Journal articles on the topic 'Women – Political activity – Bolivia'
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1
Restrepo Sanín, Juliana. "The Law and Violence against Women in Politics." Politics & Gender 14, no. 4 (November 13, 2018): 676–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1743923x18000594.
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Latin America has been at the vanguard in implementing diverse strategies to combat violence against women in politics (VAWIP). In 2012, Bolivia became the first country to criminalize “political violence and harassment against women” with Law 243. Soon, Ecuador, Peru, Costa Rica, and Mexico followed with similar proposals (Krook and Restrepo Sanín 2016). Despite high levels of criminal impunity (Piscopo 2016), legislative measures have been the preferred strategy to combat VAWIP within the region. The Inter-American Commission on Women (CIM) recently published a model law, drawing on experiences in Bolivia, to serve as inspiration for other legislative measures in the region. What can these legislative definitions tell us about the phenomenon of VAWIP, its limits, and its challenges?
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Artz, Lee. "Political Power and Political Economy of Media: Nicaragua and Bolivia." Perspectives on Global Development and Technology 15, no. 1-2 (January 14, 2016): 166–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15691497-12341382.
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The apparent democratic shift unfolding in Latin America, from Venezuela and Bolivia to Ecuador and Nicaragua has been quite uneven. Public access to media provides one measurement of the extent to which social movements have been able to alter the relations of power. In nations where working classes, indigenous peoples, women, youth, and diverse ethnic groups have mobilized and organized constituent assemblies and other social and political organizations, political economies of radical democratic media have been introduced, communicating other progressive national policies for a new cultural hegemony of solidarity. Moments of rupture caused by social movements have introduced new social and political norms challenging capitalist cultural hegemony across the continent, with deep connections between media communication and social power revealed in every case. Public access to media production and distribution is a key indicator of democratic citizen participation and social transformation. Those societies that have advanced the farthest towards 21st century socialism and participatory democracy have also established the most extensive democratic and participatory media systems. These media reach far beyond community and alternative media forms to become central to an emerging hegemonic discourse advocating social transformation and working class power. Community media in Nicaragua, Bolivia, and Ecuador demonstrate how radical political power can encourage mass working class participation, including acquiring and using mass communication for social change and social justice.
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ROUSSEAU, STÉPHANIE, and ANAHI MORALES HUDON. "Paths towards Autonomy in Indigenous Women's Movements: Mexico, Peru, Bolivia." Journal of Latin American Studies 48, no. 1 (July 15, 2015): 33–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x15000802.
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AbstractBased on comparative research this article analyses indigenous women's organising trajectories and the creation of spaces where they position themselves as autonomous political actors. Drawing on social movement theory and intersectionality, we present a typology of the organisational forms adopted by indigenous women in Peru, Bolivia and Mexico over the last two decades. One of the key findings of our comparative study is that indigenous women have become social movement actors through different organisational forms that in part determine the degree of autonomy they can exercise as political subjects.
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Lind, Amy. "Making Feminist Sense of Neoliberalism: The Institutionalization of Women’s Struggles for Survival in Ecuador and Bolivia." Journal of Developing Societies 18, no. 2-3 (June 2002): 228–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0169796x0201800210.
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Since the early 1980s, community-based women’s organizations have emerged throughout Ecuador and Bolivia in response to persistent poverty, economic crisis, neoliberal-development policies and related political and cultural crises. In Ecuador, women and men currently face an unprecedented financial crisis, the “dollarization,” and the new 1998 Constitution. In Bolivia, various sectors of women have addressed the harsh economic measures implemented since 1985, growing tensions surrounding migration, rising home-lessness and poverty rates, and the “War on Drugs.” In both countries, women have been among the first to make connections among everyday life and development policies. In this article I examine the contradictions organized women face as they struggle for economic and political empowerment in the context of neoliberal development. I argue that development policies that rely upon women’s unpaid labor sometimes contribute to institutionalizing women’s struggles for survival rather than merely empowering them, as they hope to do, through their community participation.
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Gill, Lesley. "Power lines: the political context of nongovernmental organization (ngo) activity in el alto, bolivia." Journal of Latin American Anthropology 2, no. 2 (July 1997): 144–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jlat.1997.2.2.144.
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Gill, Lesley. "Power lines: the political context of nongovernmental organization (ngo) activity in el alto, bolivia." Journal of Latin American Anthropology 2, no. 2 (June 28, 2008): 144–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jlca.1997.2.2.144.
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Miluska, Jolanta, Justyna Kuświk, and Beata Pająk-Patkowska. "Political Activity of Women and Men – the Psychosocial Determinants of Conventional Political Activity." Przegląd Politologiczny, no. 4 (December 28, 2018): 7–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/pp.2018.23.4.1.
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Krook, Mona Lena. "Violence against Women in Politics: A Rising Global Trend." Politics & Gender 14, no. 4 (November 13, 2018): 673–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1743923x18000582.
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Recent years have witnessed a troubling rise in reports of assault, intimidation, and abuse directed at politically active women. The United Nations General Assembly first called for zero tolerance for violence against female candidates and elected officials in Resolution 66/130 in 2011. In 2012, Bolivia became the first country in the world to criminalize political violence and harassment against women, in response to a more than decade-long campaign by locally elected women to document the numerous injuries and abuses they confronted. Resonating across the region, this development led the states-parties to the Inter-American Convention on the Prevention, Punishment and Eradication of Violence against Women to endorse a Declaration on Political Violence and Harassment against Women in 2015.
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Benefice, Eric, Selma Luna-Monrroy, and Ronald Lopez-Rodriguez. "Fishing activity, health characteristics and mercury exposure of Amerindian women living alongside the Beni River (Amazonian Bolivia)." International Journal of Hygiene and Environmental Health 213, no. 6 (November 2010): 458–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.ijheh.2010.08.010.
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Zulawski, Ann. "Social Differentiation, Gender, and Ethnicity: Urban Indian Women in Colonial Bolivia, 1640-1725." Latin American Research Review 25, no. 2 (1990): 93–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0023879100023396.
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Recently, a number of scholars have begun to piece together the economic and social history of Indian women in the Andes during the colonial period. It has not been an easy task: too often quantitative materials, such as tributary censuses, mention women only as wives and mothers and then may not provide even minimal demographic data on them. Moreover, although court and notarial records can be rich sources of information about Indian women, they generally deal with those who lived in cities or who were familiar enough with them to know how to use the colonial legal system. Consequently, it is no accident that most research has concentrated on native women in urban settings, certainly a small minority of the female indigenous population.
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Lopez, Esther. "“Evo sólo es un colono mas”: Conflictos interétnicos y nuevos poderes políticos de mujeres indígenas en Bolivia." La Manzana de la Discordia 5, no. 2 (March 17, 2016): 77. http://dx.doi.org/10.25100/lamanzanadeladiscordia.v5i2.1520.
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Resumen: El presente trabajo plantea un análisisantropológico sobre conflictos entre grupos indígenas enBolivia y nuevos poderes políticos de mujeres indígenas.Este análisis pretende investigar por qué las eleccionespresidenciales de 2005 y 2009 un grupo mayoritario deTacanas se posicionaron en contra de Evo Morales auncuando su partido mantiene una política pro-indígena.Los conflictos violentos en Bolivia tienen su origen enfricciones entre las regiones de las tierras bajas y tierrasaltas, y típicamente son representados en la prensa y academiacomo conflictos de la oligarquía blanco/mestizojunto con la clase media reciente (post 1930s) contra losgrupos indígenas. Sin embargo, la tensión existente entregrupos indígenas es generalmente obviada, debido a quela imagen del “indio” fue homogenizada a una sola figurabasada en la relación de explotación proveniente del Estadomestizo hacia el Indio. Enfocando en mujeres Tacana dela Amazonia de Bolivia y los conflictos cotidianos entreellas y los colonos Aymara/Quechua a su territorio, estetrabajo hace tangible la naturaleza de los temas claves queestán en base de estos conflictos históricos.Palabras clave: cultura, indígenas, etnia, raza, tacana,Amazonía, Estado boliviano.“Evo Is Merely Another Colonial”: Inter-ethnical Conflicts and New Political Powers of Indigenous Women in BoliviaAbstract: The present paper focuses on an anthropologicalanalysis of tensions between indigenous groups inBolivia, by asking the question of why it is that in the 2005and 2009 presidential elections many Tacana, native toAmazonia Bolivia, voted against and generally opposedEvo Morales’ candidacy and his pro-indigenous politic.Violent conflicts in Bolivia, which find their root in stronghighland-lowland regionalism, are typically portrayed inthe media and academia as one between the white/criollooligarchies along with the more recent (post 1930s) mestizomiddle-class against indigenous groups. The fact thatthere are strong conflictive sentiments between indigenousgroups in Bolivia has largely been overlooked preciselybecause the image of the Bolivian “indian” has been distilledinto a single generic figure which by definition standsin an exploited relation to the mestizo state. By focussingon Amazonian Tacana women and especially in theirposition of leaders, this paper makes tangible the natureof the conflicts as brought forth in everyday situations ofTacana women and highland Aymara/Quechua migrantsinto their territory.Key Words: identity, ethnicity, race, Tacana, colonos,regionalism, Amazonia, land rights, Bolivian state
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Agadjanian, Victor. "Competition and Cooperation Among Working Women in the Context of Structural Adjustment: The Case of Street Vendors in la Paz-El Alto, Bolivia." Journal of Developing Societies 18, no. 2-3 (June 2002): 259–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0169796x0201800211.
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This case study of women street vendors in La Paz-El Alto, Bolivia, examines the dynamics of competition and cooperation among this group of poor working women in the context of economic structural adjustment and political pluralization. It is argued that the economic and political reforms not only increase street vendors’insecurities, but may also undermine the potential for their broad-based solidarity and collective actions. Extreme competition in the overcrowded street commerce, diminishing returns, and disillusionment with traditional forms of workers’ organization hinder cooperation among street vendors and fragment the social body of the street marketplace, often by further reinforcing its gender, class, ethnoracial, and religious fault lines.
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Rivero, Roger Alejandro Banegas, Marco Alberto Nunez Ramirez, Irma Guadalupe Esparza Garcia, and Altayra Geraldine Ozuna Beltran. "Economic Uncertainty and its Effects in Bolivia." Asian Economic and Financial Review 12, no. 9 (September 14, 2022): 781–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.55493/5002.v12i9.4607.
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The paper's primary finding reveals that there are three factors related to the level of Bolivian economic uncertainty. These were interpreted as: i) uncertainty of economic expectations; ii) uncertainty of monetary and exchange rate policy; iii) political and social uncertainty. The contribution of each factor was found to account for approximately one-third of the total uncertainty; however, due to the incidence of the searches, the uncertainty factor in the monetary exchange rate policy showed greater contemporaneous synchronization with the general level by using multivariate techniques monthly for the period from January 2004 to December 2020. The estimated index captured negative variations for uncertainty during times of economic boom and growth, and it reflected positive variations of uncertainty in times of economic slowdown, low commodity prices, persistent fiscal and external deficits, as well as drops in net international reserves. Finally, by estimating a structural VAR model (SVAR), a direct relationship was found between global (external) economic uncertainty and domestic (internal) economic uncertainty, which slows national economic activity by -0.65%, interpreted as a retarding factor for economic growth.
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Kodatska, N. O. "Modern political activity in gender aspect." Науково-теоретичний альманах "Грані" 21, no. 9 (October 11, 2018): 6–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/1718109.
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The article describes the main gender features of the implementation of political activities. We study the gender analysis as a process of assessing the different impact on women and men, which is implemented by existing or planned programs, legislation, public policy directions, in all spheres of society and the state. Moreover, the research proves the existence in society of discrimination based on sex, which means acts or omissions that express any distinction, exclusion or privilege on the basis of sex if they are intended to restrict or make it impossible to recognize, use or exercise on an equal basis human rights and freedoms for women and men. The article analyzes gender stereotypes in the social and political sphere that carried out on the example of a gender portrait of the Dnepropetrovsk region. Therefore, various forms of political activity are considered as a set of actions of individuals and social groups aimed at realizing their own political interests. We explore the effectiveness of the implementation of gender policy, which is manifested in the actions of political actors aimed at the adoption of the partnership of the sexes in the definition and implementation of political goals, objectives and methods for their achievement. It was stated that in the process of the democratic development of Ukrainian society, a social order for women engaged in active public and political activities and capable of holding high management positions should be met. This work reveals that the necessary component of the process of social development is the conduct of gender analysis, the introduction of gender analysis in the practice of assessing all social processes and the effectiveness of management of socio-economic and political development.In addition, the study proves that prerequisite for the development of society is gender equality, that is, the equal legal status of women and men and equal opportunities for its implementation, which allows individuals of both sexes to participate equally in all spheres of society’s life. Also noted that the existence of gender inequality slows down the opportunities for economic growth, weakens the system of public administration and reduces the effectiveness of human development strategies. Therefore, careful study of the gender features of contemporary political life and the definition of the directions of further social development is an important condition for ensuring gender parity in various spheres of Ukrainian society. Accordingly, we determine that it is necessary to reduce the influence on the public consciousness of gender stereotypes, that is, stereotypes about the role and place of women and men in society having a cultural and historical basis and, in the majority, restricting the rights of women in society and generating gender discrimination. The article demonstrates that the peculiarities of modern political processes require the search for new approaches to explain and predict the various conflicts between the branches of power, political crises, in order to design policies and to choose the means of state policy.
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Rogers, Ashley. "“But the Law Won’t Help Us”: Challenges of Mobilizing Law 348 to Address Violence Against Women in Bolivia." Violence Against Women 26, no. 12-13 (September 19, 2019): 1471–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1077801219870613.
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Drawing on findings of an original 12-month ethnographic study, this article presents the challenges that Bolivian women face in accessing a new law that has been designed to protect them, Law 348 to “Guarantee Women a Life Free from Violence.” Data reveal that while the law creates opportunities for the (re)conceptualization of violence, mobilizing the law is fraught with difficulties and a culture of impunity prevails. The challenges of implementation are both nationally and internationally significant as other countries seek to enact similar legal strategies. In Bolivia, this article suggests, civil society organizations and women’s voices are central to the full realization of the law.
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Ranganathan, Surabhi. "The 2015 Judicial Activity of the International Court of Justice." American Journal of International Law 110, no. 3 (July 2016): 504–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0002930000016924.
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The International Court of Justice (Court or ICJ) delivered three judgments in 2015. The first, delivered on February 3, 2015, determines claims of genocide made by Croatia and Serbia against each other. The second, delivered on September 24, 2015, addresses Chile’s preliminary objection in a case brought against it by Bolivia, which asserted that Chile had violated its obligation to negotiate in good faith to secure Bolivia’s sovereign access to the Pacific Ocean. The third, delivered on December 16, 2015, concerns the joined cases brought by Costa Rica and Nicaragua, each party alleging territorial violations and transboundary environmental harms by the other. This review highlights notable points of interest in the judgments and draws attention to particular insights and critiques afforded by the individual opinions that accompany each judgment.
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Seguí, Isabel. "Auteurism, Machismo-Leninismo, and Other Issues." Feminist Media Histories 4, no. 1 (January 1, 2018): 11–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/fmh.2018.4.1.11.
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This article contextualizes and characterizes production practices in political cinema in Bolivia and Peru between the 1960s and 1990s, reading them as a communitarian endeavor that included many more women than official history acknowledges. It also documents the work of two overshadowed filmmakers—the Bolivian Beatriz Palacios and the Peruvian María Barea—mainly in their roles as film producers and managers of small producing companies, but also as directors. In order to effectively incorporate women into Andean cinema history, I advocate for a nonhierarchical historiographical methodology and the academic consideration of personal relationships as one of the driving factors in artisanal political production cultures. A non-auteurist approach to unearthing Andean women filmmakers is central to this revisionist project that aims to shed light on an entire range of women's labor in collaborative film production, not only directorial work.
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Misra, Manashi. "Revolutionaries as Political Women." Journal of Extreme Anthropology 6, no. 2 (December 12, 2022): 21–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.5617/jea.9652.
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The purpose of studying women’s participation in radical movements, as the classical study We Were Making History notes, is ‘an attempt to broaden the history of that struggle by recovering the subjective experience of women, to capture women’s voices from the past and to present issues as they were perceived by women’ (Stree Shakti Sanghathana, 1989, 2). Taking this framework as the point of departure, this article seeks to explore the history of women’s participation in the secessionist politics of the United Liberation Front of Assam (ULFA). Deviating from the existing scholarships on the subject that rightly focus on the lack of adequate women’s representation at the leadership level, this article argues that representation at formal political negotiations is not the only form of political activity that women aspire to. Instead, in their own way, many of these revolutionaries have in fact turned into ‘political women’. Fictional writings in the Assamese language are more forthcoming than academic scholarship in recognizing this alternative, informal politics in which women engage. At the same time, it is important to note that these ‘political women’ need not be free from conventional gendered prejudices.
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Madrid, Raúl L., and Matthew Rhodes-Purdy. "Descriptive Representation and Regime Support in Latin America." Political Studies 64, no. 4 (July 9, 2016): 890–909. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0032321715617772.
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Does descriptive representation matter? We analyze the impact of descriptive representation on regime support among women and the self-identified indigenous population in Latin America. We find that having a female president does not have a consistent impact on regime support among Latin American women, but that the election of an indigenous president has significantly boosted regime support among indigenous people in Bolivia. We suggest that ethnic representation has had a greater impact than gender representation on regime support in the region for a couple of reasons. First, in Latin America, ethnicity is much more highly correlated than gender with other variables that are known to shape political attitudes, such as class, education, region, and area of residence. Second, ethnicity has been a more salient factor in elections and governing than has gender in those countries that have elected indigenous or female presidents.
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Cuéllar, Claudia. "Desbordar la agenda de derechos. Somos trama de interdependencia renovada por mujeres en lucha. Bolivia." Ecología Política. Cuadernos de debate internacional, no. 61 (June 2021): 97–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.53368/ep61fcrr01.
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From the already established memory of the long indigenous and peasant struggles in Bolivia that placed the unjust distribution and ownership of land at the center in the seventies in order to stop the neoliberal advance in the 1990s. years of that experience, in a political discussion that is taking place between feminist articulations and organizations supported and erected by women in the territories for the defense of the commons in Bolivia. Past experiences are looked at again from a place that is repeated and another that changes. What is repeated is the problem of the translation of the struggles and how the organizational mandates – for the convenience of state-centric policies – are turned into pyramids of rights. But the changes traced for social transformation by women’s organizations show renewed components change, through new strands of resistance and politicity in the defense of the commons and against extractivism.
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van der Hout, Floor. "From Colonial Extractivism to Hearting and Feelthinking." Contention 10, no. 1 (June 1, 2022): 46–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/cont.2022.100105.
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In this article, I explore what a more ethical and decolonial approach to North-South research could look like, reflecting on my experiences of accompanying women territory defenders in Bolivia. I argue that the same colonial extractivist logic that threatens the lives and territories of indigenous and rural women in Abya Yala is also being reproduced in processes of knowledge production in neoliberal academia. Drawing on the critical work of feminist and indigenous scholars from Abya Yala, I propose a relational and embodied methodological approach that I call ‘acompañar’ that has the potential to resist these extractivist tendencies. I conclude that decolonization requires a radical exploration of the researcher’s positionings in ongoing colonial processes and resistance to the temporalities of neoliberal academia.
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SUSSER, IDA. "political activity among working-class women in a U.S. city." American Ethnologist 13, no. 1 (February 1986): 108–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ae.1986.13.1.02a00070.
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Marston, Andrea, and Tom Perreault. "Consent, coercion and cooperativismo: Mining cooperatives and resource regimes in Bolivia." Environment and Planning A: Economy and Space 49, no. 2 (October 17, 2016): 252–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0308518x16674008.
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This paper examines ways in which regional political, economic, and cultural hegemonies maintain “resource regimes” by exploring the emergence of mining cooperatives as central actors in Bolivia’s extractive economy. Like much of Latin America, Bolivia is experiencing a boom in resource extraction. Unlike other Latin American countries, in which the surge in mining activity is driven almost entirely by private, mostly transnational capital, relatively small-scale mining cooperatives play a major role in Bolivia’s mining economy. We draw on the Gramscian concepts of hegemony and the integral state to explore the historical and contemporary relationship between mining cooperatives and unfolding patterns of mineral, water, and territorial governance, particularly in Oruro and Potosí departments. We argue that the regional hegemony of the mining economy has been constructed and maintained by the close historical relationship between mining cooperatives and the Bolivian state. Since the 1930s, the state has supported the formation of mining cooperatives as a means of bolstering the mining economy and stemming political unrest; in recent decades, however, cooperatives have become more actively involved in the maintenance of mining’s regional hegemony.
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Gordillo, Gastón. "Longing for Elsewhere: Guaraní Reterritorializations." Comparative Studies in Society and History 53, no. 4 (October 2011): 855–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417511000430.
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In September 2003, dozens of Guaraní families from the town of Hipólito Yrigoyen in northwest Argentina decided to take back La Loma, the forested hill that stands at the edge of town and from where they had been expelled decades earlier by the San Martín del Tabacal sugar plantation. On the verge of a cliff from where they could see the town and behind it the sugarcane fields, men, women, and children began clearing a space near their old cemetery in order to plant and begin building homes. In their makeshift camp, people raised an Argentinean flag and erected signs that read “Our Land” and “Argentinean Land.” The participants in the takeover whom I talked to a few months later remembered that their return to La Loma generated an enormous collective enthusiasm and the hope of living “like before,” working the land, raising animals, and free from the urban poverty and overcrowding of Hipólito Yrigoyen. However, six days later, when over a hundred people had gathered in the dark around a bonfire, police officers stormed the place shouting, “Move out!” Some officers accused them of being “undocumented Bolivians”; others asked where the Argentinean flag was, offended the flag was there. Twenty men and two women were arrested, handcuffed, and forced to walk single file down the hill, in an atmosphere of screams and scuffles that included shots in the air and the beating of a young man. A person from the community recalled what the plantation spokesperson subsequently said about their claim, based on the fact that many of their ancestors were plantation workers who came from Bolivia: “What do these immigrants think they're asking for? They should go ask for land in Bolivia.”
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Abdieva, Feruza. "POLITICAL ACTIVITY OF WOMEN IN THE PROCESS OF MODERNIZATION OF SOCIETY." Journal of Law Research 9, no. 1 (September 9, 2019): 74–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.26739/prefix-2019-9-10.
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Annesley, Claire, and Susan Franceschet. "Gender and the Executive Branch." Politics & Gender 11, no. 04 (December 2015): 613–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1743923x15000446.
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The executive branch of government constitutes the pinnacle of political power. In principle, presidents and prime ministers, along with their cabinets, set the policy agenda, debate, and deliberate policy initiatives; introduce legislation; and oversee the implementation of public policies. Executives are the most visible political actors, representing the public “face” of government. Until very recently, executives were also the most masculinized of political institutions, with women absent entirely from the position of prime minister or president until the 1960s, and, at least until the last decade, holding only a small number of posts in cabinet. Yet one of the most striking global trends in recent years is the growing number of women elected to the post of prime minister or president: at the time of writing there are 12 countries where a woman occupies the top political office. A growing number of women are also being appointed cabinet ministers and, in some cases, to some of the most traditionally masculine posts. It is common today to define “parity” cabinets as those where women hold between 40% and 60% of ministerial portfolios. With that definition, countries as different as Spain, Bolivia, Sweden, and South Africa have had gender parity in cabinet. What is more, women's presence in cabinet is now a firmly established norm. Among the first questions raised by commentators after a newly elected president or prime minister announces her cabinet are, how many women were appointed? To which portfolios were they assigned?
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Heim, Eva, Icek Ajzen, Peter Schmidt, and Daniel Seddig. "Women’s Decisions to Stay in or Leave an Abusive Relationship: Results From a Longitudinal Study in Bolivia." Violence Against Women 24, no. 14 (December 25, 2017): 1639–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1077801217741993.
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This study examined Bolivian women’s decisions to stay with or leave their violent partners. The theory of planned behavior (TPB) was used as the theoretical framework. One hundred thirty-four women were assessed 3 times over 6 months. The TPB constructs were measured at T1 and T2; relationship status was assessed at T3. At T2, attitudes about staying and leaving predicted the intention to leave. Intention to leave at T2 but not at T1 predicted relationship status at T3. These results suggest that the decision to leave was consolidated between T1 and T2, and attitudes toward staying were most relevant to this decision.
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Medina-Hernández, Edith, María José Fernández-Gómez, and Inmaculada Barrera-Mellado. "Gender Inequality in Latin America: A Multidimensional Analysis Based on ECLAC Indicators." Sustainability 13, no. 23 (November 27, 2021): 13140. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su132313140.
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This article analyzes the behavior of gender indicators on the economic, physical, and decision-making autonomy of Latin-American women, based on data compiled and published in 2020 by the Gender Equality Observatory of the United Nations Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC), for 17 countries. Using the HJ-Biplot multivariate technique, it is concluded that the three evaluated areas interact with each other, in such a way that they cannot be interpreted in isolation because their relationships and interdependencies explain the differences in the participation of men and women in the socioeconomic and political environment of the nations in the region. Additionally, it is concluded that in countries such as Guatemala, Honduras, El Salvador, Bolivia, and Ecuador, greater public policy actions are required to seek the economic empowerment of women; while in Brazil, Mexico, and Colombia, laws are necessary to regulate violence against women. It is necessary to continue promoting gender equality in the region as a determinant factor in methodological frameworks and transformational policies to enable moving towards the construction of sustainable societies and economies.
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Hawkins, Billy, Raegan A. Tuff, and Gary Dudley. "African American women, body composition, and physical activity." Journal of African American Studies 10, no. 1 (June 2006): 44–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12111-006-1012-5.
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Tienda, M., K. M. Donato, and H. Cordero-Guzman. "Schooling, Color, and the Labor Force Activity of Women." Social Forces 71, no. 2 (December 1, 1992): 365–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/sf/71.2.365.
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Kay, Barry J., Ronald D. Lambert, Steven D. Brown, and James E. Curtis. "Gender and Political Activity in Canada, 1965–1984." Canadian Journal of Political Science 20, no. 4 (December 1987): 851–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423900050435.
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AbstractThis note addresses questions relating to the level of women's political activity and specific obstacles that restrict it. The work of Black and McGlen, showing a decrease in the traditional participation differences between Canadian men and women, is replicated over an expanded series of six national election studies. The results challenge the suggestion that there has been a decline in difference over time, and there is an attempt to account for this lingering distinction between the genders. Data are presented which indicate that the presence of children in the home has a much more constraining impact upon women's political activity than upon that of men.
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Mukasheva, Rahat Mukambetovna. "Political Activity of Women on the Basis of Ethnocultural Features of Kyrgyz Society." Ethnic Culture, no. 3 (4) (September 29, 2020): 31–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.31483/r-75835.
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The author outlines that nowadays, the question of the influence of gender stereotypes on the role and participation of Kyrgyz women in politics, from a linguistic point of view, has been little studied in Kyrgyzstan. The article is devoted to the ethnocultural traditions and gender stereotypes of the Kyrgyz society that affect the activity and involvement of women in the political life of the state. The author pays attention to the role of Kyrgyz women in the history of the country, examines Kyrgyz proverbs and folk clichés, which are the folk heritage of the people. The purpose of the article is to identify ethnocultural factors that determine the gender roles of men and women, as well as their impact on society. Research methods. During the study a descriptive method was applied. The following folklore materials were taken as a basis: Kyrgyz proverbs from "Kyrgyz makal, lakap, uchkul sozdoru" by M. Ibragimov, traditional rules of relationships between people of different ages and genders, principles of youth upbringing. As a result of the analysis, the author concludes that the traditions and stereotypes of Kyrgyz society endow men and women with gender traditional roles: a man plays a major role in the family, in society and is engaged in “male affairs”, while a woman is assigned a secondary role, she only deals with home and family. It is emphasized that such attitudes largely limit the political activity of women.
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Vieta, Marcelo, and Ana Inés Heras. "Organizational solidarity in practice in Bolivia and Argentina: Building coalitions of resistance and creativity." Organization 29, no. 2 (March 2022): 271–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/13505084211066813.
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This article considers organizational solidarity in practice—modes of organizing rooted in solidarity, relationality, coalition-building, and difference. It does so by studying two Latin American illustrative cases: Bolivia’s campesino-indígena movements coalescing traditional practices and urban-neighborhood experiences in order to self- organize socio-political spaces; and Argentina’s worker-led empresas recuperadas por sus trabajadores (worker-recuperated enterprises), where workers have been drawing on working-class self-activity to convert companies to cooperatives and self-manage spaces of production. Via a diverse economies approach, the article begins to inventory, describe, and provisionally theorize the recuperations, rearticulations, and creative proposals for organizing social, cultural, and economic life being forged by these diverse groups. The article ultimately unravels four broad commonalities threading and shaping each case: the neoliberal political economic context, collective memory, horizontal organizing, and coalitional possibilities. Though emerging in different national conjunctures and histories, what these two cases bring to the surface are the resistive and creative dimensions of each organizing experience. They are rooted in deeply relational coalitions linked via solidarity in difference, while drawing on collective memories of the past to recreate and reenvision the present and the future beyond the legacies of colonial histories and capitalist-centered actualities.
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Marddent, Amporn. "Women Political Participation in Peacebuilding in Southern Thailand." Al-Albab 6, no. 2 (December 1, 2017): 229. http://dx.doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v6i2.861.
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This article explores the historical, practical and consequences of women in political participation in the peace process during the ongoing conflict negotiations from 2004 until the present time. The author examines the cases of the Malay Muslims, who are the dominated populations in this violent conflict region and a significant minority group in Thailand, and the non-Malays who are also active in paving the way for peace making in various forms of activity in southern border provinces of country. Gender analysis of the intertwined ethno-religious and political identities of the Malays and non-Malays demands a need to reorientation of the concept of peace and security which contributed to illuminate deeply understanding of the society during conflict resolution.
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Dada, Sara, Henry Charles Ashworth, Marlene Joannie Bewa, and Roopa Dhatt. "Words matter: political and gender analysis of speeches made by heads of government during the COVID-19 pandemic." BMJ Global Health 6, no. 1 (January 2021): e003910. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/bmjgh-2020-003910.
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BackgroundThe COVID-19 pandemic has put a spotlight on political leadership around the world. Differences in how leaders address the pandemic through public messages have practical implications for building trust and an effective response within a country.MethodsWe analysed the speeches made by 20 heads of government around the world (Bangladesh, Belgium, Bolivia, Brazil, Dominican Republic, Finland, France, Germany, India, Indonesia, New Zealand, Niger, Norway, Russia, South Africa, Scotland, Sint Maarten, United Kingdom, United States and Taiwan) to highlight the differences between men and women leaders in discussing COVID-19. We used an inductive analytical approach, coding speeches for specific themes based on language and content.FindingsFive primary themes emerged across a total of 122 speeches on COVID-19, made by heads of government: economics and financial relief, social welfare and vulnerable populations, nationalism, responsibility and paternalism, and emotional appeals. While all leaders described the economic impact of the pandemic, women spoke more frequently about the impact on the individual scale. Women leaders were also more often found describing a wider range of social welfare services, including: mental health, substance abuse and domestic violence. Both men and women from lower-resource settings described detailed financial relief and social welfare support that would impact the majority of their populations. While 17 of the 20 leaders used war metaphors to describe COVID-19 and the response, men largely used these with greater volume and frequency.ConclusionWhile this analysis does not attempt to answer whether men or women are more effective leaders in responding to the COVID-19 pandemic, it does provide insight into the rhetorical tools and types of language used by different leaders during a national and international crisis. This analysis provides additional evidence on the differences in political leaders’ messages and priorities to inspire citizens’ adhesion to the social contract in the adoption of response and recovery measures. However, it does not consider the influence of contexts, such as the public audience, on leaders’ strategic communication approaches.
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Rodriguez Fernandez, Gisela V. "Neo-extractivism, the Bolivian state, and indigenous peasant women’s struggles for water in the Altiplano." Human Geography 13, no. 1 (March 2020): 27–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1942778620910896.
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In pursuing progress and economic growth, the Bolivian state led by President Evo Morales replicated the colonial division of labor through a development model known as neo-extractivism. Rooted tensions between indigenous communities and the state emerged due to the latter’s zealous economic bond with the extractivist sector. While the political economy of neo-extractivism has been considerably studied, how such tensions affect socio-political relations at the intersections of class, race, and gender remains underexplored and undertheorized. To address this research gap, this qualitative study posed the following research questions: How does neo-extractivism create gendered forms of accumulation by dispossession? And what forms of resistance emerge to challenge the impact of neo-extractivism among indigenous communities? By analyzing processes of social reproduction in Oruro, Bolivia, this study shows that neo-extractivism leads to the dispossession of indigenous lands and indigenous ways of life mainly through the contamination of water. Because indigenous peasant women are subsistence producers and social reproducers whose activities are water centric, the dispossession of water has a direr and gendered effect on them. Indigenous women and their communities, however, are not idle. Resistances against neo-extractivism have emerged. In parallel, the daily responsibilities of social reproduction within the context of subsistence agriculture, which are embedded in Andean epistemes of reciprocity, have allowed indigenous peasant women to build solidarity networks that keep the social fabric within and between communities alive. These solidarity networks provide important socio-political resources that are sites of everyday resistances that represent an ongoing threat and an alternative to capitalist, colonial, and patriarchal mandates.
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Tookes, Jennifer Sweeney. "Moving the body: physical activity among Barbadians." International Journal of Migration, Health and Social Care 15, no. 4 (November 28, 2019): 332–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijmhsc-08-2018-0054.
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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to examine the beliefs, self-perceptions, and self-reported behaviors around physical activity among Barbadian women on the Caribbean island of Barbados, and among Barbadian migrant women in Atlanta, Georgia. It investigates their perceptions and practices of physical activity and its relationship to health, and how these ideas and practices differ between the two sites. Design/methodology/approach Situated within long-term ethnographic research conducted in both study sites, this paper focuses on qualitative interview data and quantitative physical activity logs from 31 Barbadian women. Findings Most study subjects expressed belief that physical activity is valuable to their health. Women in Barbados described their own lives as active, and documented this activity in their physical activity logs. However, women in Atlanta described patterns of limited activity that were evidenced in their logs. Qualitative interviews determined that the overarching reasons for this inactivity are the structural confines of wage labor and the built environment. Social implications These findings indicate that rather than health promotions that emphasize individual responsibility, physical activity levels in US migrant populations may more likely be altered by addressing the structural limitations of the American work day or the ubiquitous urban commute time. Originality/value This paper is unique in its contribution of dual-sited qualitative research that explores the motivations and limitations of physical activity in a migrant population. In addition, it enhances the existing literature by examining a native-English-speaking, middle-class population in migration.
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Shuhratbek Qizi, Ikromaliyeva Saodat. "ENSURING THE SOCIO-POLITICAL ACTIVITY OF WOMEN IN ANDIJAN REGION DURING THE YEARS OF INDEPENDENCE." European International Journal of Multidisciplinary Research and Management Studies 02, no. 04 (April 1, 2022): 21–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.55640/eijmrms-02-04-05.
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During the years of independence, the attention to Uzbek women has risen to the level of state policy. President Shavkat Mirziyoyev said that further strengthening the role and place of women in public administration is one of the priorities of our reforms. Under her leadership, the problems of more than 6 million women have been thoroughly studied by door-to-door visits by officials, banks and local governments. Although it is bitter, we must admit the truth: as a result of our studies, for the first time, the real situation on the ground has emerged. On this basis, the "Women's Book" is being formed, practical solutions are being found to many socio-economic problems that afflict women. The newly established "Women's Advisory Councils" in the mahallas are also closely assisting in this work. But this is just the beginning of what we need to do to solve women's problems.
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Sweet-Cushman, Jennie. "Gender, risk assessment, and political ambition." Politics and the Life Sciences 35, no. 2 (2016): 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/pls.2016.13.
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In the United States, women have long held the right to vote and can participate fully in the political process, and yet they are underrepresented at all levels of elected office. Worldwide, men’s dominance in the realm of politics has also been the norm. To date, scholars have focused on supply-side and demand-side explanations of women’s underrepresentation but differences in how men and women assess electoral risk (the risk involved in seeking political office) are not fully explained. To fill this gap, I explore how evolutionary theory offers insights into gendered differences in political ambition and the evaluation of electoral risk. Using the framework of life-history theory, I hypothesize that both cognitive and environmental factors in human evolution, particularly as they relate to sexual selection and social roles, have shaped the psychology of ambition in gendered ways affecting contemporary politics. Cognitive risk-assessment mechanisms evolving in the hominid line came to be expressed differently in females and males, in women and men. These gendered expressions plausibly reflect differentiable environmental pressures in the past and may help explain behaviors in and barriers to women’s electoral political activity in the present. If so, then the success of efforts to increase such activity — or, regressively, to suppress it — may be better understood.
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Cornacchione, Teresa, and Rachel Tuning. "Women Behaving Differently: Anti-Establishment Party Membership and Female Parliamentary Activity." Journal of Women, Politics & Policy 41, no. 4 (April 7, 2020): 457–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1554477x.2020.1731281.
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Webber, Jeffery. "Rebellion to Reform in Bolivia. Part I: Domestic Class Structure, Latin-American Trends, and Capitalist Imperialism." Historical Materialism 16, no. 2 (2008): 23–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156920608x296060.
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AbstractThis article, which will appear in three parts over three issues of Historical Materialism, presents a broad analysis of the political economy and dynamics of social change during the first year (January 2006–January 2007) of the Evo Morales government in Bolivia. It situates this analysis in the wider historical context of left-indigenous insurrection between 2000 and 2005, the class structure of the country, the changing character of contemporary capitalist imperialism, and the resurgence of anti-neoliberalism and anti-imperialism elsewhere in Latin America. It considers, at a general level, the overarching dilemmas of revolution and reform. These considerations are then grounded in analyses of the 2000–5 revolutionary epoch, the 18 December 2005 elections, the social origins and trajectory of the Movimiento al Socialismo (MAS) as a party, the complexities of the relationship between indigenous liberation and socialist emancipation, the process of the Constituent Assembly, the political economy of natural gas and oil, the rise of an autonomist right-wing movement, US imperialism, and Bolivia's relations with Venezuela and Cuba. The central argument is that the economic policies of the new government exhibit important continuities with the inherited neoliberal model and that advancing the project of indigenous liberation and socialist emancipation will require renewed self-activity, self-organisation and strategic mobilisation of popular left-indigenous forces autonomous from the MAS government.
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Joseph, Vincent, Jorge Soliz, Ruddy Soria, Jacqueline Pequignot, Roland Favier, Hilde Spielvogel, and Jean Marc Pequignot. "Dopaminergic metabolism in carotid bodies and high-altitude acclimatization in female rats." American Journal of Physiology-Regulatory, Integrative and Comparative Physiology 282, no. 3 (March 1, 2002): R765—R773. http://dx.doi.org/10.1152/ajpregu.00398.2001.
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We tested the hypothesis that ovarian steroids stimulate breathing through a dopaminergic mechanism in the carotid bodies. In ovariectomized female rats raised at sea level, domperidone, a peripheral D2-receptor antagonist, increased ventilation in normoxia (minute ventilation = +55%) and acute hypoxia (+32%). This effect disappeared after 10 daily injections of ovarian steroids (progesterone + estradiol). At high altitude (3,600 m, Bolivian Institute for High-Altitude Biology-IBBA, La Paz, Bolivia), neutered females had higher carotid body tyrosine hydroxylase activity (the rate-limiting enzyme for catecholamine synthesis: +129%) and dopamine utilization (+150%), lower minute ventilation (−30%) and hypoxic ventilatory response (−57%), and higher hematocrit (+18%) and Hb concentration (+21%) than intact female rats. Consistent signs of arterial pulmonary hypertension (right ventricular hypertrophy) also appeared in ovariectomized females. None of these parameters was affected by gonadectomy in males. Our results show that ovarian steroids stimulate breathing by lowering a peripheral dopaminergic inhibitory drive. This process may partially explain the deacclimatization of postmenopausal women at high altitude.
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Gulevich, O. A., and I. R. Sarieva. "Social Beliefs, Political Trust and Readiness to Participate in Political Actions: Comparison of Russia and Ukraine." Social Psychology and Society 11, no. 2 (2020): 74–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.17759/sps.2020110205.
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Objectives. Analysis of the relationship between social beliefs, political trust and readiness to participate in normative and non-normative forms of political actions. Background. Amid growing politicization of citizens in different countries, the demand for an analysis of factors linked to the readiness of citizens to participate in various forms of political activity, from voting to street protests, is increasing. It is extremely important to identify universal and culturally specific factors that influence political behavior. Study design. The study examined the relationship between social beliefs, political trust, and readiness to participate in political activity. The presence and nature of the relationship was verified through correlation analysis and structural equation modeling (SEM). Participants. Russian sample: 440 people (76.4% of men, 23.4% of women) from 23 to 77 years old (M = 38.99; SD = 11.62). Ukrainian sample: 249 people (59.8% of men and 40.2% of women) from 23 to 65 years old (M = 35.55; SD = 10.76). Measurements. Russian-language versions of the scales of Belief in a dangerous world by J. Duckitt and Belief in a just world by C. Dalbert. Author’s scale of political trust and readiness to participate in political activity. Results. Belief in a just world increases political trust; belief in a dangerous world reduces it. Political trust positively predicts readiness to participate in various forms of normative political activity. The presence of cross-cultural differences in the characteristics of the model between the Russian and Ukrainian samples is established. Conclusions. There is a significant relationship between social beliefs, political trust and readiness to participate in various forms of political activity.
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da Silva, Eduardo Moreira, and Clarisse Goulart Paradis. "Routines of Interaction between Latin American Feminists and the State." Latin American Perspectives 47, no. 5 (August 19, 2020): 62–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094582x20943883.
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Comparison of feminists’repertoires of interaction in four Latin American countries—Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, and Chile—reinforces the idea that these interactions may be contentious, collaborative, or even both. The proportions of each kind of interaction are influenced by the dominant political project of the state, the profile of the institutional mechanisms for the advancement of women, the formal channels for participation, support for the feminist and gender agenda by presidents, and female presence in the legislature. A comparação de repertórios feministas de interação em quatro países da América Latina— Argentina, Bolívia, Brasil e Chile—reforça a ideia de que essas interações podem ser contenciosas, colaborativas ou até ambas. As proporções de cada tipo de interação são influenciadas pelo projeto político dominante do estado, o perfil dos mecanismos institucionais para o avanço da mulher, os canais formais de participação, o apoio à agenda feminista e de gênero pelas presidentes e a presença feminina na legislatura.
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Aguilar Cucurachi, María del Socorro, and Rodrigo Zárate Moedano. "Women of the wetland." Regions and Cohesion 12, no. 2 (June 1, 2022): 79–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/reco.2022.120206.
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In 2012 we navigated the Alvarado lagoon system wetland in Veracruz, México, making a documentary film. The system is in the coastal area of central Mexico, nestled in the lower basin of the Papaloapan River. The Ramsar Convention internationally recognizes the importance of this wetland as the third most important in our country due to its size and cultural value. In this universe of lagoons and riparian vegetation, fishing is the most important activity for the culture, survival, and maintenance of coastal families. In addition, fishing activity represents one of the few income-earning opportunities for these communities.
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Ataeva, Dilfuza. "PARTICIPATION OF WOMEN OF THE KHOREZM REGION IN THE SOCIO-POLITICAL PROCESS." JOURNAL OF LOOK TO THE PAST 19, no. 2 (October 15, 2019): 38–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.26739/2181-9599-2019-19-06.
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This article highlights the large-scale reforms carried out in Uzbekistan over the years of independence, the opportunities and conditions created for the rights and freedoms of women and increase their socio-political activity
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Parish, William L., Ye Luo, Edward O. Laumann, Melissa Kew, and Zhiyuan Yu. "Unwanted Sexual Activity among Married Women in Urban China." Journal of Sex Research 44, no. 2 (April 11, 2007): 158–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00224490701263751.
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Sugden, Jack Thomas, Yoko Kanemasu, and Daryl Adair. "Indo-Fijian women and sportive activity: A critical race feminism approach." International Review for the Sociology of Sport 55, no. 6 (June 13, 2019): 767–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1012690219854645.
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There are no reliable statistics about female participation in Fijian sport, yet it is well known by locals (though not widely understood) that engagement in sportive activities is rare among Indo-Fijian girls and women. This paper is the first attempt to explore how and why that is so. That said, there is an important caveat: we are not insisting that sportive activities are an inherent good. Indeed, for some cultural groups, Western-invented competitive sport may be of no interest; similarly, tangential forms of human movement, such as recreational pursuits like cycling or gym sessions, may be just as uninspiring. In that sense, the main thrust of our inquiry is the sportive experiences of Indo-Fijian female athletes, yet we have also sought feedback from those charged with the responsibility of managing sportive programmes. These combined perspectives are intended to provide a preliminary entree into the much larger – hitherto unexplored – question of what attitudes, opportunities and constraints are associated with sportive activities for Indo-Fijian girls and women. The paper adopts a critical race feminism framework: the goal was to accentuate females of colour (in this case Indo-Fijian women) by hearing their voices and, with their permission, reporting what they had to say. The paper nonetheless provides an adaptation to critical race feminism theory: it also engaged with individuals – whether women or men – charged with the responsibility of managing sportive activities. In that sense, we were interested in individual agency and experience on the part of athletic Indo-Fijian women, but also wanted to understand how (or if) local sport administrators understood ethnic diversity among female athletes, including – in our case – the involvement (or otherwise) of Indo-Fijian females.
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Walseth, Kristin, and Kari Fasting. "Islam's View on Physical Activity and Sport: Egyptian Women Interpreting Islam." International Review for the Sociology of Sport 38, no. 1 (March 1, 2003): 45–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1012690203038001727.
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Ortbals, Candice D., and Meg E. Rincker. "Embodied Researchers: Gendered Bodies, Research Activity, and Pregnancy in the Field." PS: Political Science & Politics 42, no. 02 (April 2009): 315–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096509090635.
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Kathleen B. Jones, in her now famous essay about women-friendly polities, explains that that citizenship must be redefined to include a body that does not “easily fit military-corporate uniforms” (1990, 794). Jones calls theorists to recognize women's “embodied lives,” and in doing so, considers how “women's bodies are problematic” and “sex/gendered identity affects … life” (786). We argue here that recognizing women's embodied lives is similarly important to a discussion of gender and fieldwork. As researchers in the field, we have been defined by our social position as women, thus putting us at distinct disadvantages and advantages (Sundberg 2003).