Academic literature on the topic 'Women prisoners – Palestine'

This is the third and final installment of Um Jabr's ““life story,”” earlier segments of which——on village life in pre-1948 Palestine and on the 1948 war and its aftermath——were published in JPS 138 (winter 2006) and JPS 140 (summer 2006). The current excerpts focus on Um Jabr's intense involvement in the prisoner issue that began when two of her sons were in Israeli jails. In particular, her activism took the form of organizing other women to visit prisoners from Arab countries who had no one to visit them on the twice monthly visits allowed. Um Jabr's 36,000-word ““life story”” was one of seven collected as part of an oral history project, as yet unpublished, carried out by Barbara Bill, an Australian who since 1996 has worked with the Women's Empowerment Project of the Gaza Community Mental Health Program, and Ghada Ageel, a refugee from al-Bureij camp now earning her Ph.D. at the University of Exeter in England. The women who participated in the project were interviewed a number of times during the first half of 2001; after the tapes were transcribed, the memories were set down exactly as they were told, the only ““editing”” being the integration of material from the various interviews into one ““life story.”” Um Jabr, who was in her early 70s at the time of the interviews, still lives in al-Bureij camp, where she has since 1950.

Bethlehem prison was the only women’s prison in Palestine during the British Mandate. It housed over two hundred Jewish women, mainly from the Irgun and Lehi underground movements. This article describes, for the first time, the experience of the women in Bethlehem prison and analyzes it using gender tools. Their experiences were documented and preserved in ego-documents that include personal letters, diaries, and subsequently written memoirs. The analysis of gender content in the writings of the women in Bethlehem prison focuses the discussion on a number of components: their relations with Jewish prisoners accused of criminal offenses and with Arab prisoners; feminine outward markers and concern about external appearance and the women’s physical and medical needs; family and motherhood behind bars; and also, spiritual elements, including ritual practice in female environments. We also discuss elements that do not appear in their writings, including feminist themes or at least those interpreted as feminist in a modern reading. All of this sheds light on the unique perspective of the woman fighter in the Revisionist movement and adds another layer to the history of women and gender in the Jewish Yishuv and the study of the underground movements

This study aimed to reveal the extent to which the social and economic security of Palestinian families have been achieved whether this loss was partial (wound or captivity) or total (martyrdom) from the wife’s point of view. It included (140) missing women in the governorates of Hebron and Bethlehem. The data were collected using two scales authored by the researcher after ensuring their validity and reliability, where the reliability coefficient was (0.819). The results of the study showed the need of the sample members for social and economic security in general. The differences appeared in the social dimension in favor of the younger wives. As for the educational level, the differences were in the economic dimension for those who hold bachelor’s and diploma degrees compared with those who hold a high school diploma or less. With regard to the variable nature of the husband’s absence, the statistical significance in the social and economic dimensions came in favor of the wives of the martyrs first, then in favor of the wives of the prisoners secondly, compared to the wives of the wounded. As for the variable of the presence of children, the differences in the economic dimension were in favor of the wives who had children. The researcher recommended the necessity of conducting survey studies on the subject for all regions of Palestine and also recommended the necessity of facilitating the task of institutions to provide social support to all families individually and collectively.

This study aimed to reveal the extent to which the social and economic security of Palestinian families have been achieved whether this loss was partial (wound or captivity) or total (martyrdom) from the wife’s point of view. It included (140) missing women in the governorates of Hebron and Bethlehem. The data were collected using two scales authored by the researcher after ensuring their validity and reliability, where the reliability coefficient was (0.819). The results of the study showed the need of the sample members for social and economic security in general. The differences appeared in the social dimension in favor of the younger wives. As for the educational level, the differences were in the economic dimension for those who hold bachelor’s and diploma degrees compared with those who hold a high school diploma or less. With regard to the variable nature of the husband’s absence, the statistical significance in the social and economic dimensions came in favor of the wives of the martyrs first, then in favor of the wives of the prisoners secondly, compared to the wives of the wounded. As for the variable of the presence of children, the differences in the economic dimension were in favor of the wives who had children. The researcher recommended the necessity of conducting survey studies on the subject for all regions of Palestine and also recommended the necessity of facilitating the task of institutions to provide social support to all families individually and collectively.

Viral hepatitis B is a global public health problem affecting nearly two billion subjects; 3.3% of whom are from the WHO (World Health Organization) Eastern Mediterranean Region (EMRO). It induces both acute and chronic hepatic disorders with subsequent liver cirrhosis and hepatocellular carcinoma (HCC) in a considerable percentage of patients based on the age of exposure. In this review, hepatitis B virus (HBV) and HCC prevalence, distribution and prevalence of different genotypes, and male/female infection frequencies in relation to the vaccination status in the Mediterranean countries were reported. Study Design. This systematic review describes the prevalence of hepatitis B infection, genotype distribution of hepatitis B virus, and prevalence and incidence of hepatocellular carcinoma in Mediterranean countries belonging to three different continents: Southern Europe (Spain, France, Italy, Croatia, and Greece), North Africa (Morocco, Algeria, Tunisia, Libya, and Egypt), and the Near East region (Syria, Lebanon, Turkey, Israel, and Palestine). We tried to collect new data from electronic databases: PubMed, ScienceDirect, ResearchGate, Google Scholar, and public health reports between 1980 and 2019. For each publication, we recorded reference, publication year, study characteristics (date, locations, sample size, and study population), and participant characteristics (population group, year, age, and sex). No language limitation was imposed, and articles or reports from non-peer-reviewed sources were not considered for this analysis. The main keywords were HBV prevalence, hepatitis B infection, HBV genotype, and HCC. Inclusion and Exclusion Criteria. Healthy population-based studies included the following sample populations: (i) voluntary blood donors, (ii) pregnant women, (iii) community studies, (iv) hemodialysis patients, (v) hospitalized patients, (vi) healthcare workers, (vii) sex workers, (viii) drug abusers, and (ix) prisoners. We excluded studies from the following special groups who were assumed to be at a special high risk: patients from sexually transmitted disease clinics and thalassemia clinics and professional or paid blood donors.

In this profile of Rasmea Odeh, JPS examines the case of a Palestinian woman who has been incarcerated in both Israel and the United States. After a decade of confinement in Israel, Odeh was freed in a prisoner exchange in 1979. Following deportation from the occupied Palestinian territories, she became a noted social justice and women's rights organizer, first in Lebanon and Jordan, and later in the U.S., where she built the now over 800-strong Arab Women's Committee of Chicago. In April 2017, Odeh accepted a plea bargain that would lead to her deportation from the United States after a years-long legal battle to overturn a devastating conviction on charges of immigration fraud. Observers, legal experts, and supporters consider the case to “reek of political payback,” in the words of longtime Palestine solidarity activist, author, and academic Angela Davis. Odeh's generosity of spirit, biting wit, and easy smile did not desert her throughout the years that she fought her case. To know Odeh is to be reminded that the work of organizing for social justice is about the collective rather than the individual, and that engagement, relationship building, and trust are the foundations of such work.

Spiro Munayyer's account begins immediately after the United Nations General Assembly partition resolution of 29 November 1947 and culminates in the cataclysmic four days of Lydda's conquest by the Israeli army (10-14 July 1948) during which 49,000 of Lydda's 50,000 inhabitants ("swollen" with refugees) were forcefully expelled, the author himself being one of those few allowed to remain in his hometown. Although the author was not in a position of political or military responsibility, he was actively involved in Lydda's resistance movement both as the organizer of the telephone network linking up the various sectors of Lydda's front lines and as a volunteer paramedic, in which capacity he accompanied the city's defenders in most of the battles in which they took part. The result is one of the very few detailed eye-witness accounts that exists from the point of view of an ordinary Palestinian layman of one of the most important and tragic episodes of the 1948 war. The conquest of Lydda (and of its neighbor, Ramla, some five kilometers to the south) was the immediate objective of Operation Dani-the major offensive launched by the Israeli army at the order of Ben-Gurion during the so-called "Ten Days" of fighting (8-18 July 1948), between the First Truce (11 June-8 July) and the Second Truce (which started on 18 July and lasted, in theory, until the armistice agreements of 1949). The further objective of Operation Dani was to outflank the Transjordanian Arab Legion positions at Latrun (commanding the defile at Bab al-Wad, where the road from the coast starts climbing toward Jerusalem) in order to penetrate central Palestine and capture Rumallah and Nablus. Lydda and Ramla and the surrounding villages fell within the boundaries of the Arab state according to the UNGA partition resolution. Despite their proximity to Tel Aviv and the fall of many Palestinian towns since April (Tiberias, Haifa, Jaffa, Safad, Acre, and Baysan), they had held out until July even though little help had reached them from the Arab armies entering on 15 May. Their strategic importance was enormous because of their location at the intersection of the country's main north-south and west-east road and rail lines. Palestine's largest British army camp at Sarafand was a few kilometers west of Lydda, its main international airport an equal distance to the north, its central railway junction at Lydda itself. Ras al-Ayn, fifteen kilometers north of Lydda, was the main source of Jerusalem's water supply, while one of the largest British depots was at Bayt Nabala, seven kilometers to its northeast. The Israeli forces assembled for Operation Dani were put under the overall command of Yigal Allon, the Palmach commander. They consisted of the two Palmach brigades (Yiftach and Harel, the latter under the command of Yitzhak Rabin), the Eighth Armored Brigade composed of the Second Tank Battalion and the Ninth Commando Battalion (the former under the command of Yitzhak Sadeh, founder of the Palmach, the latter under that of Moshe Dayan), the Second Battalion Kiryati Brigade, the Third Battalion Alexandroni Brigade, and several units of the Kiryati Garrison Troops (Khayl Matzav). The Eighth Armored Brigade had a high proportion of World War II Jewish veterans volunteering from the United States, Britain, France, and South Africa (under the so-called MAHAL program), while its two battalions also included 700 members of the Irgun Zva'i Le'umi (IZL). The total strength of the Israeli attackers was about 8,000 men. The only regular Arab troops defending Lydda (and Ramla) was a minuscule force of 125 men-the Fifth Infantry Company of the Transjordanian Arab Legion. The defenders of Lydda (and Ramla) were volunteer civilian residents, like the author, under the command of a retired sergeant who had served in the Arab Legion. The reason for the virtual absence of Arab regular troops in the Lydda-Ramla sector was that the Arab armies closest to it (the Egyptian in the south, the Arab Legion in the east, and the Iraqi in the north) were already overstretched. The Egyptian northernmost post was at Isdud, thirty-two kilometers north of Gaza and a like distance southeast of Ramla-Lydda as the crow flies. The Iraqi southernmost post was at Ras al-Ayn, where they were weakest. And although the Arab Legion was in strength some fifteen kilometers due east at Latrun, the decision had been taken not to abandon its positions on the hills between Ras al-Ayn and Latrun for fear of being outflanked and cut off by the superior Israeli forces in the plains where Lydda and Ramla were situated. Indeed, as General Glubb, commander of the Arab Legion, informs us, he had told King Abdallah and the Transjordanian prime minister Tawfiq Abu Huda even before the end of the Mandate on 15 May that the Legion did not have the forces to hold and defend Lydda and Ramla against Israeli attacks despite the fact that these towns were in the area assigned to the Arabs by the UNGA partition resolution. This explains the token force of the Arab Legion-the Fifth Infantry Company. Thus, the fate of Lydda (and Ramla) was sealed the moment Operation Dani was launched. The Israeli forces did not attack Lydda from the west (where Lydda's defenses facing Tel Aviv were strongest), as the garrison commander Sergeant Hamza Subh expected. Instead, they split into two main forces, northern and southern, which were to rendezvous at the Jewish colony of Ben Shemen east of Lydda and then advance on Lydda from there. After capturing Lydda from the east they were to advance on Ramla, attacking it from the north while making feints against it from the west. Operation Dani began on the night of 9-10 July. Simultaneously with the advance of the ground troops, Lydda and Ramla were bombed from the air. In spite of the surprise factor, the defenders in the eastern sector of Lydda put up stout resistance throughout the 10th against vastly superior forces attacking from Ben Shemen in the north and the Arab village of Jimzu to the south. In the afternoon, Dayan rode with his Commando Battalion of jeeps and half-tracks through Lydda in a hit-and-run raid lasting under one hour "shooting up the town and creating confusion and a degree of terror among the population," as the Jewish brothers Jon and David Kimche put it. This discombobulated the defenders, some of whom surrendered. But the following morning (11 July) a small force of three Arab Legion armored cars entered Lydda, their mission being to help in the evacuation of the beleaguered Fifth Infantry Company. Their sudden appearance both panicked the Israeli troops and rallied the defenders who had not surrendered. The Israeli army put down what it subsequently described as the city's "uprising" with utmost brutality, leaving in a matter of hours in the city's streets about 250 civilian dead in an orgy of indiscriminate killing. Resistance continued sporadically during the 12th and 13th of July, its focus being Lydda's police station, which was finally overrun. As of 11 July, the Israeli army began the systematic expulsion of the residents of Lydda and Ramla (the latter having fallen on 12 July) toward the Arab Legion lines in the east. Also expelled were the populations of some twenty-five villages conquered during Operation Dani, making a total of some 80,000 expellees-the largest single instance of deliberate mass expulsion during the 1948 war. Most of the expellees were women, children, and elderly men, most of the able-bodied men having been taken prisoner. Memories of the trek of the Lydda and Ramla refugees is branded in the collective consciousness of the Palestinians. The Palestinian historian Aref al-Aref, who interviewed survivors at the time, estimates that 350 died of thirst and exhaustion in the blazing July sun, when the temperature was one hundred degrees in the shade. The reaction of public opinion in Ramallah and East Jerusalem at the sight of the new arrivals was to turn against the Arab Legion for its failure to help Lydda and Ramla. Arab Legion officers and men were stoned, loudly hissed at and cursed, a not unintended outcome by the person who gave the expulsion order, David Ben-Gurion, and the man who carried it out, Yitzhak Rabin, director of operations for Operation Dani.

To resist the Israeli military occupation of the West Bank, Palestinian prisoners are smuggling sperm samples out of Israeli prisons to enable their wives to undergo fertility treatment. Bodies and bodily matter figure as central actors in this practice of resistance. In this article, I draw from fieldwork I conducted with Palestinian women and medical staff in the occupied West Bank to examine the tension between carcerality and matter(ing). I argue that bodies and bodily matter are constitutive of the relationship between oppression and resistance. I analyze how Israeli military authorities assign evidentiary status to Palestinian bodies and illustrate how Palestinian families challenge the Israeli carceral system through new modes of embodied resistance. This article demonstrates how intersecting forms of oppression shape and are being shaped by bodies and their materiality. It also suggests that theorizing the materiality of power from Palestine offers new ways of understanding the political work that bodies do.

In a wide-ranging interview conducted shortly after her release from Israel’s Ofer and Hasharon Prisons, Palestinian National Council member, PFLP activist, and feminist Khalida Jarrar addresses the Israeli occupation, Palestinian women’s issues, and the current state of Palestinian politics. Jarrar, who is a lawyer and human rights activist prominent in Palestinian efforts to take Israel to the International Criminal Court, was working late at her home on research when she was seized by Israeli forces on 2 April 2015. In this deeply personal account, she relates the simultaneous fear and resolve she experienced during her arrest, interrogation, and 15-month-long imprisonment, and speaks of her daily routine, including going from cell to cell to greet and encourage her fellow prisoners. She muses on the interaction between social and political forces that tear at Palestinian women’s lives, and on the necessary work for women to reclaim their power. Jarrar reacts to the controversy that arose after she was hoisted on the shoulders of male comrades in a celebratory gesture at her release from prison. She speaks frankly of the political crisis in the Palestinian Left—and, in the face of the Palestinian Authority’s failure to represent Palestinians, calls for a return to the fundamentals of national struggle: reviving the Palestine National Council and electing a new PLO Executive Committee.