Journal articles: 'Women politicians – Great Britain'

1

Grigor’eva, Nataliya S., and Anastasiya A. Zhokhova. "WOMEN IN THE BRITISH POLITICAL PROCESS IN CONTEMPORARY TIMES. A ROLE ANALYSIS." RSUH/RGGU Bulletin. Series Philosophy. Social Studies. Art Studies, no. 1 (2022): 393–403. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-6401-2022-1-393-403.

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The practice and theory of the political process show that the specific of the behavior of men and women in politics is different. Coupled with gender stereotypes, that causes a difference in the portrayals and images of political leaders of different genders. The study of the peculiarities of women’s leadership in the formation of political elites is complicated by several theoretical issues related to the influence of gender stereotypes on it, including the role behavior. However, the influence of such stereotypes on the perception of female leadership does not mean that female political representation “automatically” leads to the humanization of the political process and contributes to the softness in the work of political institutions. The quantitative and qualitative analysis of the political courses of prominent women leaders in Great Britain of the 20th– 21st centuries shows that the real political courses of women leaders have little in common with the gender stereotypes that were attributed to them, what did not prevent them from being widely recognized as decisive leaders in their positions. More than 100 years of experience of women’s presence in the British politics allows us to highlight the common and special in their activities. Using the algorithm of SWOT-analysis of the successful growth and self-realization of the personality of iconic female politicians of Great Britain, the authors trace the strengths and weaknesses, opportunities and threats for female leadership in the political process of Great Britain in the 20th–21st centuries.

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2

Hammond, Valerie. "Working Women Abroad — Great Britain." Equal Opportunities International 5, no. 1 (January 1986): 8–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/eb010440.

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Ritchie, J. M. "WOMEN IN EXILE IN GREAT BRITAIN." German Life and Letters 47, no. 1 (January 1994): 51–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-0483.1994.tb01521.x.

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Kotzin, Joshua. "Transatlantic Women: Nineteenth-Century American Women Writers and Great Britain." Edith Wharton Review 32, no. 1-2 (November 1, 2016): 97–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/editwharrevi.32.1-2.97.

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Lonergan, Gwyneth. "Reproductive Justice and Migrant Women in Great Britain." Women: A Cultural Review 23, no. 1 (March 2012): 26–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09574042.2012.644490.

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Wright, Robert E., John F. Ermisch, P. R. Andrew Hinde, and Heather E. Joshi. "The third birth in Great Britain." Journal of Biosocial Science 20, no. 4 (October 1988): 489–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021932000017612.

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SummaryThe relationship between female labour force participation, and other socioeconomic factors, and the probability of having a third birth is examined, using British data collected in the 1980 Women and Employment Survey, by hazard regression modelling with time-varying covariates. The results demonstrate the strong association between demographic factors, e.g. age at first birth and birth interval and subsequent fertility behaviour. Education appears to have little effect. Surprisingly, women who have spent a higher proportion of time as housewives have a lower risk of having a third birth. This finding is in sharp disagreement with the conventional expectation that cumulative labour force participation supports lower fertility. These findings are briefly compared with similar research carried out in Sweden.

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Novikov, K. E. "Integration of Politicians with an Immigrant Background in the Political System of Great Britain." Journal of Political Theory, Political Philosophy and Sociology of Politics Politeia 98, no. 3 (September 30, 2020): 181–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.30570/2078-5089-2020-98-3-181-200.

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Miziniak, Helena. "Polish Community in Great Britain." Studia Polonijne 43, Specjalny (December 20, 2022): 49–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.18290/sp2243.5s.

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The article presents the activity of Poles in Great Britain in the 20th century, beginning with the end of World War II, when a large group of Polish refugees and veterans settled in the UK. In 1947, the Federation of Poles was established to represent Polish community in Great Britain. The Association of Polish Women (1946) and the Relief Society for Poles (1946) were also formed at the same time. The article shows the involvement of the Polish community in Great Britain in the context of Polish history. This involvement included the organisation of anti-communist protests, carrying out various actions to inform people about the situation in Poland, organising material aid, supporting Poland at the time of the system transformation, and supporting Poland’s accession to the European Union. Over the decades, the Polish community in Great Britain has managed to set up numerous veterans’ and social organisations, Polish schools, it also built churches in order to preserve Polish culture abroad.

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9

Edwards, S. "Pregnancy and Abortion Increased Among Single Women in Great Britain." Family Planning Perspectives 24, no. 2 (March 1992): 92. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2135475.

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Valdés, Juan Núñez. "WOMEN IN THE EARLY DAYS OF PHARMACY IN GREAT BRITAIN." International Journal Of Multidisciplinary Research And Studies 04, no. 12 (October 1, 2018): 102–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.33826/ijmras/v04i12.1.1.

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This paper deals with the beginnings and historical evolution of Pharmacy studies in Great Britain and on the role played by the first women who practiced the profession there, The circumstances of that time, which made very difficult for a woman to work in that area, the biography of the first English woman licensed in Pharmacy, Fanny Deacon, and the biographies of the women who followed her as graduates in Pharmacy in Great Britain are commented, detailing not only their personal data but also the impact they had on the evolution and development of Pharmacy studies in their country. These women were Alice Vickery, Isabella Skinner Clarke, Margaret Elizabeth Buchanan, Rose Coombes Minshull and Agnes Thompson Borrowman.The main objective of the paper is to reveal the figures of these first women in Pharmacy in Great Britain to society, To do this, the methodology used has been the usual in researches of this type: search of data on these women in bibliographical and computer sources, as well as in historic archives. As the main results, the biographies of these pioneers pharmacist women mentioned above have been elaborated

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11

Morozov, Stanislav V. "1925–1935: Locar “Legal Mechanism for ‘Pushing’ Germany to the East”. The Oil Factor." Economic Strategies 144, no. 2 (182) (April 25, 2022): 108–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.33917/es-2.182.2022.108-115.

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The article examines the factor of oil, when some influential politicians and big businessmen, primarily in Great Britain, tried to use for their far-reaching goals the factual absence of the Weimar Republic's own oil fields. Monopolization of oil supplies in the context of the implementation of the “legal mechanism for ‘pushing’ Germany to the East” made it possible to a certain extent to manage the foreign policy activity of the Hitlerite regime.

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Mikheiev, Andrii. "The Image of Ukraine in Great Britain during 1919–1920s." Kyiv Historical Studies 12, no. 1 (2021): 22–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.28925/2524-0757.2021.13.

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The article examines the evolution of the image of Ukraine in the intellectual discourse of the British Empire immediately after the First World War, i.e., during 1919–1920s. This period was marked, on the one hand, by the continuation of the national liberation struggle within Ukraine and, on the other hand, by discussions on the post-war arrangement of Europe and the world at the Paris Peace Conference. Great Britain, as one of the victors in the war, as well as one of the most powerful states at the time, took an active part in these discussions, and the future of Ukrainian lands significantly depended on its position. Therefore, it seems interesting to trace the image of Ukraine that has developed among British intellectuals and politicians at this time, because it also made impact on the attitude of British diplomats to the Ukrainian question at the Paris Peace Conference. To achieve that goal, the article will analyze the attempts of the UPR Directory to establish contacts with British diplomats, the works of the famous British geographer and geopolitician Gelford Mackinder, the views of a prominent British statesman of the 20th century, and during 1919–1920s the Minister of War Winston Churchill, a booklet on Ukraine, issued by the Foreign Office in 1920, as well as the position of the then first man in the UK, British Prime Minister David Lloyd-George. Such a comprehensive view will provide a better understanding of the British vision of the Central and Eastern Europe region in general, and Ukraine in particular, in the context of that time.

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13

Cheng, Joseph Y. S., and Jane C. Y. Lee. "The Changing Political Attitudes of the Senior Bureaucrats in Hong Kong's Transition." China Quarterly 147 (September 1996): 912–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000051857.

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The empirical study of bureaucrats in the Hong Kong government, particularly in their relationship with politicians in the legislature, is a relatively new subject of academic interest. This effort at systematic research is related to the fact that both senior civil servants and politicians are essential to effective government. While senior civil servants in Hong Kong have dominated the political process in the territory for 150 years, politicians have gained importance since the People's Republic of China (PRC) and Britain signed the Joint Declaration on the future of Hong Kong in 1984. It follows that the relationships between these two leadership groups are of great interest, theoretically, empirically, practically and politically. The key problem of any government is how these elite groups interact. A major concern is maintaining an efficient and able bureaucracy with enough independence to do an effective job of administration, while operating in a political context in which politicians are competitive and accountable to the electorate, reacting to the constant demands and expectations of special and general interests. The maintenance of a proper balance between efficiency and responsiveness in such an environment has to be achieved if the polity is to function effectively and be stable

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14

Eppel, Michael. "The Elite, theEffendiyya, and the Growth of Nationalism and Pan-Arabism in Hashemite Iraq, 1921–1958." International Journal of Middle East Studies 30, no. 2 (May 1998): 227–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800065880.

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One of the basic characteristics of the social conditions that marked political life in the Arab states in the 1920s, 1930s, and 1940s was the complex relationship between the politicians from among the elites of traditional notables of the Fertile Crescent cities and theeffendiyya, or Westernized middle stratum. These elites consisted not only of traditional notable families, but also of families newly risen since the Tanzimat reforms in the 19th-century Ottoman Empire. Since the end of World War I, these elites had stood at the center of the new states established by the Western powers—Great Britain and France—and it was now the politicians from within those elites who headed the struggle of those states for independence. This relationship, as well as the character of the elite of notables and theeffendiyya, constituted an important element in the social conditions characterizing the political and ideological environment in which the Iraqi politicians from the elite of notables had operated, and in which Arab nationalism and Pan-Arab ideology became a highly influential factor.

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15

Valdés, Juan Núñez Valdés. "International Journal of Multidisciplinary Research and Studies." International Journal of Multidisciplinary Research and Studies 04, no. 12 (December 24, 2021): 102–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.33826/ijmras/v04i12.1.

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This paper deals with the beginnings and historical evolution of Pharmacy studies in Great Britain and on the role played by the first women who practiced the profession there, The circumstances of that time, which made it very difficult for a woman to work in that area, the biography of the first English woman licensed in Pharmacy, Fanny Deacon, and the biographies of the women who followed her as graduates in Pharmacy in Great Britain are commented, detailing not only their personal data but also the impact they had on the evolution and development of Pharmacy studies in their country. These women were Alice Vickery, Isabella Skinner Clarke, Margaret Elizabeth Buchanan, Rose Coombes Minshull, and Agnes Thompson Borrowman. The main objective of the paper is to reveal the figures of these first women in Pharmacy in Great Britain to society, To do this, the methodology used has been usual in researches of this type: search of data on these women in bibliographical and computer sources, as well as in historic archives. As the main results, the biographies of these pioneers pharmacist women mentioned above have been elaborated.

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16

فيصل عبد الوهــــــــــــــــــاب, رغد. "بريطانيا دراسة في الأوضاع السياسية والاقتصادية الداخلية 1964-1970." Journal of Education College Wasit University 1, no. 29 (January 16, 2018): 194–225. http://dx.doi.org/10.31185/eduj.vol1.iss29.151.

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Britain has a great political and economic weight among the European nations. This importance increased since the end of World War II for several reasons in this period. In fact the field of research and according to many historians is the richest in historical writings. This study deals with the political and economic situation in Britain. A study of historical period between (1964- 1970) is an attempt to discuss these developments of an era, since it did not take the appropriate position in academic studies, this study is to fill part of this void. The British labor party took control from 1964 to 1970, which represents an important era under Harold Wilson. Britain went through a political and economic setbacks under the Conservative Party which to withdraw from the cabinet and by 1964 he became the Labor Party’s prime minister. .Things did not go as planned by the organizers of power in Britain and the economic crisis worsened for over six years, which had already been the focus of a test for politicians in Britain .This forced the Labor Party to loose elections in 1970 and the Conservatives regained power again.

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17

Richardson, John E. "Evoking values or doing politics?" Journal of Language and Politics 17, no. 3 (July 20, 2018): 343–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.17066.ric.

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Abstract This article analyses the rhetoric of speeches delivered by British politicians at televised national HMD commemorations. Following the recommendation of the Stockholm International Forum, since 2001, Britain has commemorated victims of the Holocaust and subsequent genocides every 27 January. The television broadcasts of the national commemoration both reflect and illuminate the complex processes of (national) histories, individual memory and collective remembrance, and the ways that they mediate and interact with each other in social and historic contexts. In addition to other genres (e.g. music, poetry readings, archival film), a speech is delivered by a prominent politician at each of these ceremonies. I argue that these speeches are examples of epideictic oratory, which provide politicians with the opportunity to communicate an understanding of the Holocaust as a catastrophe and a great affront to Our values. My rhetorical analysis focuses on the ways that politicians utilize two artistic means of persuasion: ethetic strategies, which place emphasis on their personal character; and logetic strategies, which aim to persuade through invoking arguments. I orientate to the ways that poorly selected ethetic and logetic strategies can disrupt the primary purpose of the epideictic speech: to communicate, and revivify, shared values.

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18

Knell, Simon. "The Sustainability of Geological Mapmaking: The Case of the Geological Survey of Great Britain." Earth Sciences History 26, no. 1 (January 1, 2007): 13–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.17704/eshi.26.1.p71448m3245mt6q5.

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Henry De la Beche's leadership of the Geological Survey of Great Britain in the second quarter of the nineteenth century led to the establishment of a number of key institutions which ensured the Survey of survival beyond the initial phase of geological mapmaking. Considered as a finite activity serving only to fix on paper the spatial distribution of an unchanging physical resource, geological mapmaking alone was never a secure basis for institutional or disciplinary development. The actions taken by De la Beche in the 1830s and 1840s, at a time when public and politicians alike were suspicious of government-funded science, were echoed 150 years later by successors who served governments with similar doubts about non-commercial scientific activity. Whether buried within an empire of public institutions, illuminated in museum collections which spoke of utilitarian value, or conceptualised as an income-generating database of rare data, the continuation of geological mapmaking in Britain relied upon a relationship to, and relevance for, a wider world of politics and practice. Seen in the long view, the British Geological Survey demonstrates that a nation can only make and re-make geological maps if that activity can be submerged within, or repackaged as, a new strategically-valued socio-economic initiative.

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19

KRUTIKOV, Anton. "The moral code of the empire. Book Review: Rees-Mogg J. The Victorians: Twelve Titans who Forged Britain. L., 2019." Perspectives and prospects. E-journal, no. 4 (20) (December 2019): 118–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.32726/2411-3417-2019-4-118-123.

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Review of the book by British politician Jacob Rees-Mogg, published on the occasion of Queen Victoria’s 200th anniversary and presenting biographical essays on 12 eminent Victorian politicians. The Victorians, who forged British power in the 19th century, are declared bearers of high moral principles, while their stories act as a manifesto of modern British conservatives and Eurosceptics. The book’s relevance is determined not by the author’s approach to the role of Victorians, but by numerous allusions to actual circumstances, turning the reader’s mind to the historical choice faced by Great Britain in the context of Brexit.

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Omelan, Grzegorz. "The Idea of Welfare State vs the Idea of Sustainable Development. The Case for United Kingdom." Studia Krytyczne/Critical Studies, no. 3 (November 3, 2019): 45–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.25167/sk.1418.

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Within the last decades Great Britain has developed a specific model of welfare state. The “from-cradle-to-grave” model is close to the hearts of Labour Party’s politicians and supporters, on the other hand Conservative Party’s governments have been trying to limit welfare state’s reach since 1979. Cameron’s cabinet introduced a significant reform of the system, depriving many Brits of their benefits and lowering the number of people eligible to claim one. It is advisable to consider if these policies go hand in hand with the idea of sustainable development in the socio-economic context.

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Shkvorchenko, N. "SEMIOTIZATION OF POLITICAL TOXICITY IN THE MEDIA SPACES OF THE USA, GREAT BRITAIN AND UKRAINE: A MULTIMODAL ASPECT." MESSENGER of Kyiv National Linguistic University. Series Philology 25, no. 1 (August 26, 2022): 142–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.32589/2311-0821.1.2022.263132.

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The article attempts to build a multimodal model of toxic political communication and determine common and distinctive features of the semiotization of political toxicity in the media environment of the United States, Great Britain and Ukraine. Toxic political communication is interpreted as a type of interaction characterized by a high degree of aggressive (verbal and/or paraverbal) behavior of various participants in the political discourse, which causes moral harm or discriminates against the opponent based on race, nationality or gender resulting in such politician(s) being perceived and then defined as toxic. The constructed model of toxic political communication takes into account multimodal mechanisms of the discursive expression of toxicity (verbal, paraverbal, extralingual), modes of expanding the toxic effect (direct, indirect, and mediated), mechanisms of perception and image formation of politicians (toxic vs. positive) in the media environment of the respective countries.We determined that toxicity is manifested in derogatory statements by politicians, which contain insults, name-calling, ridiculing, emotional and inclusive utterances aimed at polarization and causing psychological and/or image damage to participants in the political debate (opponents). Toxic paraverbal co-speech means are divided into prosodic and gestural-mimic forms, which include aggressive, caustic, derogatory, paternalistic, pompous tone of speech, gestures that violate the personal boundaries of the interlocutor, exaggerated facial expressions. Extralingual forms of toxic communication include poster colors, electoral campaign symbols, clothing, rally sites, music, etc., which intensify the damaging effect of actions/utterances of a politician who is defined as toxic in the media. We found that contrasting forms of the semiotization of political toxicity in the media environment of the United States, Great Britain and Ukraine are determined by the relevant information agendas for each of the countries, for example, racism and intolerance towards migrants (USA), Partygate (Great Britain), zrada (betrayal) vs. peremoha (victory) (Ukraine) and others. Common to the three linguistic cultures is the aggressive type of politician-speaker, whose utterances/behavior are prone to dramatizing and aimed at causing psychological damage to the opponent’s personality through direct or indirect derogatory images accompanied by prosodic, gestural and facial emphases.

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Muirhead, B. W. "The Politics of Food and the Disintegration of the Anglo-Canadian Trade Relationship, 1947-1948." Journal of the Canadian Historical Association 2, no. 1 (February 9, 2006): 215–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/031035ar.

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Abstract This paper examines a somewhat peripheral event in postwar transatlantic diplomacy, the 1947-48 food negotiations between Canada and the United Kingdom, because the process and the outcome of these talks illuminate the deterioration in the traditionally close relationship between the two countries. Because of the financial strains caused by British wartime expenditures, Canada was unable to negotiate a reestablishment of the prewar trade relationship, in which surpluses in her trade with Great Britain financed deficits in her accounts with the United States. The British negotiating strategy forced the Canadian government to reconsider its traditional dependence on the British connection, which had hitherto been so fundamental to Canadian history. This paper therefore challenges the view that Canadian politicians ''sold out'' the country in shifting attention from Britain to the United States after World War II.

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23

Small, H. "DEVONEY LOOSER. Women Writers and Old Age in Great Britain, 1750-1850." Review of English Studies 61, no. 248 (October 25, 2009): 149–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/res/hgp105.

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24

Marlow, Christine. "Women, children and employment: responses by the United States and Great Britain." International Social Work 34, no. 3 (July 1991): 287–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002087289103400305.

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Hale, Robert C. "Women Writers and Old Age in Great Britain, 1750-1850. Devoney Looser." Wordsworth Circle 41, no. 4 (September 2010): 255–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/twc24043669.

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26

Ditz, Toby L. "Domesticating Women: The Gendering of Politics in Great Britain and Anglo-America." Reviews in American History 40, no. 3 (2012): 365–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/rah.2012.0054.

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Dubrouka, Alena M. "The Riga border in the assessments of the British government circles in the first half of the 1920s." Journal of the Belarusian State University. History, no. 2 (May 3, 2021): 29–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.33581/2520-6338-2021-2-29-38.

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The article analyses the assessments given by the representatives of Great Britain government circles to the results of the Polish-Soviet territorial division, installed in the text of the Riga Peace Treaty of 1921. It is revealed, that on the eve of Riga peace negotiation British politicians negatively characterised Poland’s claims to significant advance of its borders in the eastern direction. The line of the Riga border was assessed skeptically, considered as possible only in the conditions of the RSFSR temporary weakness. It is established that British politicians did not exclude Riga border line revising, taking into account the position of the Soviets at the conclusion of the pan-European agreement in Genoa in 1922. It is shown that when deciding not to ratify the Geneva Protocol of 1924, one of the arguments was the assessment of the Riga border region as a potential conflict zone in Europe, in which the UK sought to avoid involvement.

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Shkvorchenko, Nataliia. "Representation of the toxic image of politicians in the media space of the USA, Great Britain and Ukraine." Сучасні дослідження з іноземної філології 20, no. 2 (2021): 178–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.32782/2617-3921.2021.20.178-191.

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Appeltová, Michaela. "Women’s Agency, Catholic Morality, and the Irish State." Radical History Review 2022, no. 143 (May 1, 2022): 212–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/01636545-9566244.

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Abstract The text reviews four new books in Irish women’s history and the history of sexuality: Mary McAuliffe’s biography of the revolutionary Margaret Skinnider; Jennifer Redmond’s Moving Histories, exploring the discourses about Irish women migrants to Great Britain in the first few decades of the Irish state, and their everyday lives in Britain; Lindsey Earner-Byrne and Diane Urquhart’s The Irish Abortion Journey, which documents the repressive discourses and policies surrounding abortion in twentieth-century Ireland and relates stories of traveling to Great Britain to obtain it; and finally, Sonja Tiernan’s book examining the ultimately successful political and legal campaign for marriage equality in Ireland. These highly readable, well-researched books place gender and sexuality at the center of Irish history; provide insight into the contradictory political, religious, and medical discourses about Irish women, gays, and lesbians; and document the lives of women both in and out of Ireland.

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Weed, Matthew. "Discourse on Embryo Science and Human Cloning in the United States and Great Britain: 1984–2002." Journal of Law, Medicine & Ethics 33, no. 4 (2005): 802–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1748-720x.2005.tb00546.x.

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There is a stark difference between American and British policy on embryo science and research cloning. The following survey of the discourse offered both in support of and in opposition to research cloning and embryo science in the United States and Great Britain will show that the same arguments were made in both countries. The fact that similar ethical argumentation occurred in environments where different policy was set is an indicator that current frames for ethical discourse on embryonic stem cell research and human cloning do not effectively capture the debate in the form that politicians and possible consumers of services to be derived from embryo science face.The ethics surrounding embryo research and human cloning have been presented from virtually every possible viewpoint in all forms of medium. It is impossible to reprise every argument made on embryo science and research cloning; therefore, this survey will focus on some of the arguments made during the time leading up to the enactment of Great Britain's Human Fertilisation and Embryology Act of 1990 and the Human Fertilisation and Embryology regulations added to it in 2001.

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Morozov, Stanislav V., Svetlana Y. Krupskaya, Marina S. Orekhova, Olga A. Timoshkova, and Alexander N. Oleinik. "Oil – as a tool of influence in international relations 1925 – 1935 (on the example of Germany)." LAPLAGE EM REVISTA 7, Extra-D (July 10, 2021): 1–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.24115/s2446-622020217extra-d1059p.1-8.

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The paper examines the circumstances, details, elements of the process on using oil as a tool, when some influential politicians and ruling circles, including in Great Britain, sensing the target prospects of new political figures in Germany from among the social nationalists, tried to use them in their far-reaching purposes concerning the legal features of the Versailles Treaty. In particular, the actual absence of its own oil fields at the Weimar Republic and the monopolization of oil supplies in the context of implementing a "legal mechanism for pushing Germany to the East" made it possible to control the Hitler’s regime foreign policy activity to a certain extent.

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Atapin, E. A. "Historical Perception of Europe as “the Other” as the Basis of British Euroscepticism." Izvestiya of Altai State University, no. 5(121) (November 19, 2021): 52–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.14258/izvasu(2021)5-08.

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This paper proves that British Euroscepticism is not just a consequence of the peculiarities of the current political situation but the result of the centuries-old specific attitude of Great Britain to Europe as the other sociocultural space different in many senses from the United Kingdom. The roots of this attitude can be found in the English Reformation of the 16th century which rigidly opposed “British” Protestantism to “European” Catholicism. Several examples of historical events that have aggravated this religious and cultural rift are given. As a result, the British vision of Europeans shared by political elites as people with a different way of life, habits and traditions resulted in a sceptical attitude towards European integration and Britain's participation in it. The statements of famous British politicians regarding European integration and participation of Great Britain in it are cited to confirm the vision of Europe as “the Other” by the political elites of the United Kingdom. It is argued that British Euroscepticism is largely determined and inspired by cultural exceptionalism. Therefore, special attention is paid to the analysis of the British version of cultural Euroscepticism.

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Atapin, Evgenii. "Evolution of British Euroscepticism in the Second Half of the 20th Century." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no. 5 (December 2022): 171–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2022.5.13.

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Introduction. The United Kingdom is the most prominent example of a Eurosceptic country in the EU. For many years the United Kingdom did not feel a part of Europe. Great Britain was geographically separated from continental Europe and psychologically distant from the European integration movement established by the 1957 Treaty of Rome. The British Eurosceptic tradition rested on these geographic and psychological characteristics. Eurosceptic traditions included political, economic, linguistic, cultural and historical aspects that made it difficult for the United Kingdom to accept European integration. Methods and materials. The research methodology is based on narrative and comparative methods. The materials of the study incorporate statements of certain British politicians about attitudes towards European integration, works devoted to the analysis of Euroscepticism in the United Kingdom and manifestos of some far-right political parties. Analysis. A study of the attitude to European integration of the two main political forces of Great Britain, namely the Conservative and the Labour Parties, in the second half of the 20th century is carried out. Results. The study results in the creation of a periodization of British Euroscepticism in the second half of the 20th century. Three stages of evolution of British Euroscepticism in the period under study are distinguished: 1) the stage preceding the entry of Great Britain into the European Communities, conventionally called “Labour”; 2) the stage of the United Kingdom’s participation in the “common market”, conventionally called “Conservative”; 3) the stage of Britain’s participation in the European Union, conventionally called “Right-wing populist”. Their chronological framework is established and their main characteristics are given.

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De, Rohit. "Mumtaz Bibi's broken heart." Indian Economic & Social History Review 46, no. 1 (January 2009): 105–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001946460804600106.

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This article investigates the formation of a political consensus between conservative ulama, Muslim reformers, nationalist politicians and women's organisations, which led to the enactment of the Dissolution of Muslim Marriages Act in 1939. The Act was a radical piece of social legislation that gave South Asian Muslim women greater rights for divorce than those enjoyed by other women in India and Britain. Instead of placing women's rights and Islamic law as opposed to each other, the legislation employed a heuristic that guaranteed women's rights by applying Islamic law, allowing Muslim politicians, ulama and women's groups to find common ground on an Islamic modernity. By interrogating the legislative process and the rhetorical positions employed to achieve this consensus, the paper hopes to map how the women's question was being negotiated anew in the space created in the legislatures. The legislative debate over family law redefined the boundaries of the public and the private, and forced nationalists to reconsider the ‘women's question’. The transformation of Islamic law through secular legislation also gave greater licence to the courts in their interpretation, and widened the schism between traditional practitioners of fiqh and modern lawyers.

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Hunt, Cathy. "Tea and Sympathy: A Study of Diversity among Women Activists in the National Federation of Women Workers in Coventry, England, 1907–14." International Labor and Working-Class History 72, no. 1 (2007): 173–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547907000609.

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AbstractThis article considers the ways in which three local activists sought to inspire women workers to become active and loyal trade unionists at the start of the twentieth century, at a time when the great majority of female workers in Britain was unorganized. It employs evidence of tactics used by organizers of the all-female trade union, the National Federation of Women Workers in Coventry, in the industrial West Midlands of Britain in the years before the First World War. This in turn encourages consideration of the extent to which the aims and policies advocated by the Federation's national leadership suited the economic and social characteristics in the regions of Britain. It offers an opportunity to look beyond the dominant and charismatic personalities who shaped and dominated the union's national headquarters and instead considers the successes and failures of local women who attempted to establish a regional branch of the Federation.

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Torp, Cornelius. "The Pension Crisis and the ‘Demographic Time Bomb’: Perceptions and Misperceptions in Great Britain and Germany at the Turn of the Millennium." English Historical Review 136, no. 583 (December 1, 2021): 1542–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/ceab355.

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Abstract At the turn of the millennium, Germany and the United Kingdom experienced the most severe crises of their pension systems since the Second World War. In both cases, politicians reacted with extensive reforms. The political debates in each country revolved around the notion that demographic ageing was at the root of the crises. Hence, the call for greater intergenerational equity became the key justification of fundamental pension-system reform. But a comparative historical analysis reveals that it is a vast oversimplification to blame the pension crises entirely on demographic ageing. In fact, a combination of other factors—which varied widely between the UK and Germany—far overshadowed the ‘demographic time-bomb’ as the driving force behind the crises. A prime factor in the UK was the declining value of the Basic State Pension and the growing importance of means-tested benefits, along with the decline of company pension schemes. By contrast, the problems facing the pension system in Germany primarily arose from rising unemployment, the systematic early retirement of millions of eastern Germans and the high costs of German unity, which were largely borne by the social-security system. Furthermore, in the debate on Germany’s ability to remain a thriving centre for business and industry, rising pension contributions were widely held responsible for declining competitiveness. In both countries, politicians seized upon the explanatory model of demographic ageing because it made sweeping reforms of the pension system appear the consequence of a quasi-natural process, and created a welcome opportunity to divert attention from socio-political blunders.

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Tulloch, Alexander. "Running for office." English Today 26, no. 2 (May 28, 2010): 55–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266078410000106.

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By the time you read this article we in Great Britain will probably have been through the process (or should that be charade?) of a general election when we will all be expected to choose who will represent (or misrepresent) us in Parliament. Any day now politicians will start running around kissing babies and turning up on our doorsteps asking for our support. Currying favour with the electorate they will even offer to take the old and infirm to the polling stations in the hope that such beneficence will encourage their charges to cast their votes for them. And of course they will attempt to persuade us that their party is the only one with the policies necessary to get us out of the economic mire we find ourselves in, omitting to say that politicians helped put us there in the first place. O tempora, o mores!For the origins of the terminology we use in politics we must turn, as is so often the case, to ancient Greek and Latin for the answers to our questions.

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Jordan, Ellen. "The Exclusion of Women From Industry in Nineteenth-Century Britain." Comparative Studies in Society and History 31, no. 2 (April 1989): 273–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417500015826.

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In 1868, a clergymen told the annual congress of the National Association for the Promotion of Social Science that “he had long lived in the town of Liverpool, and had been placed in circumstances there which made him frequently regret that there were no places in which women could find employment. The great want was of employment for every class of women, not only for the higher class, but for those placed in humbler circumstances.” At earlier conferences, however, a number of speakers described the abundant opportunities for female employment in other Lancashire towns. Census figures make it clear that the reason lay in the different industrial bases of these towns.

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Zapototskyi, Mykhailo. "Perception of the Metropolia by the Canadian Political Elite in 1914–1915 (According to the Materials of the Protocols of the Debates of the Canadian Parliament)." American History & Politics Scientific edition, no. 9 (2020): 145–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2521-1706.2020.09.13.

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In modern historical science, an integral component of scientific research is the component of the source base, which also applies to studies in world history. This article is devoted to the analysis of the protocols of the Canadian Parliament’s debates at the initial stage of World War I (1914–1915). The pages of the protocols of the Canadian Parliament’s describe the personal attitude of politicians to Metropolia, the public speeches of Canadian politicians in 1914–1915, the vision of representatives of political elites regarding the entry of the Canadian Confederation into the First World War. Notwithstanding the ideological diversity of Canadian politicians in the early twentieth century, who included both proponents of unity with Metropolia and opponents of the process, it is interesting that the entire political elite at the beginning of the Great War was consolidated in the matter of supporting the British Crown. Even former political opponents – R. Borden and W. Laurier – became ideological partners, who emphasized that Canada should support the British Empire at a difficult time. Importantly, French Canadian politicians, who were in part critical of British imperialism, also took a positive view of Britain. The main ideologue of the French Canadians at this time was considered A. Burassa, who supported Canada’s entry into the First World War. The main issues discussed at this time by parliamentarians were Canada’s military and material support for the armed conflict. Senators J. Bolduk, E. Smith, A. Lougheed, and P. Murphy actively called for the side of the Metropolia. In the article the author draws attention to the fact that politicians were negative about the military conflict itself. Canadian politicians consider German Empire to be the main culprit in the war, which violated Belgium’s sovereignty and started the war. As a result, the UK was forced to go to war, defending the neutrality of the Belgian state. According to most Canadian politicians, Canada’s main task was to support the British Empire.

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Kravchuk, I. "EDUCATION OF WOMEN IN TEACHER TRAINING COLLEGES IN GREAT BRITAIN IN 1840–1960." Pedagogy of the formation of a creative person in higher and secondary schools 2, no. 76 (2021): 12–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.32840/1992-5786.2021.76-2.2.

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Bignami, Marialuisa. "Women Writers and Old Age in Great Britain, 1730–1850 by Devoney Looser." Modern Language Review 105, no. 2 (2010): 536–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/mlr.2010.0282.

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Schoemaker, Minouk J., Anthony J. Swerdlow, Craig D. Higgins, Alan F. Wright, and Patricia A. Jacobs. "Mortality in Women with Turner Syndrome in Great Britain: A National Cohort Study." Journal of Clinical Endocrinology & Metabolism 93, no. 12 (December 2008): 4735–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1210/jc.2008-1049.

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Roxanne Eberle. "Women Writers and Old Age in Great Britain, 1750–1850 (review)." Partial Answers: Journal of Literature and the History of Ideas 8, no. 2 (2010): 414–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/pan.0.0182.

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Gonda, Caroline. "Women Writers and Old Age in Great Britain, 1750-1850 (review)." Eighteenth Century Fiction 22, no. 4 (2010): 724–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ecf.0.0153.

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Staves, Susan. "Women Writers and Old Age in Great Britain, 1750–1850 by Devoney Looser." Studies in Romanticism 50, no. 1 (2011): 198–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/srm.2011.0041.

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Latimer, Bonnie. "Women Writers and Old Age in Great Britain, 1750-1850 - By Devoney Looser." Journal for Eighteenth-Century Studies 35, no. 3 (August 5, 2012): 428–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1754-0208.2010.00333.x.

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Thompson, Andrew S. "The Language of Imperialism and the Meanings of Empire: Imperial Discourse in British Politics, 1895–1914." Journal of British Studies 36, no. 2 (April 1997): 147–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/386132.

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The forthcoming General Election will turn, we are told, mainly on the popularity of Imperialism. If this be so, it is important that voters should make up their minds what Imperialism means.(George Bernard Shaw)Thus wrote George Bernard Shaw on behalf of the Fabian Society in October 1900. Shaw recognized what many historians have subsequently failed to see: the meaning of imperialism inside British politics was not fixed. Rather, the terms “empire” and “imperialism” were like empty boxes that were continuously being filled up and emptied of their meanings. Of course, the same was true of other political concepts: the idea of patriotism, for instance, was constantly being reinvented by politicians. But the idea of empire was all the more vulnerable to this sort of treatment because it was sensitive to changing circumstances at home and abroad and because it had to take account of a colonial as well as a British audience. Furthermore, the fact that opinion in Britain was widely felt to be ignorant or indifferent to the empire meant that politicians had to be particularly careful in deciding what sort of imperial language to use.This article will consider what contemporaries meant when they spoke of empire, how its meaning varied between different political groups in Britain, and whether it is possible to point to a prevailing vision of empire during the period between the launch of the Jameson Raid in December 1895 and the outbreak of the Great War in 1914.

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Neklyudova, Evgeniya A. "Gender Specifics of the Grammatical Component of the Linguistic Personality of the Local Politician (Based on the Speeches of Vologda Region Politicians)." Vestnik of Northern (Arctic) Federal University. Series Humanitarian and Social Sciences, no. 2 (April 10, 2022): 96–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.37482/2687-1505-v170.

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This article dwells on issues related to the grammatical component of the linguistic personality of the local politician. The study of the grammatical component allows us to identify the communicative competence of a politician (ability to correctly use grammatical forms and syntactic constructions in speech) as well as contributes to understanding the strategies and tactics of his/her speech behaviour. The analysis of the grammatical component of the speech of politicians is based on the theory of gender differences. Male and female speech behaviour is a relevant area of modern research and is of great value to science. Therefore, the main purpose of this paper was to determine the fundamental differences in the grammatical component of the speech of Vologda Region politicians, both men and women. A frequency analysis of words by part of speech was performed; the morphological and syntactic features of the speech of male and female politicians were identified. The results of the study demonstrate that both men and women in politics employ in their speech communicative strategies and tactics that are completely uncharacteristic of their gender. This finding overturns the existing stereotypes about male and female speech. The generally accepted scientific conclusions that women’s speech is more emotional and expressive, while men’s speech, conversely, is more abstract and less figurative were not confirmed. The practical results of the research indicate that, at the local level, male politicians make use of the female style of speech behaviour, while female politicians adopt the male model of speech behaviour.

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Neklyudova, Evgeniya A. "Gender Specifics of the Grammatical Component of the Linguistic Personality of the Local Politician (Based on the Speeches of Vologda Region Politicians)." Vestnik of Northern (Arctic) Federal University. Series Humanitarian and Social Sciences, no. 2 (April 10, 2022): 96–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.37482/2687-1505-v170.

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This article dwells on issues related to the grammatical component of the linguistic personality of the local politician. The study of the grammatical component allows us to identify the communicative competence of a politician (ability to correctly use grammatical forms and syntactic constructions in speech) as well as contributes to understanding the strategies and tactics of his/her speech behaviour. The analysis of the grammatical component of the speech of politicians is based on the theory of gender differences. Male and female speech behaviour is a relevant area of modern research and is of great value to science. Therefore, the main purpose of this paper was to determine the fundamental differences in the grammatical component of the speech of Vologda Region politicians, both men and women. A frequency analysis of words by part of speech was performed; the morphological and syntactic features of the speech of male and female politicians were identified. The results of the study demonstrate that both men and women in politics employ in their speech communicative strategies and tactics that are completely uncharacteristic of their gender. This finding overturns the existing stereotypes about male and female speech. The generally accepted scientific conclusions that women’s speech is more emotional and expressive, while men’s speech, conversely, is more abstract and less figurative were not confirmed. The practical results of the research indicate that, at the local level, male politicians make use of the female style of speech behaviour, while female politicians adopt the male model of speech behaviour.

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Ilkowski, Filip. "Politycy Partii Pracy na rzecz Leave w referendum 2016 r." Przegląd Europejski, Tom 1 (March 30, 2020): 113–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.31971/1641-2478pe.1.20.7.

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The article presents the analysis of activities of politicians associated with the Labour Party undertaken in favour of leaving the European Union by the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland in the context of the June 2016 referendum campaign. There are presented the historical roots of the critique of European Communities drawn from this ideological-political perspective (the opposition towards the European Economic Community in 1975 referendum), but above all the argumentation used more than four decades later by the opponents of staying in the EU. On the basis of conducted analysis, the specific elements of the main ideological poles that shape left-wing critique of the EU with regard to the British example have been distinguished.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Women politicians – Great Britain'

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