Academic literature on the topic 'Women refugees Services for Victoria Melbourne'

Background and context: BreastScreen Victoria (BSV) provides free breast screening to women aged 40+; targeting women aged 50-74. The program reduces breast cancer-related deaths by up to 28%. BSV aims to ensure equitable participation for all women in the target age; however there are large disparities in screening rates for different subpopulations. Emerging migrant women participate in breast screening at lower rates than the general population. These women face complex barriers including cultural factors, low health literacy, and access. BSV identified cross-sector partnerships, with local trusted organizations who engage with emerging migrant women, as an approach to tackle the multidimensional problems in screening inequalities. Aim: Through cross-sector partnerships BSV aims to bring together diverse skills, knowledge and resources for more effective health promotion outcomes, including: 1. Increasing awareness of breast screening in emerging migrant communities, 2. Providing a culturally safe environment for women to access breast screening. Strategy/Tactics: BSV partnered with organizations beyond the traditional health sector. One key partnership is with AMES Australia, who provide settlement services for refugees and migrants. The main approach of this model is two-way capacity building between organizations. BSV built the capacity of AMES to deliver BreastScreen's key messages, and promote screening to eligible women accessing their service. This included training for staff, resource development/sharing, and support. AMES built the capacity of BSV by providing insight into barriers for women they engage, and guidance adapting traditionally clinical environments ensuring cultural safety. To date BSV has undertaken screening initiatives with AMES in 2 Melbourne locations. Outcomes: - Migrant women are introduced to breast screening by a trusted organization - BSV's key messages are delivered in a culturally appropriate manner - Development of sustainable skills, structures and resources in both organizations - Utilization of AMES relationship with their clients to engage women who BSV may not reach -not on the Victorian Electoral Roll - 6 group bookings with specific languages groups - Familiar case worker and in person translator supporting group bookings - Engaging mainly first time screeners who may not have accessed a breast screen - Overcoming cultural, language, and health literacy barriers - Tailored appointments for groups and walk-ins. What was learned: A lack of tailored strategies to engage women in breast screening compounds barriers for migrant women. Cross-sector partnerships increase the efficiency of systems that impact health by making the best use of different but complementary resources. Collaborations, joint resourcing and planned action should be considered ongoing practice, particularly for disengaged populations, to address the many determinants of health that lie outside the reach of the health system.

Recently arrived older refugees in resettlement countries are a particularly vulnerable population who face many risks to their health and well‐being, and many challenges in accessing services. This paper reports on a project undertaken in Victoria, Australia to explore the needs of older people from 14 recently arrived refugee communities, and the barriers to their receiving health and aged care. Findings from consultations with community workers and service providers highlight the key issues of isolation, family conflict and mental illness affecting older refugees, and point to ways in which policy‐makers and service providers can better respond to these small but deserving communities.

Trichomonas vaginalis (TV) diagnosis rates have decreased considerably in some countries during the last two decades. It is unclear why TV has decreased only in some countries. This study investigated the relationships between: 1) TV diagnosis rates among women attending the Melbourne Sexual Health Centre (MSHC), and among Pap smears screened by Victorian Cytology Services (VCS); 2) the use of nitroimidazoles in Australia and; 3) gonorrhoea notification data for Victoria to assess changes in sexual behaviour. TV diagnosis rates among women attending MSHC rose from under 5% in the 1940's, to 20% to 30% in the 1960's and then declined 5% to 10% during the 1970's. From 1980 onwards, TV diagnosis rates fell progressively to below 1% by 1991, with 0.1% in 2004. A similar pattern was seen in TV at VCS, but with lower absolute percentages. Metronidazole was introduced into Australia in 1961 and tinidazole in 1976 and by 1987 there were 400 000 nitroimidazole prescriptions per year. Pap smear screening in Victoria began in 1965, only including 20% of women per year (aged 15 to 69) by the mid 1980's. Post 1980's, screening rose until 2000, stabilising at 35% of women per year. Gonorrhoea notification rates peaked during times TV was experiencing its greatest falls. The initial decline of TV seen in Victoria was associated with the introduction of effective antibiotics. The further decline to less than 1% was seen when Pap smear screening participation increased during the 1990's.

The reproductive years are a critical period where women experience greater risk of intimate-partner violence (IPV). Most studies investigating the association between IPV and reproductive health have been completed in low- and middle-income countries. This study aimed to examine the relationship between IPV and women’s reproductive decision-making in Victoria, Australia. We analysed secondary data from a cluster-randomised trial of IPV screening that surveyed new mothers attending Maternal- and Child-Health centres in Melbourne. Survey measures included the experience of partner abuse in the past 12 months using the Composite Abuse Scale and four reproductive decision-making indicators. Results showed that IPV affects reproductive decision-making among postpartum women. Women who reported abuse were less likely to plan for a baby (adjusted Odds Ratio 0.48, 95% CI: 0.31–0.75) than were non-abused women, significantly more likely to have partners make decisions for them about contraception (Risk ratio (RR) 4.09, 95% CI: 1.31–12.75), and whether and when to have a baby (RR 12.35, 95% CI: 4.46–34.16), than they were to make decisions jointly. Pregnant and postpartum women need to be screened for partner violence that compromises women’s decision-making power regarding their reproductive rights.

IntroductionAlmost 78 000 women gave birth in the state of Victoria, Australia, in 2019. While most births occurred in metropolitan Melbourne and large regional centres, a significant proportion of women birthed in rural services. In late 2016, to support clinicians to recognise and respond to clinical deterioration, the Victorian government mandated provision of an emergency training programme, called Maternity and Newborn Emergencies (MANE), to rural and regional maternity services across the state. This paper describes the evaluation of MANE.Design and settingA quasi-experimental study design was used; the Kirkpatrick Evaluation Model provided the framework.ParticipantsParticipants came from the 17 rural and regional Victorian maternity services who received MANE in 2018 and/or 2019.Outcome measuresBaseline data were collected from MANE attendees before MANE delivery, and at four time points up to 12 months post-delivery. Clinicians’ knowledge of the MANE learning objectives, and confidence ratings regarding the emergencies covered in MANE were evaluated. The Safety Attitudes Questionnaire (SAQ) assessed safety climate pre-MANE and 6 months post-MANE among all maternity providers at the sites.ResultsImmediately post-MANE, most attendees reported increased confidence to escalate clinical concerns (n=251/259). Knowledge in the non-technical and practical aspects of the programme increased. Management of perinatal emergencies was viewed as equally stressful pre-MANE and post-MANE, but confidence to manage these emergencies increased post-delivery. Pre-MANE SAQ scores showed consistently strong and poor performing services. Six months post-MANE, some services showed improvements in SAQ scores indicative of improved safety climate.ConclusionMANE delivery resulted in both short-term and sustained improvements in knowledge of, and confidence in, maternity emergencies. Further investigation of the SAQ across Victoria may facilitate identification of services with a poor safety climate who could benefit from frequent targeted interventions (such as the MANE programme) at these sites.

IntroductionOver 310 000 women gave birth in Australia in 2016, with approximately 80 000 births in the state of Victoria. While most of these births occur in metropolitan Melbourne and other large regional centres, a significant proportion of Victorian women birth in local rural health services. The Victorian state government recently mandated the provision of a maternal and neonatal emergency training programme, called Maternal and Newborn Emergencies (MANE), to rural and regional maternity service providers across the state. MANE aims to educate maternity and newborn care clinicians about recognising and responding to clinical deterioration in an effort to improve clinical outcomes. This paper describes the protocol for an evaluation of the MANE programme.Methods and analysisThis study will evaluate the effectiveness of MANE in relation to: clinician confidence, skills and knowledge; changes in teamwork and collaboration; and consumer experience and satisfaction, and will explore and describe any governance changes within the organisations after MANE implementation. The Kirkpatrick Evaluation Model will provide a framework for the evaluation. The participants of MANE, 27 rural and regional Victorian health services ranging in size from approximately 20 to 1000 births per year, will be invited to participate. Baseline data will be collected from maternity service staff and consumers at each health service before MANE delivery, and at four time-points post-MANE delivery. There will be four components to data collection: a survey of maternity services staff; follow-up interviews with Maternity Managers at health services 4 months after MANE delivery; consumer feedback from all health services collected through the Victorian Healthcare Experience Survey; case studies with five regional or rural health service providers.Ethics and disseminationThis evaluation has been approved by the La Trobe University Science, Health and Engineering College Human Ethics Sub-Committee. Findings will be presented to project stakeholders in a deidentified report, and disseminated through peer-reviewed publications and conference presentations.

Background and context: The Bridge of Support Program (BOS) is adapting a successful community based model of peer support to an acute setting, at the Sunshine Hospital Breast Clinic, to meet the cultural and socioeconomic diverse needs of women with breast cancer. This two year project was funded by LUCRF Community Partnership Trust. Aim: To improve the experience of women undergoing treatment of breast cancer at Western Health. To improve access to psych-social, emotional and practical support for women by extending the reach of CounterPart- a state-wide service of women´s Health Victoria, funded by the Victorian Department of Health and Human Services to provide peer support and information to people affected by breast or a gynecologic cancer. Program/Policy process: Peer support volunteers actively guided women to current and credible evidence-based information, support decision making and provide emotional support. Peer support volunteers are rostered once a week at Sunshine Hospital to coincide with breast clinic and include access to the day oncology unit and radiotherapy center. Detailed contact information is recorded and women receive follow-up contact (with consent) from the peer support volunteers at the CounterPart Resource Centre in Melbourne. A CounterPart staff member oversees the project and provides direct support and supervision to the volunteers on site at the hospital. Women can self refer. Outcomes: Between February and December 2016 the BOS program had 159 separate contacts with patients and their families. 82 contacts were with men and women who were new to CounterPart and 77 were follow-up contacts. 90 individuals treated for breast cancer at Western Health accessed the program, which represent 53% of the women seen by the breast service. 48% of the contacts were follow-up contacts with the CounterPart volunteers indicating that once engaged with the service many men and women continue to make contact. 38% of contacts were with women diagnosed with metastatic disease, a group who often have higher levels of unmet or more complex needs. 49% were born in a nonmain English speaking country (compared with the overall state of Victoria average of 19.6%) thus reflecting an accessible service to the non-English speaking community. What was learned: At a time when peer support is being increasingly recognized as a key part of effective supportive care in cancer services, the BOS program offers a model of integrated peer support that is respected, reliable, well supported and safe within the acute setting. This acute-community sector partnership demonstrates how the medical and social models of health care can work together to provide a connected and quality service for men and women diagnosed with breast cancer. An active research approach is enabling the project to be responsive to issues and challenges as they arise including the ongoing recruitment of women as volunteers from the local community to work within the acute setting.

ObjectivesThere is an urgent need to improve breast feeding rates for Australian First Nations (Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander) infants. We explored breast feeding outcomes of women having a First Nations infant at three sites that introduced a culturally specific continuity of midwife care model.DesignWomen having a First Nations infant booking for pregnancy care between March 2017 and November 2020 were invited to participate. Surveys at recruitment and 3 months post partum were developed with input from the First Nations Advisory Committee. We explored breast feeding intention, initiation, maintenance and reasons for stopping and factors associated with breast feeding.SettingThree tertiary maternity services in Melbourne, Australia.ParticipantsOf 479/926 eligible women approached, 343 (72%) completed the recruitment survey, and 213/343 (62%) the postnatal survey.OutcomesPrimary: breast feeding initiation and maintenance. Secondary: breast feeding intention and reasons for stopping breast feeding.ResultsMost women (298, 87%) received the culturally specific model. Breast feeding initiation (96%, 95% CI 0.93 to 0.98) was high. At 3 months, 71% were giving ‘any’ (95% CI 0.65 to 0.78) and 48% were giving ‘only’ breast milk (95% CI 0.41 to 0.55). Intending to breast feed 6 months (Adj OR ‘any’: 2.69, 95% CI 1.29 to 5.60; ‘only’: 2.22, 95% CI 1.20 to 4.12), and not smoking in pregnancy (Adj OR ‘any’: 2.48, 95% CI 1.05 to 5.86; ‘only’: 4.05, 95% CI 1.54 to 10.69) were associated with higher odds. Lower education (Adj OR ‘any’: 0.36, 95% CI 0.13 to 0.98; ‘only’: 0.50, 95% CI 0.26 to 0.96) and government benefits as the main household income (Adj OR ‘any’: 0.26, 95% CI 0.11 to 0.58) with lower odds.ConclusionsBreast feeding rates were high in the context of service-wide change. Our findings strengthen the evidence that culturally specific continuity models improve breast feeding outcomes for First Nations women and infants. We recommend implementing and upscaling First Nations specific midwifery continuity models within mainstream hospitals in Australia as a strategy to improve breast feeding.

Hazaras form an Afghan ethnic minority group in Australia who arrived as refugees and through humanitarian resettlement schemes over the past three decades. This qualitative study explored psychological distress in a community sample of young adult Hazaras with a refugee background. The aim was to contribute to a more detailed understanding of their mental health, coping, and help-seeking in Australia. Eighteen Hazaras, nine males and nine females aged 18–30 years ( M = 22.39, SD = 3.35), in Perth, Melbourne, or Sydney, who had been living in Australia on average 7.17 years (range 1 to 16 years), participated in a semi-structured interview based on Kleinman's explanatory model framework. Participants described mental and physical health as interconnected and their explanatory models for psychological distress focused on their current difficult life experiences as refugees. Findings indicated noteworthy gender differences, with young women reporting less distress associated with adaptation than did young men. Some young people used positive coping strategies in the community, while others engaged with a variety of mental health services. Level of satisfaction with these services varied considerably, with satisfaction highest for services provided by multicultural centers. Generally, respondents were not focused on their past traumas, but more interested in planning for their futures in Australia. Key implications for culturally appropriate training and specialized interventions for use with young adult Hazaras from refugee backgrounds are discussed.

The term “coffee palace” was primarily used in Australia to describe the temperance hotels that were built in the last decades of the 19th century, although there are references to the term also being used to a lesser extent in the United Kingdom (Denby 174). Built in response to the worldwide temperance movement, which reached its pinnacle in the 1880s in Australia, coffee palaces were hotels that did not serve alcohol. This was a unique time in Australia’s architectural development as the economic boom fuelled by the gold rush in the 1850s, and the demand for ostentatious display that gathered momentum during the following years, afforded the use of richly ornamental High Victorian architecture and resulted in very majestic structures; hence the term “palace” (Freeland 121). The often multi-storied coffee palaces were found in every capital city as well as regional areas such as Geelong and Broken Hill, and locales as remote as Maria Island on the east coast of Tasmania. Presented as upholding family values and discouraging drunkenness, the coffee palaces were most popular in seaside resorts such as Barwon Heads in Victoria, where they catered to families. Coffee palaces were also constructed on a grand scale to provide accommodation for international and interstate visitors attending the international exhibitions held in Sydney (1879) and Melbourne (1880 and 1888). While the temperance movement lasted well over 100 years, the life of coffee palaces was relatively short-lived. Nevertheless, coffee palaces were very much part of Australia’s cultural landscape. In this article, I examine the rise and demise of coffee palaces associated with the temperance movement and argue that coffee palaces established in the name of abstinence were modelled on the coffee houses that spread throughout Europe and North America in the 17th and 18th centuries during the Enlightenment—a time when the human mind could be said to have been liberated from inebriation and the dogmatic state of ignorance. The Temperance Movement At a time when newspapers are full of lurid stories about binge-drinking and the alleged ill-effects of the liberalisation of licensing laws, as well as concerns over the growing trend of marketing easy-to-drink products (such as the so-called “alcopops”) to teenagers, it is difficult to think of a period when the total suppression of the alcohol trade was seriously debated in Australia. The cause of temperance has almost completely vanished from view, yet for well over a century—from 1830 to the outbreak of the Second World War—the control or even total abolition of the liquor trade was a major political issue—one that split the country, brought thousands onto the streets in demonstrations, and influenced the outcome of elections. Between 1911 and 1925 referenda to either limit or prohibit the sale of alcohol were held in most States. While moves to bring about abolition failed, Fitzgerald notes that almost one in three Australian voters expressed their support for prohibition of alcohol in their State (145). Today, the temperance movement’s platform has largely been forgotten, killed off by the practical example of the United States, where prohibition of the legal sale of alcohol served only to hand control of the liquor traffic to organised crime. Coffee Houses and the Enlightenment Although tea has long been considered the beverage of sobriety, it was coffee that came to be regarded as the very antithesis of alcohol. When the first coffee house opened in London in the early 1650s, customers were bewildered by this strange new drink from the Middle East—hot, bitter, and black as soot. But those who tried coffee were, reports Ellis, soon won over, and coffee houses were opened across London, Oxford, and Cambridge and, in the following decades, Europe and North America. Tea, equally exotic, entered the English market slightly later than coffee (in 1664), but was more expensive and remained a rarity long after coffee had become ubiquitous in London (Ellis 123-24). The impact of the introduction of coffee into Europe during the seventeenth century was particularly noticeable since the most common beverages of the time, even at breakfast, were weak “small beer” and wine. Both were safer to drink than water, which was liable to be contaminated. Coffee, like beer, was made using boiled water and, therefore, provided a new and safe alternative to alcoholic drinks. There was also the added benefit that those who drank coffee instead of alcohol began the day alert rather than mildly inebriated (Standage 135). It was also thought that coffee had a stimulating effect upon the “nervous system,” so much so that the French called coffee une boisson intellectuelle (an intellectual beverage), because of its stimulating effect on the brain (Muskett 71). In Oxford, the British called their coffee houses “penny universities,” a penny then being the price of a cup of coffee (Standage 158). Coffee houses were, moreover, more than places that sold coffee. Unlike other institutions of the period, rank and birth had no place (Ellis 59). The coffee house became the centre of urban life, creating a distinctive social culture by treating all customers as equals. Egalitarianism, however, did not extend to women—at least not in London. Around its egalitarian (but male) tables, merchants discussed and conducted business, writers and poets held discussions, scientists demonstrated experiments, and philosophers deliberated ideas and reforms. For the price of a cup (or “dish” as it was then known) of coffee, a man could read the latest pamphlets and newsletters, chat with other patrons, strike business deals, keep up with the latest political gossip, find out what other people thought of a new book, or take part in literary or philosophical discussions. Like today’s Internet, Twitter, and Facebook, Europe’s coffee houses functioned as an information network where ideas circulated and spread from coffee house to coffee house. In this way, drinking coffee in the coffee house became a metaphor for people getting together to share ideas in a sober environment, a concept that remains today. According to Standage, this information network fuelled the Enlightenment (133), prompting an explosion of creativity. Coffee houses provided an entirely new environment for political, financial, scientific, and literary change, as people gathered, discussed, and debated issues within their walls. Entrepreneurs and scientists teamed up to form companies to exploit new inventions and discoveries in manufacturing and mining, paving the way for the Industrial Revolution (Standage 163). The stock market and insurance companies also had their birth in the coffee house. As a result, coffee was seen to be the epitome of modernity and progress and, as such, was the ideal beverage for the Age of Reason. By the 19th century, however, the era of coffee houses had passed. Most of them had evolved into exclusive men’s clubs, each geared towards a certain segment of society. Tea was now more affordable and fashionable, and teahouses, which drew clientele from both sexes, began to grow in popularity. Tea, however, had always been Australia’s most popular non-alcoholic drink. Tea (and coffee) along with other alien plants had been part of the cargo unloaded onto Australian shores with the First Fleet in 1788. Coffee, mainly from Brazil and Jamaica, remained a constant import but was taxed more heavily than tea and was, therefore, more expensive. Furthermore, tea was much easier to make than coffee. To brew tea, all that is needed is to add boiling water, coffee, in contrast, required roasting, grinding and brewing. According to Symons, until the 1930s, Australians were the largest consumers of tea in the world (19). In spite of this, and as coffee, since its introduction into Europe, was regarded as the antidote to alcohol, the temperance movement established coffee palaces. In the early 1870s in Britain, the temperance movement had revived the coffee house to provide an alternative to the gin taverns that were so attractive to the working classes of the Industrial Age (Clarke 5). Unlike the earlier coffee house, this revived incarnation provided accommodation and was open to men, women and children. “Cheap and wholesome food,” was available as well as reading rooms supplied with newspapers and periodicals, and games and smoking rooms (Clarke 20). In Australia, coffee palaces did not seek the working classes, as clientele: at least in the cities they were largely for the nouveau riche. Coffee Palaces The discovery of gold in 1851 changed the direction of the Australian economy. An investment boom followed, with an influx of foreign funds and English banks lending freely to colonial speculators. By the 1880s, the manufacturing and construction sectors of the economy boomed and land prices were highly inflated. Governments shared in the wealth and ploughed money into urban infrastructure, particularly railways. Spurred on by these positive economic conditions and the newly extended inter-colonial rail network, international exhibitions were held in both Sydney and Melbourne. To celebrate modern technology and design in an industrial age, international exhibitions were phenomena that had spread throughout Europe and much of the world from the mid-19th century. According to Davison, exhibitions were “integral to the culture of nineteenth century industrialising societies” (158). In particular, these exhibitions provided the colonies with an opportunity to demonstrate to the world their economic power and achievements in the sciences, the arts and education, as well as to promote their commerce and industry. Massive purpose-built buildings were constructed to house the exhibition halls. In Sydney, the Garden Palace was erected in the Botanic Gardens for the 1879 Exhibition (it burnt down in 1882). In Melbourne, the Royal Exhibition Building, now a World Heritage site, was built in the Carlton Gardens for the 1880 Exhibition and extended for the 1888 Centennial Exhibition. Accommodation was required for the some one million interstate and international visitors who were to pass through the gates of the Garden Palace in Sydney. To meet this need, the temperance movement, keen to provide alternative accommodation to licensed hotels, backed the establishment of Sydney’s coffee palaces. The Sydney Coffee Palace Hotel Company was formed in 1878 to operate and manage a number of coffee palaces constructed during the 1870s. These were designed to compete with hotels by “offering all the ordinary advantages of those establishments without the allurements of the drink” (Murdoch). Coffee palaces were much more than ordinary hotels—they were often multi-purpose or mixed-use buildings that included a large number of rooms for accommodation as well as ballrooms and other leisure facilities to attract people away from pubs. As the Australian Town and Country Journal reveals, their services included the supply of affordable, wholesome food, either in the form of regular meals or occasional refreshments, cooked in kitchens fitted with the latest in culinary accoutrements. These “culinary temples” also provided smoking rooms, chess and billiard rooms, and rooms where people could read books, periodicals and all the local and national papers for free (121). Similar to the coffee houses of the Enlightenment, the coffee palaces brought businessmen, artists, writers, engineers, and scientists attending the exhibitions together to eat and drink (non-alcoholic), socialise and conduct business. The Johnson’s Temperance Coffee Palace located in York Street in Sydney produced a practical guide for potential investors and businessmen titled International Exhibition Visitors Pocket Guide to Sydney. It included information on the location of government departments, educational institutions, hospitals, charitable organisations, and embassies, as well as a list of the tariffs on goods from food to opium (1–17). Women, particularly the Woman’s Christian Temperance Union (WCTU) were a formidable force in the temperance movement (intemperance was generally regarded as a male problem and, more specifically, a husband problem). Murdoch argues, however, that much of the success of the push to establish coffee palaces was due to male politicians with business interests, such as the one-time Victorian premiere James Munro. Considered a stern, moral church-going leader, Munro expanded the temperance movement into a fanatical force with extraordinary power, which is perhaps why the temperance movement had its greatest following in Victoria (Murdoch). Several prestigious hotels were constructed to provide accommodation for visitors to the international exhibitions in Melbourne. Munro was responsible for building many of the city’s coffee palaces, including the Victoria (1880) and the Federal Coffee Palace (1888) in Collins Street. After establishing the Grand Coffee Palace Company, Munro took over the Grand Hotel (now the Windsor) in 1886. Munro expanded the hotel to accommodate some of the two million visitors who were to attend the Centenary Exhibition, renamed it the Grand Coffee Palace, and ceremoniously burnt its liquor licence at the official opening (Murdoch). By 1888 there were more than 50 coffee palaces in the city of Melbourne alone and Munro held thousands of shares in coffee palaces, including those in Geelong and Broken Hill. With its opening planned to commemorate the centenary of the founding of Australia and the 1888 International Exhibition, the construction of the Federal Coffee Palace, one of the largest hotels in Australia, was perhaps the greatest monument to the temperance movement. Designed in the French Renaissance style, the façade was embellished with statues, griffins and Venus in a chariot drawn by four seahorses. The building was crowned with an iron-framed domed tower. New passenger elevators—first demonstrated at the Sydney Exhibition—allowed the building to soar to seven storeys. According to the Federal Coffee Palace Visitor’s Guide, which was presented to every visitor, there were three lifts for passengers and others for luggage. Bedrooms were located on the top five floors, while the stately ground and first floors contained majestic dining, lounge, sitting, smoking, writing, and billiard rooms. There were electric service bells, gaslights, and kitchens “fitted with the most approved inventions for aiding proficients [sic] in the culinary arts,” while the luxury brand Pears soap was used in the lavatories and bathrooms (16–17). In 1891, a spectacular financial crash brought the economic boom to an abrupt end. The British economy was in crisis and to meet the predicament, English banks withdrew their funds in Australia. There was a wholesale collapse of building companies, mortgage banks and other financial institutions during 1891 and 1892 and much of the banking system was halted during 1893 (Attard). Meanwhile, however, while the eastern States were in the economic doldrums, gold was discovered in 1892 at Coolgardie and Kalgoorlie in Western Australia and, within two years, the west of the continent was transformed. As gold poured back to the capital city of Perth, the long dormant settlement hurriedly caught up and began to emulate the rest of Australia, including the construction of ornately detailed coffee palaces (Freeman 130). By 1904, Perth had 20 coffee palaces. When the No. 2 Coffee Palace opened in Pitt Street, Sydney, in 1880, the Australian Town and Country Journal reported that coffee palaces were “not only fashionable, but appear to have acquired a permanent footing in Sydney” (121). The coffee palace era, however, was relatively short-lived. Driven more by reformist and economic zeal than by good business sense, many were in financial trouble when the 1890’s Depression hit. Leading figures in the temperance movement were also involved in land speculation and building societies and when these schemes collapsed, many, including Munro, were financially ruined. Many of the palaces closed or were forced to apply for liquor licences in order to stay afloat. Others developed another life after the temperance movement’s influence waned and the coffee palace fad faded, and many were later demolished to make way for more modern buildings. The Federal was licensed in 1923 and traded as the Federal Hotel until its demolition in 1973. The Victoria, however, did not succumb to a liquor licence until 1967. The Sydney Coffee Palace in Woolloomooloo became the Sydney Eye Hospital and, more recently, smart apartments. Some fine examples still survive as reminders of Australia’s social and cultural heritage. The Windsor in Melbourne’s Spring Street and the Broken Hill Hotel, a massive three-story iconic pub in the outback now called simply “The Palace,” are some examples. Tea remained the beverage of choice in Australia until the 1950s when the lifting of government controls on the importation of coffee and the influence of American foodways coincided with the arrival of espresso-loving immigrants. As Australians were introduced to the espresso machine, the short black, the cappuccino, and the café latte and (reminiscent of the Enlightenment), the post-war malaise was shed in favour of the energy and vigour of modernist thought and creativity, fuelled in at least a small part by caffeine and the emergent café culture (Teffer). Although the temperance movement’s attempt to provide an alternative to the ubiquitous pubs failed, coffee has now outstripped the consumption of tea and today’s café culture ensures that wherever coffee is consumed, there is the possibility of a continuation of the Enlightenment’s lively discussions, exchange of news, and dissemination of ideas and information in a sober environment. References Attard, Bernard. “The Economic History of Australia from 1788: An Introduction.” EH.net Encyclopedia. 5 Feb. (2012) ‹http://eh.net/encyclopedia/article/attard.australia›. Blainey, Anna. “The Prohibition and Total Abstinence Movement in Australia 1880–1910.” Food, Power and Community: Essays in the History of Food and Drink. Ed. Robert Dare. Adelaide: Wakefield Press, 1999. 142–52. Boyce, Francis Bertie. “Shall I Vote for No License?” An address delivered at the Convention of the Parramatta Branch of New South Wales Alliance, 3 September 1906. 3rd ed. Parramatta: New South Wales Alliance, 1907. Clarke, James Freeman. Coffee Houses and Coffee Palaces in England. Boston: George H. Ellis, 1882. “Coffee Palace, No. 2.” Australian Town and Country Journal. 17 Jul. 1880: 121. Davison, Graeme. “Festivals of Nationhood: The International Exhibitions.” Australian Cultural History. Eds. S. L. Goldberg and F. B. Smith. Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1989. 158–77. Denby, Elaine. Grand Hotels: Reality and Illusion. London: Reaktion Books, 2002. Ellis, Markman. The Coffee House: A Cultural History. London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 2004. Federal Coffee Palace. The Federal Coffee Palace Visitors’ Guide to Melbourne, Its Suburbs, and Other Parts of the Colony of Victoria: Views of the Principal Public and Commercial Buildings in Melbourne, With a Bird’s Eye View of the City; and History of the Melbourne International Exhibition of 1880, etc. Melbourne: Federal Coffee House Company, 1888. Fitzgerald, Ross, and Trevor Jordan. Under the Influence: A History of Alcohol in Australia. Sydney: Harper Collins, 2009. Freeland, John. The Australian Pub. Melbourne: Sun Books, 1977. Johnson’s Temperance Coffee Palace. International Exhibition Visitors Pocket Guide to Sydney, Restaurant and Temperance Hotel. Sydney: Johnson’s Temperance Coffee Palace, 1879. Mitchell, Ann M. “Munro, James (1832–1908).” Australian Dictionary of Biography. Canberra: National Centre of Biography, Australian National U, 2006-12. 5 Feb. 2012 ‹http://adb.anu.edu.au/biography/munro-james-4271/text6905›. Murdoch, Sally. “Coffee Palaces.” Encyclopaedia of Melbourne. Eds. Andrew Brown-May and Shurlee Swain. 5 Feb. 2012 ‹http://www.emelbourne.net.au/biogs/EM00371b.htm›. Muskett, Philip E. The Art of Living in Australia. New South Wales: Kangaroo Press, 1987. Standage, Tom. A History of the World in 6 Glasses. New York: Walker & Company, 2005. Sydney Coffee Palace Hotel Company Limited. Memorandum of Association of the Sydney Coffee Palace Hotel Company, Ltd. Sydney: Samuel Edward Lees, 1879. Symons, Michael. One Continuous Picnic: A Gastronomic History of Australia. Melbourne: Melbourne UP, 2007. Teffer, Nicola. Coffee Customs. Exhibition Catalogue. Sydney: Customs House, 2005.

The place of women in transport planning and development has been marginal if not invisible. This has resulted in a lack of recognition of their needs and of the distributional impacts that current transport policy and directions have on women. It has also led to limited attention being paid to women and women's experiences in their use of both cars and public transport: their travel patterns and mobility issues remain largely unexplored. In addition, the current policy environment of privatisation and competition in the transport arena contributes to the exacerbation of women's disadvantaged status, and does little to encourage gender sensitivity in transport policies and practice. The thesis explores these issues with particular reference to the travel experiences of fifteen different w o m e n living in various parts of Melbourne and Victoria. It also uses material collected from a number of transport policy makers and service providers to ascertain the dimensions of the new competitive environment.

Research involving resettled refugees presents many complexities. In particular, how do we engage ethically with research participants and also ensure that the data we produce is rigorous and makes a productive contribution to knowledge about refugee health? This chapter reflects on two qualitative research projects involving people from refugee backgrounds who have resettled in Victoria, Australia: one project with refugee-background women living in the capital city, Melbourne; another with refugee-background youth living in Bendigo, a regional city. Both projects focused on refugee settlement and psychosocial health. Focusing on three key aspects of the research process: conceptualizing the field site, ethics in practice and qualitative research methods, we suggest that the dual imperatives of refugee research—significance to people with refugee backgrounds and relevant agencies, institutions and governments, and ethical and rigorous research practice—are best served by a reflexive, sensitive and creative relationship with both the research process and with refugee-background participants.