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Vickstrom, Erik R., and Amparo González-Ferrer. "Legal Status, Gender, and Labor Market Participation of Senegalese Migrants in France, Italy, and Spain." ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 666, no. 1 (June 14, 2016): 164–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002716216643555.
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Policymakers are understandably concerned about the integration of migrants into labor markets. This article draws on retrospective data from the MAFE-Senegal (Migration between Africa and Europe) survey to show that the effect of legal status on Senegalese migrants’ labor market participation in France, Italy, and Spain differs for men and women because of gendered immigration policies. We find that there is little association between Senegalese men’s legal status and their labor force participation. For Senegalese women, however, those who legally migrate to these countries for family reunification are more likely to be economically inactive upon arrival than women with other legal statuses. Family reunification does not preclude labor market participation entirely, however, as some of these women eventually transition into economic activity.
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Woodacre, Elena. "Saints or Sinners? Sexuality, Reputation and Representation of Queens from Contemporary Sources to Modern Media." De Medio Aevo 10, no. 2 (August 25, 2021): 371–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.5209/dmae.76266.
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This article explores allegations of sexual scandal connected with premodern royal women in Europe and China. It begins by assessing expectations of queenly ideals, particularly the emphasis given to female chastity in European and Chinese culture. This forms a foundation for an extended discussion of tales of sexual impropriety of both real and legendary queens from China in the third century BCE to eighteenth century Europe. This survey highlights three key themes: the idea of dangerous and destructive beauty, the topos of the wanton and promiscuous queen and perceptions of transgressive affairs. Finally, the article assesses the connection between the portrayal of the sexual scandal of royal women in contemporary sources with the way in which these women’s lives are represented in modern media, particularly films and television series. Ultimately, it demonstrates that allegations of sexual scandal could both be a means to attack these women (and their royal husbands) in their lifetimes and could have long lasting negative impact on the memory of their lives, resulting in their political power, agency and activity being obscured by an emphasis on their love lives and supposed affairs.
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Grebnyak, Oksana, and Olga Novozhenina. "The structure of social anxiety in Russian society: gender emphasis." Science. Culture. Society 28, no. 2S (September 6, 2022): 24–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.19181/nko.2022.28.2s.2.
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The article presents the structure of Russian citizens' anxiety in the gender context, focusing on the attitude of Russian women to the economic and social policy conducted by the authorities, self-assessment of their financial situation, expectations and vision of the future. The material is based on the data of the 52nd stage of the All-Russian monitoring "How are you, Russia?", conducted with the participation of the authors in May 2022 by the Institute of Socio-Political Research of FCTAS RAS. It shows the convergence of men's and women's value judgments due to the increased social and economic activity of women. At the same time, there is still a traditional difference in the level of income, as well as in the distribution of gender roles according to the archetypes "woman = keeper of the family home" and "man = strategist, thinking globally. Respondents of both sexes expressed equally minimal concern about the topic of the special military operation in Ukraine, with women showing serious concern about the economic consequences of the current foreign policy. In the structure of their anxiety, problems of rising prices, economic sanctions, deteriorating relations with the U.S. and Europe, and, as a consequence, fear of an uncertain future lead the way. Lack of stability and uncertainty decrease the loyalty to the power structures among female respondents, who are the most vulnerable in the current situation, slightly increasing the level of protest activity in parallel.
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Kolin, Marija, and Lilijana Cickaric. "Gender inequalities in employment, governance and decision-making." Stanovnistvo 48, no. 1 (2010): 103–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/stnv1001103k.
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In this paper we examine gender differences in the pattern and level of employment, main characteristics of women's employment and their participation in political institutions, public policy and decision-making process. The analysis contains comparative view pointed out on gender differences in Serbia and European Union and assessment of anti-discrimination measures and active integrative approach to gender participation. The quantitative data derived from official gender sensitive statistics from EU and UN institutions, supplemented by qualitative findings of recent surveys. The evidence presented in the paper pointed out unfavorable position of women in the labor market, characterized by low economic activity, limited access to managerial position and prestige wages, high unemployment, poverty and vulnerability. The Serbian labor market is characterized by a downward rate of activity of women and a high unemployment rate, the latter being the crucial factor of unequal position. Activity of women at the labor market amounting to 54.6% in 2006 relative to the total female population of working age is very low. Economic activity of women is considerably beneath that of men which amounts to 72.7% active men as compared to the total male population of working age. Statistics and reports on the structure of the unemployed show that women are more affected by unemployment than men. It is 1.5 times higher than that of men of the same working age. The unemployment rate in Serbia is one of the highest in Europe, ranging from 21% to 30%, depending on the methodology of calculation. The position of unemployed women is determined by poor opportunities to contract full-time employment, low and irregular payment of unemployment benefits, poor chances for prequalification and professional retraining and a high probability of engagement on unpaid jobs at home or jobs in 'gray economy'. In the second part of the article the differences and similarities in patterns of political behavior of women in Serbia and European Union are examined, considering participation in governance, decision making and public policy. The analysis emphasizes that women are still under-represented in political system and its institutions in Serbia, more then in the most EU countries. Namely, the number of women in politics in Serbia was dramatically reduced in the course of the nineties due to strengthening of nationalistic politics, ethnic conflicts, economic sanctions and isolation of the country. Relative to the socialist period, when participation of women in parliaments was 17%, women completely disappeared from the political scene in this period. After the 1992 elections, only 4.0% women were elected into the Serbian parliament, and after the elections in 2000, of the 250 members of the Serbian parliament, only 27 (10.8%) were women. Finally, participation of women at the 2008 Parliamentary Elections doubled (20,4%) following the introduction of quota for the less represented gender in the Law on Election of Members of Parliament. Representation increased to 21.3% at the local level also. But, women are still underrepresented on leading positions in governing and decision making in public policy. There are three times less women among the legislators, state agencies officials, CEOs, directors and managers. .
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Vasiutynskyi, V. "PSYCHOLOGICAL CONTENT OF POLITICAL BLAME ATTRIBUTION IN THE MODERN UKRAINIAN CONTEXT." Ukrainian Psychological Journal, no. 1 (11) (2019): 60–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/upj.2019.1(11).5.
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Political blaming is considered as a means of active public-political self-determination of a person or a group and as a means of psychological protection from experiencing of own feeling of guilt. According to the survey of 120 Kyiv residents, there is the high level of respondents’ dissatisfaction concerning the direction and results of Ukrainian society development and the high readiness to assess negatively authorities and political institutions. The factor structure of corresponding attitudes includes «total accusation of the powers» (previous and current Ukrainian authorities), «blaming of Russian and pro-Russian actors (Russia, Putin, agents of Russian influence in Ukraine)», «blaming of international actors (the USA, Europe, NATO)», «assessment of radical political sentiments» (Russian-speaking citizens of Ukraine and residents of the Western Ukraine). Clarification of the specific content of a political blame has shown the dominance of several stereotypical characteristics: corruption, anti-Ukrainian activity, helplessness or inaction, and deceit. Respondents who are more optimistic about the direction of society development are accuse more often the Communists and pro-Russian forces, while pessimists do the previous and present Ukrainian authorities. Gender-age differences have been manifested in the fact that the older generation blames more actively and show more ethnocentric attitudes, and women show a higher inclination to blame in comparison with men. Increased readiness for political blaming reflects the state of intense dissatisfaction of citizens with the results of social development, the responsibility for which they place primarily on the Ukrainian authorities and Russian aggressors. Searches for grounds for accusations in citizens’ own activities, in the influence of international actors, or in the objective circumstances of the society development are less clear. The external attribution of blame significantly prevails over self-blaming and the respondents are willing rather to find guilty people than to rearrange own position and or the content of own political activity.
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MARSH, KATE. "‘La Nouvelle Activité des Trafiquants de Femmes’: France, Le Havre and the Politics of Trafficking, 1919–1939." Contemporary European History 26, no. 1 (December 5, 2016): 23–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777316000527.
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This article examines how the ‘moral panic’ about sex trafficking during the interwar years manifested itself in Le Havre, a French port which, at the beginning of the twentieth century, had become synonymous with the illegal trade. Interrogating hitherto neglected material in departmental archives, it explores how the problem of the trafficking of women (la traite des femmes) changed after 1919, how the administrative consequences of directives by the League of Nations could influence behaviours in everyday life and how an episode of female migration from Eastern Europe interacted with French political agendas to magnify and, in some cases, generate a problem.
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Rottenberg, Anda. "Kręte ścieżki feminizmu." Porta Aurea, no. 19 (December 22, 2020): 192–217. http://dx.doi.org/10.26881/porta.2020.19.10.
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The world feminism started in the USA with the women’s struggle for a better pay and working conditions. Transplanted to Europe, and subsequently to the Soviet Union by the communist Clara Zetkin, it promptly died out there, since Soviet women had been made equal with men as for their duties. From then on for numerous decades the aspirations of women, including female artists in Western societies, proved incompatible with the expectations of women within the ‘Eastern Bloc’. This gap was visible already during the role-assigning in WW II, as well as in the means of paying tribute to women’s heroism and their symbolic, or maybe allegoric functioning in social awareness, the latter shaped both by the propaganda and the media and art that came from men’s ateliers. In the post-WW II decades, until the late 1980s, the differences in the approach to goals and means between the conventionally-conceived West and East were still visible. This can be traced on the example of the oeuvre of Polish women artists and their activity in the decades following WW II. It was only after the transformation that Polish women artists-feminists joined in the international discourse, yet maintaining references to their domestic social and political realities, again different from the West, at the same time overcoming subsequent cultural taboos rooted in the collective hypocrisies.
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Makaradze, Emzar. "The Role of Women in the Educational System of Turkey after WWII." Balkanistic Forum 30, no. 1 (January 5, 2021): 227–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.37708/bf.swu.v30i1.14.
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The study of women's issues, the feminist movement, as an academic discipline, and the first curriculum were established in the University of San Diego in 1970. The women’s problems have been mainly studied in the framework of traditional social and humani-tarian disciplines, mostly in literature, philosophy and psychology.The active dissemination of feminist ideas in Turkey after World War II, espe-cially in the late 1970s, and the creation of various feminist societies and journals provided a solid foundation for the establishment of research centers in universities, that study women's issues.There are two directions in the study of women's issues in Turkish universities and academic circles. The first one includes research centers that bring together rep-resentatives of various disciplines and fields of science. They deal with gender, the economic and social status of women, education and health. The second approach combines all those trends that are associated with the social faculty.The level of female activity in Turkey is much lower than in Europe. The status of a woman here is also characterized by its specific development.In the 1980s and 1990s, the feminist movement in Turkey became more and more active. New women's communities, magazines, newspapers, libraries were creat-ed, and women's conferences with an active participation of Turkish women were held both in Turkey and all around the world.It can be concluded that the women's movement in the higher and academic sys-tem of Turkey after World War II led to a new political process that raised the issue of gender equality. The struggle of women for emancipation played an important role in the formation of Turkish society.Despite some achievements regarding women's issues, there is still gender ine-quality, violation of women's rights in Turkish society, what indicates the fact that the women’s problems are still relevant in republican Turkey.
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Rufanova, Viktoriia Mykolaivna. "Formation of the modern paradigm of countering gender-based violence in the activities of international organizations." Herald of the Association of Criminal Law of Ukraine 2, no. 16 (December 20, 2021): 261–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.21564/2311-9640.2021.16.244320.
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The author conducted a retrospective review of the activities of international organizations through the prism of their role in forming the legislative foundation for combating gender-based violence. It is noted that for the first time at the international level the norm of equality of all people was enshrined in Art. 2 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights in 1948. An important step towards combating gender-based violence was the signing in 2011 of the Council of Europe Convention on Preventing and Combating Violence against Women and Domestic Violence. The Istanbul Convention visualizes the issue of gender-based violence. It has been determined that women and girls are increasingly exposed to severe forms of violence, such as domestic violence, sexual harassment, rape, forced marriage, crimes committed in the name of so-called "honor", and genital mutilation, which constitutes a significant violation of human rights. for women and girls and is a major obstacle to achieving equality between women and men.
The author singles out three conditional periods of formation of the modern paradigm of counteraction to gender - based violence in the activity of international organizations: 1) 1945 - 1974. The basic foundations of gender equality are laid at the level of the UN Charter and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Combating gender-based violence was not considered through the prism of sex discrimination. The activities of the world community were aimed primarily at combating discrimination against women in the political, socio-economic and cultural spheres of society. 2) 1975-2010.During this period, all 4 World Conferences on the Status of Women were held. In 1979, the General Assembly adopted the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women. Articles 30 of the Convention clearly define discrimination against women and propose an agenda for action at the national level to end such discrimination. The Declaration on the Elimination of Violence against Women, adopted by the General Assembly in 1993, contains a definition of violence against women. 3) 2011 - to the present time. This period covers the process of realizing the scale of the spread of gender-based violence. A key event of this period was the adoption in 2011 of the Council of Europe Convention on Preventing and Combating Violence against Women and Domestic Violence. Activation of the world community to intensify the fight against gender-based violence. Adoption of sustainable development goals, in which gender equality is recognized as the general idea (Goal 5) and condition of sustainable development.
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Voloshyn, Yurii, and Nataliia Mushak. "Influence of the European Court of Human Rights Practice on the Implementation of the Principle of Gender Equality in Ukraine." Slovo of the National School of Judges of Ukraine, no. 4(33) (March 15, 2021): 17–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.37566/2707-6849-2020-4(33)-2.
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The article analyses the modern court decisions of the European Court of Human Rights on the formation and implementation of the principle of gender equality in Ukraine. The research defines that the importance of ensuring equal rights and opportunities for women and men for Ukraine was because Ukraine is a member of all major international and European regional agreements in the field of human rights. The authors state that this is due both to Ukraine's general commitments to promoting respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms and their adherence, as well as the fact that its participation in European integration processes is important for Ukraine. The research stipulates that gender equality provides equal rights for women and men, as well as their same significance, opportunities, responsibilities and participation in all spheres of public and private life. The authors prove that the pioneering work of the Council of Europe in the field of human rights and gender equality contributed to the development of a comprehensive legal framework. Gender equality is one of the organization's priority areas of activity, and the Council of Europe continues to actively address current and emerging challenges and address barriers to achieving real and complete gender equality. The research investigates the provisions of the European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms and Protocol No12 in terms of prohibition of discrimination and ensuring gender equality. It also determines that the conceptual principles of these documents are the protection of human rights, support for democracy and ensuring the principle of the rule of law. The article states that, in particular, the modern legal instrument in the field of gender equality is the Council of Europe's Gender Equality Strategy 2018–2023. The document provides for the achievement of the main six goals. These include combating gender stereotypes and gender discrimination; preventing and combating violence against women; ensuring equal access of women to justice; ensuring equal participation of women and men in political and public decision-making; implementation of the strategy for achieving gender equality in politics and all activities; protection of the rights of migrants, refugees, women and girls seeking asylum. The authors prove that the establishment of the European value of gender equality should be ensured both in society as a whole and in its various institutions, in particular. This is primarily to prevent gender discrimination, ensure equal participation of women and men in making socially important decisions, ensuring equal opportunities for women and men to combine professional and family responsibilities, prevent gender violence, etc. Keywords: Gender Equality, European Standards, Legal Mechanism, European Court of Human Rights, Discrimination, Equal Rights.
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Lunev, S. I. "SOCIAL PROTEST IN INDIA." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 4(43) (August 28, 2015): 198–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2015-4-43-198-207.
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Economic globalization creates unfavorable conditions for some countries and social groups while the situation in other countries and social is becoming worse. That is why social problems are on the rise worldwide. Thus, social protest became the major cause of the Arab spring is. Social wave overwhelmed Western Europe and the USA. The solution of social problems depends not on the political will of the elite, but on the activity of the population, as the ruling circles will not adopt a policy of self-restrictions and concessions to the majority without the hard push from the bottom. The peculiar feature of India is the general satisfaction of the society with the political system and economic situation. At the same time the protests against specific cases and events in the country mobilize hundreds of thousands of people, be it corruption scandals or violence against women. However, cultural- civilizational factors contribute to the non-violent character of almost all mass actions. Another distinctive feature of India is the desire of the organizers of the protest to reject support of the major parties due to the belief that political leaders are interested more in strengthening their social base rather than in solving the concrete problems. There are different categories of social protest in India: peasant movements; scheduled castes' (Dalits, the former untouchables) movements; anti-corruption movements; environmental movements; backward caste movements; women's movements; tribal movements; industrial proletariat movements; students' movements; middle class movements; human rights movements. The first four movements are currently the most noticeable. Social protest has not, so far, led to any serious political instability. However, a certain development of the situation can generate it, as well as the rejection of the mainly peaceful methods. In this respect, Dalit movements, especially in case of further erosion of the caste system, are the subject of the greatest concern.
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Süßenbacher, S., M. Amering, A. Gmeiner, and B. Schrank. "Gender-gaps and glass ceilings: A survey of gender-specific publication trends in Psychiatry between 1994 and 2014." European Psychiatry 44 (July 2017): 90–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.eurpsy.2017.03.008.
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AbstractBackground:Within academic psychiatry, women are underrepresented in the higher academic ranks. However, basic determinants of women's lack of academic advancement such as publication activity are poorly understood. The present study examines women's publication activity in high-impact psychiatry journals over two decades and reports developments in the numbers of male and female authorship over time and across cultural areas.Methods:We conducted a retrospective bibliometric review of all articles published in 2004 and 2014 in three high-ranking general psychiatry journals. Statistical comparisons were made between the two years and with results from a baseline assessment in 1994.Results:The overall percentage of female authors increased from 24.6% in 1994 to 33.2% in 2004 to 38.9% in 2014. Though increases in female authorship were statistically significant for both decades, there was less difference between 2004 and 2014, indicating a possible ceiling effect. Rates of female first authors increased between 1994 and 2014, though to a lesser degree between 2004 and 2014. Numbers of female corresponding authors plateaued between 2004 and 2014. Within Europe, Scandinavia displayed the most balanced gender-wise first author ratios. Western European and Central European countries increased their rates of female first authors substantially between 2004 and 2014.Conclusions:Despite gains in some areas, our study reveals considerable deficits in the diversity of the current academic psychiatric landscape. Ongoing efforts and interventions to enhance the participation of underrepresented groups on institutional, political and editorial levels are necessary to diversify psychiatric research.
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ENGELHARDT, HENRIETTE, ISABELLA BUBER, VEGARD SKIRBEKK, and ALEXIA PRSKAWETZ. "Social involvement, behavioural risks and cognitive functioning among older people." Ageing and Society 30, no. 5 (December 14, 2009): 779–809. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0144686x09990626.
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ABSTRACTThis study analyses the relationships between cognitive performance, social participation and behavioural risks, taking into account age and educational attainment. We examine individual data for 11 European countries and Israel from the first wave of the Survey on Health, Ageing and Retirement in Europe (SHARE). The stochastic frontier approach methodology enables us to identify different sources of plasticity on cognitive functioning while taking into account age-related decline in cognitive performance. Several social participation variables were examined: employment status, attending educational courses, doing voluntary or charity work, providing help to family, friends or neighbours, participating in sports, social or other clubs, in a religious organisation and in a political or community organisation, and we controlled for age, education, income, physical activity, body-mass index, smoking and drinking. In the pooled sample, the results clearly show that all kinds of social involvement enhance cognitive functions, in particular in work. Moreover, behavioural risks such as physical inactivity, obesity, smoking or drinking were clearly detrimental to cognitive performance. Models for men and women were run separately. For both genders, all social involvement indicators associated with better cognitive performance. The results varied by countries, however, particularly the signs of the associations with a number of indicators of social involvement and behavioural risks.
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Rędziński, Kazimierz. "Research Club of Physicians of the University of Lviv (1907–1914)." Pedagogika. Studia i Rozprawy 28 (2019): 273–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.16926/p.2019.28.21.
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At the University of Lviv, restored in the year 1817, opening the Faculty of Medicine was not permitted by Austrian authorities due to financial considerations. It was no sooner than in the year 1894 that the several-year-long Polish efforts within this scope brought about the desired results. The academic personnel in the first years of the activity of the Faculty of Medicine was constituted by Poles educated at the Jagiellonian University in Cracow, and, moreover, by Poles working at other academic centres in Europe. To Lviv, the professors and assistant professors of medicine from Prague, Vienna, Marburg, Innsbruck, Moscow and Warsaw arrived. The first group of students was composed of 95 males: Poles, Jews and Ukrainians. The first four women to have studied Medicine were admitted in the year 1900. They were: Maria Matylda Kalmus, Matylda Lateiner-Mayerhofer, Fanny Fuchs (all of whom were Jews) and Maria Jasienicka (Ukrainian). The first student organisation, namely: Society of Mutual Aid of the Students of Medicine, was established in the course of the first year after commencing instruction in medicine. In the year 1903, it was transformed into the Library of the Students of Medicine. Among its members, there were Polish, Jewish and Ukrainian students. In the year 1907, the ensuing split and secession in the oganisation existing thus far resulted in the formation of the Club of Physicians. It was exclusively Poles that were the members of the new organisation. The split was caused by ethnic and political conflicts connected with the development of ethnic consciousness. In Lviv, being a multi-national and a multi-religious city, the lack of tolerance was noticeable more and more frequently in connection with the intensive process of the formation of ethnic consciousness at the beginning of the 20th century.
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Jiroutová Kynčlová, Tereza. "Postkoloniální, dekoloniální a genderové paralely v možnostech reprezentace ženství a tzv. druhých." Acta Musei Nationalis Pragae – Historia 75, no. 1-2 (2022): 18–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.37520/amnph.2021.003.
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Intersectional perspectives in postcolonial theories and gender studies have long argued that femininity represented in museums and exhibitions is subjected to multiple forms of othering. 1) Acquired social modes of looking at artifacts, women and/or Others correlate with androcentric male gaze that passivizes the object being looked at. 2) Women’s social roles in binary androcentric system further render femininity and feminine activities as associated with passivity. Thus, reproduction, care, and socialization as women’s tasks are symbolically relegated to domestic, immanent sphere as a type of work that merely maintains the continuity of a society’s life. 3) In traditional patriarchal schemes, then, transcendental masculine activity is linked with political, economic, scientific, and decision-making realms that are socially constructed as more influential and significant factors in shaping history, thereby being viewed as more worthy of remembering and recording. 4) Representations of minorities in terms of their gender, racial, class, sexual and/or indigenous identities in institutions safeguarding knowledge and historical memory take place in a pre-defined and pre-mediated context shaped by Euro-centric, Judeo-Christian, orientalist epistemologies, which inherently relate knowledge to power and objectification. Tackling such a value system and epistemological bias posits a major challenge for today’s museums, institutions of memory and educational approaches. The following article follows suit in discussing the theoretical and practical potentials of decolonial methodologies which have been formulated from bellow by (formerly) othered, gendered, racialized and objectified positions. The text seeks to demonstrate some of the opportunities this standpoint offers in analyzing a case of (more or less) good practice in the American Museum of Natural History in its attempt to contrast historical narratives pertaining to early European settlements in what is now New York City. Further, elaborating on the tradition of quilting in the U.S., human zoos and exhibits of the Berlin Wall beyond Europe, the article argues for nuanced contextualization and intersectional methods in current musem work.
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Collette, Christine. "Women and political power: Europe since 1945." Women's History Review 11, no. 2 (June 1, 2002): 315–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09612020200200651.
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Price, Liz. "Women in Europe." Work, Employment & Society 8, no. 2 (June 1, 1994): 297–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0950017094008002010.
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Price, Liz. "Women in Europe." Work, Employment and Society 8, no. 2 (June 1994): 297–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/095001709482009.
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Zontini, Elisabetta. "Resisting Fortress Europe." Focaal 2008, no. 51 (June 1, 2008): 13–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/fcl.2008.510103.
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This article considers the political engagement used by Moroccan and Filipino women in Southern Europe. It argues that immigrant women should be seen as active subjects rather than passive victims who accept subordinate roles both in their families and in the societies where they have settled. In order to appreciate the kind of political agency migrant women deploy, the article suggests two preliminary steps: extending the definition of the political so as to incorporate power and inequalities beyond political institutions, and adopting a transnational perspective so as to include the social fields encompassing more than one country in which these women operate. The article goes on to describe the different ways in which the two groups of women negotiate their citizenship rights in Southern Europe, focusing especially on how they negotiate entrance and rights to settle and how they try to improve their living and working conditions.
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Stevens, Anne, Barbara A. Hanawalt, and Patricia Hilden. "Women and Work in Preindustrial Europe." Contemporary Sociology 16, no. 6 (November 1987): 812. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2071543.
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Johnson, Janet Elise, and Sue Bridger. "Women and Political Change: Perspectives from East-Central Europe." Slavic and East European Journal 45, no. 2 (2001): 372. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3086346.
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Auster, Ellen R., Rik Donckels, and Jane N. Meijer. "Women in Small Business: Focus on Europe." Contemporary Sociology 17, no. 1 (January 1988): 43. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2069412.
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Lovenduski, Joni. "Women and Party Politics in Western Europe." PS: Political Science and Politics 30, no. 2 (June 1997): 200. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/420493.
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Helms, Marilyn M., and Cynthia J. Guffey. "The role of women in Europe." European Business Review 97, no. 2 (April 1, 1997): 80–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/09555349710162580.
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With major events including the European Economic Community, German unification and the fall of the former Soviet Union, there is an increased reality of a large united Europe. With these societal and political changes comes change in the role of women. As the number of women entering the labour market increases, the effect of job equality must be investigated. Examines the role of women in the European workforce. Discusses areas such as promotion, mentoring, education, compensation and reform recommendations. Shows that four key economic, demographic, and organizational trends are creating positive effects for women in the European labour force.
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Olasik, Marta. "Female Subversion through Sex Work: Transgressive Discourses." Przegląd Socjologii Jakościowej 14, no. 1 (May 30, 2018): 114–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/1733-8069.14.1.06.
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The main objective of this article is to provide a multi-faceted and spatially-sensitive reflection on sex work. Taking as a point of departure subversive feminist politics on the one hand and the much contingent notion of citizenship on the other, I intend to present various forms of prostitution as potentially positive and empowering modes of sexual and emotional auto-creation. Informed by the leading research of the subject, as well as inspired and educated by Australia-based Dr Elizabeth Smith from La Trobe University in Melbourne, who had researched and presented female sex workers as self-caring and subversive subjects who make own choices and derive satisfaction from their occupation, I wish to seek academic justice for all those women (and men or trans people, for that matter) in the sex industry who feel stigmatized by political pressure and ultra-feminist circles across Europe. Translating Dr Smith’s significant research into European (and Polish) social realities would be a valuable contribution to the local discussions on gender and sexuality, and axes they intersect with. More importantly, however, a framework of a conceptual interdisciplinary approach needs to be adopted—one in which a specific queer form of lesbian feminist reflection is combined with human geography, both of which have much to offer to various strands of sociological theory and practice. Therefore, as a queer lesbian scholar based in Poland, I would like to diverge a bit from my usual topic in order to pay an academic and activist tribute to the much neglected strand of sociology of sex work. However, my multi-faceted and interdisciplinary academic activity allows me to combine the matter in question with the field of lesbian studies. Both a female sex worker and a lesbian have been culturally positioned through the lens of what so-called femininity is, without a possibility to establish control over their own subjectivities. Hence, on the one hand the article is going to be an academic re-interpretation of sex work as such, but on the other, methodological possibilities of acknowledging and researching lesbian sex workers will be additionally considered with special attention to feminist epistemologies and praxis. While a sensitivity to a given locality is of utmost importance when dealing with gender and sexuality issues, I would like to suggest a somewhat overall approach to investigating both female empowerment through sex work and lesbian studies inclusive of sex workers. Importantly, the more common understandings of the sex industry need to be de-constructed in order for a diversity of transgressive discourses to emerge.
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Greenhalgh], [Susan, Sharon L. Wolchik, and Alfred G. Meyer. "Women, State, and Party in Eastern Europe." Population and Development Review 13, no. 1 (March 1987): 168. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1972140.
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Ostow, Robin, and Marilyn Rueschemeyer. "Women in the Politics of Postcommunist Eastern Europe." Contemporary Sociology 24, no. 1 (January 1995): 20. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2075066.
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Castle-Kanerova, Mita, and Marilyn Rueschemeyer. "Women in the Politics of Postcommunist Eastern Europe." British Journal of Sociology 46, no. 2 (June 1995): 363. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/591801.
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Miluska, Jolanta, Justyna Kuświk, and Beata Pająk-Patkowska. "Political Activity of Women and Men – the Psychosocial Determinants of Conventional Political Activity." Przegląd Politologiczny, no. 4 (December 28, 2018): 7–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/pp.2018.23.4.1.
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Reher, Stefanie. "Gender and opinion–policy congruence in Europe." European Political Science Review 10, no. 4 (September 10, 2018): 613–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755773918000140.
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Does public policy in Europe reflect women’s preferences equally well as men’s? This study compares the opinions of women and men with concrete policy on a set of 20 issues across a diverse range of policy areas in 31 European countries. It shows that the majorities of men and women frequently prefer the same policy. However, when they disagree, men’s preferences are more likely to be represented. Neither the proportion of women in parliament nor the left–right orientation of the government explains variation in women’s policy representation. Instead, a higher number of parliamentary parties increase the likelihood that policy reflects women’s views. This effect does not seem to be driven by left-libertarian politics or Green parties, even though women’s stronger support for ‘new politics’ issues is an important source of disagreement between men and women.
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Lühiste, Maarja, and Susan Banducci. "Invisible Women? Comparing Candidates’ News Coverage in Europe." Politics & Gender 12, no. 02 (May 3, 2016): 223–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1743923x16000106.
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Past studies, largely based on the United States, have argued that differential coverage of men and women candidates could explain the lack of women in elected political office. We investigate, first, whether a gender bias exists in coverage of candidates and, second, the possible mechanisms underlying any differences in the amount and tone of candidates’ news media coverage. Using data from the 2009 European Election Study Media Analysis, drawn from media coverage in 25 EU member states during the European Parliament election campaigns, we find that, similar to previous research, there is evidence of a gender gap in the amount of media coverage. Even for highly prominent and competitive candidates, the gender bias in media coverage remains. However, this bias in media coverage largely reflects the parties’ preselection of viable candidates and that where there are remedies in place to address the underrepresentation of women (i.e., quotas), women candidates actually have lower visibility in campaign coverage. We also find that, though women candidates are more often the subject of valence evaluations in news stories, male candidates are more negatively evaluated in news stories.
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Venugopal, C. N. "POLITY, RELIGION AND SECULARISM IN INDIA: A STUDY OF INTERRELATIONSHIPS." POLITICS AND RELIGION IN CONTEMPORARY INDIA 7, no. 1 (June 1, 2013): 21–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.54561/prj0701021v.
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In most parts of the world, the political processes have arisen out of social matrix. Tribes, clans, castes, classes have existed around a social organization. Economy, polity, religion, family and kinship networks have operated under a social framework. When Aristotle said that man is a political animal he had in mind the social element. In ancient Greece the political and the social were interdependent. F.D. Coulanges in his study of ancient cities noted that in Greek city states, the political activities of free citizens (who excluded women and slaves) were associated with social and religious duties and obligations. The people who gathered at the public forum participated in city cults which honoured their ancestors and deities and subsequently engaged themselves in political discussion. The Roman cities also had similar cuts which were led by the senators in the presence of citizens. The modern states have treated political work as a formal process which is independent of other factors. At present, the direct participation of people in politics has become a thing of the past. The domestic element has almost vanished due to the rise of representative democracy. J. Habermas has stated that in the post – 17th century Europe the public sphere has disappeared, because the direct participation of people in the city councils has mostly disappeared. Harold Laski, the British thinker, has observed in a cryptic way the today public opinion is neither public nor opinion. In other words, politicians have taken over the functions of public who previously expressed their opinion freely. The Indian society has not only been multi-ethnic but also multi-religious. Indian religions are pantheistic in which the nature is seen as a manifestation of divinity. By contrast of the monotheistic religions of West Asia the divinity was withdrawn from nature and made transcendental. In the Pre-Christian era (at the time of the rise of Jainism and Budhism) there were numerous small-scale republics in the North. We find references to them in the Budhist Jatak tales (composed both Pali and Sanskrit). These small tales had a strong demotic character: 1 Cell phone number: (+91) 80-3240 8782 22 ПОЛИТИКА И РЕЛИГИЈА У САВРЕМЕНОЈ ИНДИЈИ ПОЛИТИКОЛОГИЈА РЕЛИГИЈЕ бр. 1/2013 год VII • POLITICS AND RELIGION • POLITOLOGIE DES RELIGIONS • Nº 1/2013 Vol. VII they elected their rulers mostly on merit; there was widespread participation of people in the political affairs. In 3rd century B.C. Alexander reached the borders of India; this even gave rise to a socio-political ferment. Although Alexander abruptly returned to Macedonia, Chanakya (also known as Kautilya) used the threat of Greek invasion to mobilize the people towards building a central state. He inspired Chandragupta (a warrior) to establish the Mauryan state in eastern India. Thereafter, many such states came up in different parts of India. In spite of their aggressive or despotic tendencies, these large states brought about social stability. By decree they protected the many ethnic groups which were getting absorbed into the caste system. Although the caste system was hierarchic, yet it was based on reciprocal ties. Besides, they laid the foundations for socio-economic development. In the southern peninsula the village councils known as panchayats became highly effective in the rural areas. These panchayats controlled land, fostered community participation in the village affairs and punished the wrong-doers. The southern kings never disturbed their autonomy. In the north also the village panchayat flourished till the 10th century. In the wake of British rule (17th century) these village councils declined. Radhakamal Mukerjee, the Indian sociologist, described them as “democracies of the East”. Although many Indians are not educated, they have exercised intelligence in choosing their representative for assembly and parliament. This is largely due to the legacy of the panchayats. The Indian political systems have been traditionally guided by two types of juridical texts. I. The dharmashastras (composed by Manu and others). II. The nitishastras (such as Kautilya’s Arthashastra, Shukra’s Nitisara and Bhisma’s address to the princes in Mahabharata which is known as Shantiparva). The texts of the first type laid down rules for conducting cacred duties, codes of conduct, punishment for transgression. The texts of the second type deal with more mundane matters related to agriculture, irrigation, imports and exports and military organization. It is here that Indian secularism originated. In other words, the rulers protected both sacred and secular pursuits of their subjects. The Indian rulers (Hindu, Budhists and Jaina) followed the same texts in administering justice, conducting warfare against the invaders and maintaining internal peace. Further, the two ancient systems of Indian philosophy – Vaisheshika and Samkhya were highly ratiocinative. They laid the foundations for developments in Indian science. Alburini, the Persian scholar, described in detail India’s developments in science, mathematics and astronomy in the 10th century AD. This clearly shows that Indian religions have not opposed science which is a secular activity. The Indian constitution (1951) has not seen any contradiction between religion and secularism. Both types of activities are legitimate in India. All people of India have freedom of worship; only condition is that one religious group should not interfere in the religious life of another group. However, in the recent years the Hindu, Sikh and Muslim militant groups have arisen and disturbed the social POLITICS AND RELIGION IN CONTEMPORARY INDIA 23 C.N. Venugopal , POLITY, RELIGION AND SECULARISM IN INDIA: A STUDY OF INTERRELATIONSHIPS • (pp 21-40) harmony. These tensions and problems will be more fully analyzed in the larger version of this paper.
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Surnina-Dalekorei, Olha Anatoliivna. "Political participation of women in Central and Eastern Europe: comparative analysis." Politicus 4 (2019): 62–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.24195/2414-9616-2019-4-62-68.
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Mosca, Manuela, Magdalena Małecka, and Astrid Agenjo Calderòn. "Women, Economics and History: Diversity within Europe." OEconomia, no. 12-3 (September 1, 2022): 371–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/oeconomia.13620.
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Arpad, Susan S. "Women in the politics of postcommunist Eastern Europe." Women's Studies International Forum 19, no. 1-2 (January 1996): 189–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0277-5395(96)90017-5.
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Rodriguez Martinez, Pilar. "Intimate Partner Violence against Women in Scandinavia and Southern Europe." Comparative Sociology 18, no. 3 (July 10, 2019): 265–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15691330-12341500.
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Abstract This article will focus on the significant differences shown by the data found by the European Union Agency for Fundamental Rights (FRA) survey of women who may or may not have suffered physical Intimate Partner Violence against Women (IPVAW). The authors present the model and result of the discriminant function analysis that they carried out separately for the countries from southern Europe (Spain, Italy, Greece, Portugal, Cyprus, and Malta) and Scandinavia (Denmark, Finland, and Sweden). Their hypotheses were that women with less income, lower educational level, who are divorced, who have children, are from rural areas, who are housewives, with bad health, older aged, immigrants, and those who had suffered some physical violence from other people – apart from the partner or ex-partner –, will suffer more violence than the rest of women. One of the most relevant conclusions from their analysis was this: the more often a woman experienced physical violence from someone other than a partner/ex-partner beginning at the age of 15 years old, the more probable it will be that she will suffer IPVAW. The authors discuss this and other significant findings here.
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Rosenfeld, Sophia. "“Europe,” Women, and the American Political Imaginary: The 1790s and the 1990s." Journal of the Early Republic 35, no. 2 (2015): 271–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jer.2015.0031.
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Byron, Reginald. "The Maritime Household in Northern Europe." Comparative Studies in Society and History 36, no. 2 (April 1994): 271–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417500019058.
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The forms and processes of local-level social organisation seen today in fishing communities in northern Europe can be fully appreciated only after their history is recognized and explored. Until the middle of this century, the predominant form of organisation was the joint maritime household, which involved men and women in separate sets of collaborative activities. With changing technology, rising standards of living, and the intervention of the institutions of modernity, women everywhere in northern Europe have been able to disengage themselves from their former obligations, doing so largely in order to realise their aspirations for domestic independence. The men, however, continue to own their boats in partnerships and to pool their labour, drawing upon relationships of kinship, affinity, and neighbourhood as economic and social recnnrces
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Randall, Vicky. "Women and the left in Western Europe: A continuing dilemma." West European Politics 9, no. 2 (April 1986): 307–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402388608424582.
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Kodatska, N. O. "Modern political activity in gender aspect." Науково-теоретичний альманах "Грані" 21, no. 9 (October 11, 2018): 6–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/1718109.
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The article describes the main gender features of the implementation of political activities. We study the gender analysis as a process of assessing the different impact on women and men, which is implemented by existing or planned programs, legislation, public policy directions, in all spheres of society and the state. Moreover, the research proves the existence in society of discrimination based on sex, which means acts or omissions that express any distinction, exclusion or privilege on the basis of sex if they are intended to restrict or make it impossible to recognize, use or exercise on an equal basis human rights and freedoms for women and men. The article analyzes gender stereotypes in the social and political sphere that carried out on the example of a gender portrait of the Dnepropetrovsk region. Therefore, various forms of political activity are considered as a set of actions of individuals and social groups aimed at realizing their own political interests. We explore the effectiveness of the implementation of gender policy, which is manifested in the actions of political actors aimed at the adoption of the partnership of the sexes in the definition and implementation of political goals, objectives and methods for their achievement. It was stated that in the process of the democratic development of Ukrainian society, a social order for women engaged in active public and political activities and capable of holding high management positions should be met. This work reveals that the necessary component of the process of social development is the conduct of gender analysis, the introduction of gender analysis in the practice of assessing all social processes and the effectiveness of management of socio-economic and political development.In addition, the study proves that prerequisite for the development of society is gender equality, that is, the equal legal status of women and men and equal opportunities for its implementation, which allows individuals of both sexes to participate equally in all spheres of society’s life. Also noted that the existence of gender inequality slows down the opportunities for economic growth, weakens the system of public administration and reduces the effectiveness of human development strategies. Therefore, careful study of the gender features of contemporary political life and the definition of the directions of further social development is an important condition for ensuring gender parity in various spheres of Ukrainian society. Accordingly, we determine that it is necessary to reduce the influence on the public consciousness of gender stereotypes, that is, stereotypes about the role and place of women and men in society having a cultural and historical basis and, in the majority, restricting the rights of women in society and generating gender discrimination. The article demonstrates that the peculiarities of modern political processes require the search for new approaches to explain and predict the various conflicts between the branches of power, political crises, in order to design policies and to choose the means of state policy.
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Callens, Marc, and Christophe Croux. "Poverty Dynamics in Europe." International Sociology 24, no. 3 (April 28, 2009): 368–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0268580909102913.
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This article uses multilevel recurrent discrete-time hazard analysis to simultaneously model the impact of life cycle events and structural processes on poverty entry and exit across European Regions. Research questions are, (1) what is the importance of life cycle events on the road to entry into and exit from poverty, (2) are there any differences in poverty dynamics between European Regions and if so, how can we explain these differences? The analysis is based on individual and household panel data of the European Community Household Panel linked with a regional time series database. Main findings are that men's poverty dynamics is dominated by employment-related events, while for women demographic events also play a role. Regional structural factors only have a slight or no influence on poverty transitions, but the welfare regime turns out to be highly significant for poverty entry.
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FREEDMAN, JANE. "Women, Islam and rights in Europe: beyond a universalist/culturalist dichotomy." Review of International Studies 33, no. 1 (January 2007): 29–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210507007280.
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In 2004 the French National Assembly and Senate passed legislation which makes it illegal for Muslim women to wear headscarves (the hijab) within French public schools. To be precise the legislation refers to the banning of ostentatious religious symbols within the secular domain of the public school system, but is clearly aimed primarily at Muslim women, following a long-running dispute over this issue. Similar debates are taking place in other European countries such as Germany, Italy, Belgium, the Netherlands and Spain. A bill modelled on the recent French legislation has been tabled in the Belgian senate, whilst various court cases have been brought in other European countries by Muslim women who have been banned from wearing headscarves by employers or schools. Following a ruling of the German Supreme Court that a Muslim teacher should be allowed to wear a headscarf, as this did not contravene current legislation, the state of Baden-Wuerttenberg acted to introduce legislation to ban headscarves, and this legislation is likely to be copied by six other German states.
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Gatto, Malu A. C., Anita R. Gohdes, Denise Traber, and Mariken A. C. G. van der Velden. "Selecting in or Selecting Out? Gender Gaps and Political Methodology in Europe." PS: Political Science & Politics 53, no. 1 (October 29, 2019): 122–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096519001288.
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ABSTRACTStudies investigating gender gaps in the doctoral training of political science students have focused so far overwhelmingly on the US context. Although important research within this context has made strides in identifying the persistent challenges to women’s incorporation in political methodology, much remains unknown about whether women and men have different experiences in methods training during their PhD programs. We contribute to this debate by analyzing data from an original survey on the methods-training experiences of political science PhD students at different European universities. We assess whether gender gaps exist with respect to PhD students’ methods training and confidence in employing methods skills. Our findings show that women cover significantly fewer methods courses in their doctoral training. When women do participate in methods training, they show levels of method employment similar to their male colleagues. We discuss the implications of these findings in the context of European doctoral training.
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Ezzat, Heba Raouf. "Women, the State, and Political Liberalization." American Journal of Islam and Society 18, no. 4 (October 1, 2001): 133–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v18i4.1984.
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By late 1987 a wave of political changes appeared to be underwayin the Middle East and North Africa. A number of Arab regimes,manifestly incapable of coping with growing problems of debt, unemployment,and corruption, took different measures towards more politicalparticipation. These countries witnessed political openings of various types,some more apparently significant than others but all promising changes thatwould lessen repression and open the way for greater political participation.In 1991 Laurie A. Brand started her project to study the effect of thosechanges on women in the region. She was also interested in studyingthe situation of women under the similar political and economictransformations that swept Eastern Europe in 1989-1990. While the lattercontinue to unfold, the openings that appeared in the Middle East and NorthAfrica have in virtually all cases been closed.Despite that, the author pursued her project on women and politicalliberalization to explore the significance of culture - Islam as theomnipresent independent variable in Middle East politics - as opposedto structure. She also investigated the assumption that vibrant women'sorganizations can be important precursors to more democratic development,to determine what such organizations do and how they relate to thestate, other political actors, and each other during such periods.Brand spotted some phenomena, such as the drop in the number ofwomen legislators in local and national assemblies, changes in labor lawsor their implementation at women's expense, and attempts to restrictwomen's personal or political rights - phenomena that have accompaniedmost of the "democratic'' transitions unfolding in the Middle East & NorthAfrica region (MENA) ...
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Shaver, Sheila, and Jane Lewis. "Women and Social Policies in Europe: Work, Family and the State." Contemporary Sociology 23, no. 6 (November 1994): 803. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2076042.
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van Damme, M., M. Kalmijn, and W. Uunk. "The Employment of Separated Women in Europe: Individual and Institutional Determinants." European Sociological Review 25, no. 2 (July 19, 2008): 183–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/esr/jcn042.
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Mischau, Anina. "Women in higher education in Europe – a statistical overview." International Journal of Sociology and Social Policy 21, no. 1/2 (February 2001): 20–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/01443330110789529.
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Misra, Manashi. "Revolutionaries as Political Women." Journal of Extreme Anthropology 6, no. 2 (December 12, 2022): 21–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.5617/jea.9652.
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The purpose of studying women’s participation in radical movements, as the classical study We Were Making History notes, is ‘an attempt to broaden the history of that struggle by recovering the subjective experience of women, to capture women’s voices from the past and to present issues as they were perceived by women’ (Stree Shakti Sanghathana, 1989, 2). Taking this framework as the point of departure, this article seeks to explore the history of women’s participation in the secessionist politics of the United Liberation Front of Assam (ULFA). Deviating from the existing scholarships on the subject that rightly focus on the lack of adequate women’s representation at the leadership level, this article argues that representation at formal political negotiations is not the only form of political activity that women aspire to. Instead, in their own way, many of these revolutionaries have in fact turned into ‘political women’. Fictional writings in the Assamese language are more forthcoming than academic scholarship in recognizing this alternative, informal politics in which women engage. At the same time, it is important to note that these ‘political women’ need not be free from conventional gendered prejudices.
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MAEDA, YUKIO. "External Constraints on Female Political Participation." Japanese Journal of Political Science 6, no. 3 (December 2005): 345–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109905001945.
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This article examines the gender gap in political participation in Japan. Although previous studies indicate that women may face several external constraints on political participation, this idea has not been tested systematically. Using the Japanese component of the Asia-Europe Survey, the article demonstrates that work experience and age have very different impacts on participation across the sexes. It argues that men and women encounter very different working conditions and family circumstances at certain stages of their lives, which create a gender gap in political participation.
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Verge, Tània. "Legislative reform in Europe to fight violence against women in politics." European Journal of Politics and Gender 4, no. 3 (September 1, 2021): 459–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/251510821x16149579296781.
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