worldwide are proposed. The second cornerstone is gender; as prerequisites for a better future, actions to change the devaluation of women and the “feminine” are described. The third cornerstone is economics, going beyond capitalism and socialism to meet our environmental, technological, and social challenges by recognizing the enormous value of the essential work of caring for people, starting in early childhood, and caring for nature. The fourth cornerstone consists of narratives and language; here, the Biocultural Partnership-Domination Lens is an essential tool in all areas of life, from education to guiding biotechnology and artificial intelligence in ways that support the expression of our evolutionary predispositions for caring, consciousness, and creativity.

Chapter 5 surveys the development of ascetic renunciation as a favored mode of Christian existence from the religion’s origins to late antiquity. It details what ascetic Christians “renounced” (e.g., money, food, property, sleep), what their goals were, and what models of ascetic living became popular. Pagan writers as well as some Christian writers criticized the movement, which could jolt members of the upper classes when their members broke rank and divested themselves of possessions. In Rome, shortly before Melania’s time, aristocratic women had, at various stages in their lives, given up markers of their status (including civic philanthropy) and adopted ascetic practices, sometimes within their own palaces. Transmission of property and inheritance came into question, as women refused to marry (or to remarry). Melania’s Life dramatically illustrates how difficult it was to rid oneself of all property and possessions, especially the thousands of slaves that she and Pinian owned. Modern scholars have been less kind than their predecessors in their assessments of the social and economic consequences of Christian calls to renunciation.

The rapid economic growth of many companies brings with it the need to pay more attention to issues of management and leadership of people in the conditions of a centralized model of economic management, as well as mental readiness for work and social position in business. Mental balance is one of the most important mental equipment of traders in personal and professional life. Therefore, in the article we assess the necessity of psychohygiene in the work of traders. Its role is to support and create favorable psychological conditions. The aim of the research is to determine the existence of statistically significant differences in the assessment of the attributes of psychohygiene between customers and traders. The research sample, out of the total number of 177 respondents, consists of 125 (70.6%) women and 52 (29.4%) men aged 18 - 70 years, while the average age is 41.08 years, the standard deviation is 7.913 years. Of the total number of respondents, 97 (54.8%) were traders and 80 (45.2%) were customers. The length of the respondents' internship ranged from 1 to 40 years (average 17.25 years, standard deviation 8.679 years). The research results were processed in statistical program IBM SPSS Statistics 22.00 and assessed by t- test for two independent samples. The authors focused on mental health care, proper lifestyle, stressors, work environment and time management.

If killing a single person is considered as a major crime that forbidden by Sharia and law at the international level and at the level of all religions and divine legislation, so what about the concept of genocide!! Here, not just an individual with a weak influence on society is killed, but thousands of individuals, that means an entire nation, a future, energy and human and intellectual capabilities that can tip the scales, and on the other hand, broken and half-dead hearts are left behind from the horrific scenes of killing they witnessed before their eyes, moreover, the massacres of genocide continues to excrete its remnants and consequences for long years and for successive generations, and it may generate grudges of revenge among generations that did not receive the adequate awareness and psychological support which are necessary to rehabilitate these generations to benefit from the tragedies and bitter experiences of life to turn them into lessons and incentives to achieve progress and advancement. Genocide is a deadly poison whose toxic effect extends from generations to others unless it is wisely controlled. Here the role of the international community and its legal, legislative and humanitarian stance from these crimes is so important and supportive. Genocide can be occurred on two levels: external and internal. As for genocide on the external level: this is what happened at the hands of foreign powers against a certain people for colonial and expansionist goals in favor of the occupier or usurper. There are many examples throughout history, such as the Ottoman and British occupations...etc Whereas genocide at the internal level, can be defined as the repressive actions that governments practice against their own people for goals that could be extremist, racist or dictatorial, such as t ""Al-Anfal"" massacre in 1988 carried out by the previous regime against the Kurds in the Kurdistan region. The number of victims amounted at one hundred thousand martyrs, most of them were innocent and unarmed people from children, women and the elderly, and also the genocide which was practiced against of the organizers of Al-Shaibania Revolution in 1991 was another example of genocide in the internal level. It is possible to deduce a third level between the external and internal levels, which is the genocide that is done at the hands of internal elements from the people of the country, but in implementation of external agendas, for example, the scenes of organized and systematic sectarian killing that we witnessed daily during (2007) and (2008), followed by dozens of bloody explosions in various regions throughout the capital, which unfortunately was practiced by the people of the country who were misguided elements in order to destabilize the security of the country and we did not know until this moment in favor of which external party!! In the three aforementioned cases, nothing can justify the act of killing or genocide, but in my personal opinion, I see that genocide at the hands of foreign forces is less drastic effects than the genocides that done at the hands of internal forces that kill their own people to impose their control and to defense their survival, from the perspective of ""the survival for the strongest, the most criminal and the most dictatorial. The matter which actually dragged the country into the abyss and the ages of darkness and ignorance. As for the foreign occupier, he remains an occupier, and it is so natural for him to be resentful and spiteful and to keep moving with the bragging theory of that (the end justifies the means) and usurping lands illegally, but perhaps recently the occupier has begun to exploit loopholes in international laws and try to gain the support of the international community and international organizations to prove the legitimacy of what has no legitimacy, in the end to achieve goals which pour into the interest of the occupiers' country and from the principle of building the happiness and well-being of the occupiers' people at the expense of the misery and injustice of other peoples!! This remains absolutely dehumanizing societal crime, but at least it has a positive side, which is maximizing economic resources and thus achieving the welfare of a people at the expense of seizing the wealth of the occupied country. This remains the goal of the occupier since the beginning of creation to this day, but today the occupation associated with the horrific and systematic killing has begun to take a new template by framing the ugliness of the crime with humanitarian goals and the worst, to exploit religion to cover their criminal acts. A good example of this is the genocide that took place at the hands of the terrorist organization ISIS, that contradictory organization who adopted the religion which forbids killing and considers it as one of the greatest sins as a means to practice the most heinous types of killing that contemporary history has witnessed!! The ""Spiker"" and ""Sinjar"" massacres in 2014 are the best evidence of this duality in the ideology of this terrorist organization. We may note that the more we advance in time, the more justification for the crimes of murder and genocide increases. For example, we all know the first crimes of genocide represented by the fall of Baghdad at the hands of the Mongol leader ""Hulagu"" in 1258. At that time, the crimes of genocide did not need justification, as they were practiced openly and insolently for subversive, barbaric and criminal goals!! The question here imposes itself: why were the crimes of genocide in the past practiced openly and publicly without need to justify the ugliness of the act? And over time, the crimes of genocide began to be framed by pretexts to legitimize what is prohibited, and to permit what is forbidden!! Or to clothe brutality and barbarism in the patchwork quilt of humanity?? And with this question, crossed my mind the following ""Aya"" from the Glorious Quran (and do not kill the soul that God has forbidden except in the right) , this an explicit ""Aya"" that prohibits killing and permits it only in the right, through the use of the exception tool (except) that permits what coming after it . But the"" right"" that God describes in the glorious Quran has been translated by the human tongues into many forms and faces of falsehood!! Anyway, expect the answer of this controversial question within the results of this study. This study will discuss the axis of (ideologies of various types and genocide), as we will analyze excerpts from the speeches of the former regime that were announced on the local media after each act of genocide or purification, as the former regime described at that time, but the difference in this study is that the analysis will be according to a scientific and thoughtful approach which is far from the personal ideology of the researcher. The analysis will be based on a model proposed by the contemporary Dutch scientist ""Teun A. Van Dijk"". Born in 1943, ""Van Dijk"" is a distinguished scholar and teaching in major international universities. He has authored many approved books as curricula for teaching in the field of linguistics and political discourse analysis. In this study, Van Dijk's Model will be adopted to analyze political discourse ideologies according to forty-one criteria. The analysis process will be conducted in full transparency and credibility in accordance with these criteria without imposing the researcher's personal views. This study aims to shed light on the way of thinking that the dictatorial regimes adopt to impose their existence by force against the will of the people, which can be used to develop peoples' awareness to understand and analyze political statements in a scientific way away from the inherited ideologies imposed by customs, clan traditions, religion, doctrine and nationalism. With accurate scientific diagnosis, we put our hand on the wounds. So we can cure them and also remove the scars of these wounds. This is what we seek in this study, diagnosis and therefore suggesting the suitable treatment "

This CREID Policy Briefing provides recommendations to address the marginalisation, discrimination and exclusion faced by Yazidi women in Bashiqa and Bahzani. Yazidi women in Bashiqa and Bahzani today are still living through the trauma and consequences of the genocide committed by the Islamic State (ISIS). In addition, they face a range of further challenges as marginalised women from a minority religion. While more Yazidi girls and young women are progressing in education, harmful social norms, customs and practices – originating from both wider Iraqi society and the Yazidi community itself – create barriers for Yazidi women who want or need to work outside of the home, access healthcare or engage in public life. Widows and divorced women face specific challenges as they are seen as without male protection. Yazidi women also face the stigma that comes from being a former captive of ISIS, and the discrimination that comes from being judged an “infidel” due to their religion.