Relevant bibliographies by topics / Women – Political activity – Bolivia

Academic literature on the topic 'Women – Political activity – Bolivia'

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Published: 10 December 2022
Last updated: 28 January 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Women – Political activity – Bolivia"

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Restrepo Sanín, Juliana. "The Law and Violence against Women in Politics." Politics & Gender 14, no. 4 (November 13, 2018): 676–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1743923x18000594.

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Latin America has been at the vanguard in implementing diverse strategies to combat violence against women in politics (VAWIP). In 2012, Bolivia became the first country to criminalize “political violence and harassment against women” with Law 243. Soon, Ecuador, Peru, Costa Rica, and Mexico followed with similar proposals (Krook and Restrepo Sanín 2016). Despite high levels of criminal impunity (Piscopo 2016), legislative measures have been the preferred strategy to combat VAWIP within the region. The Inter-American Commission on Women (CIM) recently published a model law, drawing on experiences in Bolivia, to serve as inspiration for other legislative measures in the region. What can these legislative definitions tell us about the phenomenon of VAWIP, its limits, and its challenges?
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Artz, Lee. "Political Power and Political Economy of Media: Nicaragua and Bolivia." Perspectives on Global Development and Technology 15, no. 1-2 (January 14, 2016): 166–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15691497-12341382.

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The apparent democratic shift unfolding in Latin America, from Venezuela and Bolivia to Ecuador and Nicaragua has been quite uneven. Public access to media provides one measurement of the extent to which social movements have been able to alter the relations of power. In nations where working classes, indigenous peoples, women, youth, and diverse ethnic groups have mobilized and organized constituent assemblies and other social and political organizations, political economies of radical democratic media have been introduced, communicating other progressive national policies for a new cultural hegemony of solidarity. Moments of rupture caused by social movements have introduced new social and political norms challenging capitalist cultural hegemony across the continent, with deep connections between media communication and social power revealed in every case. Public access to media production and distribution is a key indicator of democratic citizen participation and social transformation. Those societies that have advanced the farthest towards 21st century socialism and participatory democracy have also established the most extensive democratic and participatory media systems. These media reach far beyond community and alternative media forms to become central to an emerging hegemonic discourse advocating social transformation and working class power. Community media in Nicaragua, Bolivia, and Ecuador demonstrate how radical political power can encourage mass working class participation, including acquiring and using mass communication for social change and social justice.
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ROUSSEAU, STÉPHANIE, and ANAHI MORALES HUDON. "Paths towards Autonomy in Indigenous Women's Movements: Mexico, Peru, Bolivia." Journal of Latin American Studies 48, no. 1 (July 15, 2015): 33–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x15000802.

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AbstractBased on comparative research this article analyses indigenous women's organising trajectories and the creation of spaces where they position themselves as autonomous political actors. Drawing on social movement theory and intersectionality, we present a typology of the organisational forms adopted by indigenous women in Peru, Bolivia and Mexico over the last two decades. One of the key findings of our comparative study is that indigenous women have become social movement actors through different organisational forms that in part determine the degree of autonomy they can exercise as political subjects.
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Lind, Amy. "Making Feminist Sense of Neoliberalism: The Institutionalization of Women’s Struggles for Survival in Ecuador and Bolivia." Journal of Developing Societies 18, no. 2-3 (June 2002): 228–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0169796x0201800210.

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Since the early 1980s, community-based women’s organizations have emerged throughout Ecuador and Bolivia in response to persistent poverty, economic crisis, neoliberal-development policies and related political and cultural crises. In Ecuador, women and men currently face an unprecedented financial crisis, the “dollarization,” and the new 1998 Constitution. In Bolivia, various sectors of women have addressed the harsh economic measures implemented since 1985, growing tensions surrounding migration, rising home-lessness and poverty rates, and the “War on Drugs.” In both countries, women have been among the first to make connections among everyday life and development policies. In this article I examine the contradictions organized women face as they struggle for economic and political empowerment in the context of neoliberal development. I argue that development policies that rely upon women’s unpaid labor sometimes contribute to institutionalizing women’s struggles for survival rather than merely empowering them, as they hope to do, through their community participation.
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Gill, Lesley. "Power lines: the political context of nongovernmental organization (ngo) activity in el alto, bolivia." Journal of Latin American Anthropology 2, no. 2 (July 1997): 144–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jlat.1997.2.2.144.

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Gill, Lesley. "Power lines: the political context of nongovernmental organization (ngo) activity in el alto, bolivia." Journal of Latin American Anthropology 2, no. 2 (June 28, 2008): 144–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jlca.1997.2.2.144.

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Miluska, Jolanta, Justyna Kuświk, and Beata Pająk-Patkowska. "Political Activity of Women and Men – the Psychosocial Determinants of Conventional Political Activity." Przegląd Politologiczny, no. 4 (December 28, 2018): 7–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/pp.2018.23.4.1.

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Krook, Mona Lena. "Violence against Women in Politics: A Rising Global Trend." Politics & Gender 14, no. 4 (November 13, 2018): 673–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1743923x18000582.

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Recent years have witnessed a troubling rise in reports of assault, intimidation, and abuse directed at politically active women. The United Nations General Assembly first called for zero tolerance for violence against female candidates and elected officials in Resolution 66/130 in 2011. In 2012, Bolivia became the first country in the world to criminalize political violence and harassment against women, in response to a more than decade-long campaign by locally elected women to document the numerous injuries and abuses they confronted. Resonating across the region, this development led the states-parties to the Inter-American Convention on the Prevention, Punishment and Eradication of Violence against Women to endorse a Declaration on Political Violence and Harassment against Women in 2015.
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Benefice, Eric, Selma Luna-Monrroy, and Ronald Lopez-Rodriguez. "Fishing activity, health characteristics and mercury exposure of Amerindian women living alongside the Beni River (Amazonian Bolivia)." International Journal of Hygiene and Environmental Health 213, no. 6 (November 2010): 458–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.ijheh.2010.08.010.

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Zulawski, Ann. "Social Differentiation, Gender, and Ethnicity: Urban Indian Women in Colonial Bolivia, 1640-1725." Latin American Research Review 25, no. 2 (1990): 93–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0023879100023396.

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Recently, a number of scholars have begun to piece together the economic and social history of Indian women in the Andes during the colonial period. It has not been an easy task: too often quantitative materials, such as tributary censuses, mention women only as wives and mothers and then may not provide even minimal demographic data on them. Moreover, although court and notarial records can be rich sources of information about Indian women, they generally deal with those who lived in cities or who were familiar enough with them to know how to use the colonial legal system. Consequently, it is no accident that most research has concentrated on native women in urban settings, certainly a small minority of the female indigenous population.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Women – Political activity – Bolivia"

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Raney, Catherine A. "From Housewife to Household Weapon: Women from the Bolivian Mines Organize Against Economic Exploitation and Political Oppression." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2013. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/591.

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Drawing from oral histories which I gathered while living in Bolivia, this thesis tracks the start, growth, and development of the political movement led by women from the Bolivian mines from 1961 to 1987. This movement helped create a new political culture that recognized the importance of women’s participation in politics and human rights. Today, this culture lives on. Bolivia has not experienced a coup since 1980, and the nation’s human rights record has improved dramatically since the 1980s as well. Prior to the mid-1980s, Bolivia was often under the control of oppressive military regimes that resorted to many different types of coercion in attempts to silence resistance in the mining centers, the national government’s main source of conflict. This uneven power struggle between working class activists and the national government motivated many women to challenge gender roles and involve themselves in politics. After establishing their political organization called the Housewives’ Committee, women activists organized and acted collectively to challenge political oppression and mitigate the effects of extreme poverty. They frequently employed compelling tactics, most commonly hunger strikes, to win attention for their issues. They also involved themselves in many other diverse projects and demonstrations depending on their communities’ need. Women’s political development resulted in a number of personal transformations among those who participated: it awakened a political consciousness and also enabled women to recognize the importance of their paid and unpaid work in the mining economy. These changes eventually altered women’s understanding of how women’s oppression fit into the broader struggle of working class activism by convincing them of the deep connection between women’s liberation and the liberation of their community. These transformations led to the acceptance of women as political activists and leaders, which continues in the present. This work also tracks the United States’ impact on the relationship between the mining centers and the state. This analysis serves to remind us that as United States citizens we must be very critical of our nation’s impact; because of our ability to enormously affect small land-locked countries like Bolivia, we must also hold ourselves accountable to understanding our historical impact so that we can make informed decisions in the present.
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Belcastro, Julia. "Political Representation of Women in Argentina and Bolivia : A comparative case selection study on the effects of women´s movements on political representation." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-437700.

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Mok, Hing-luen, and 莫慶聯. "A study of women's political participation in Hong Kong." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1991. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31976669.

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Wagener, Debra Lorraine. "Identity, dissatisfaction and political activity : the experience of east German women since unification." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.288876.

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This thesis is an investigation into the integration of east German women into the Federal Republic following German unification. It draws on oral history interviews to examine the existence of a distinctive identity amongst east German women and concludes that their opinions and values reflect the Marxist Feminist principles upheld in the GDR, with particular reference to the belief in the importance of paid employment for the emancipation of women. The thesis also investigates the nature of dissatisfaction with the Federal Republic amongst east German women and concludes that a lack of fulfilment of expectations arising from socialisation in the GDR has led to a level of dissatisfaction amongst east German women which could act as a stimulus for political mobilisation. Finally, the thesis investigates the links between dissatisfaction and political activity amongst east German women and concludes that they display both political will and ability despite disempowerment in the GDR but also that there are signs of characteristics specific to east German women relating to disillusion and withdrawal. It also notes, however, that east German women have recorded signficant achievements in retaining more typically 'east German biographies' and that their individual resistance to change may prove to be their most powerful political weapon.
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Chang, Yan Margaret, and 章茵. "A study of political literacy of women group members in community development service in Hong Kong." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1993. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31977273.

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Sturman, Kathryn. "The Federation of South African Women and the Black Sash : constraining and contestatory discourses about women in politics, 1954-1958." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/18272.

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The period 1954 to 1958 saw an unprecedented level of mobilisation and active political campaigning by women of all races in South Africa. These campaigns were split along lines of race and class, as evidenced in the demonstrations against the extension of pass laws to African women by the Federation of South African Women [FSAW] and the campaign against the Senate Bill by liberal white women of the Black Sash. What they had in common is that both groups of women organised their action into separate structures exclusive to women, with independent identities from the male-dominated structures of the Congress Alliance and of white party politics. This separate organisation from men was not carried out with an explicit feminist agenda or a developed awareness of women's oppression, however. Nevertheless, their existence constituted a challenge to the dominant patriarchal discourse that constructed women's role as domestic and exclusive to the private sphere. Newspaper representations of the two organisations by both their political allies and their political opponents, provide evidence of this dominant discourse on "women's place" and insight on the public perception of political activity by women at the time. Within the texts of FSAW and the Black Sash one finds tensions between accepted notions of women's primary role as wives and mothers, and an emerging self-conception of women as politically active in the public realm. To an extent, the self-representation of these texts mirrors the patriarchal representations of women found in the newspaper reports. However, there are also definite departures from the traditional formulations of womanhood that can be conceived of as "contestations" to the dominant discourse. The patriarchal discourse was, therefore, a discursive constraint, both external and internalised, on women's ability to become active and effective in South Africa politics in the 1950s. Paradoxically, through the practical process of women's mobilisation in FSAW and the Black Sash, new space was opened on the political terrain that allowed for the alteration of the dominent discourse on women's place in society, as well as for the emergence of contestatory feminist discourses in South Africa.
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Boylan, Kristina A. "Mexican Catholic women's activism, 1929-1940." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2000. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:34c1a60f-ded1-4cd5-b304-aa4b9a292e9e.

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This dissertation examines Catholic lay women's roles in the Church-State conflict in Mexico during the 1930s. After the Cristero Rebellion (1926-1929), clergy and laymen who publicly supported the Catholic Church were threatened with legal sanctions and government reprisal. Thus, Church leaders called upon Catholic women to assume public roles and to work creatively in defence of their faith, albeit following strictly delineated, gendered norms of behaviour. The Introduction discusses the lack of nuanced analysis of women's participation in the Catholic Church in Mexico. Chapter 1 traces the history of Catholic Social Action as envisioned in Europe and as adapted to Mexico from the end of the nineteenth century through the Cristero Rebellion, and includes a discussion of the roles envisaged for women in the Church hierarchy's strategy to concentrate and centralise lay people's efforts into the Acción Católica Mexicana (ACM). The first chapter also includes an overview of the Church-State conflict in nineteenth- and twentieth-century Mexico. Chapter 2 presents the reorganisation of various Catholic lay women's social and civic associations into the Union Femenina Católica Mexicana (UFCM). Chapters 3 and 4 form a case study of the UFCM in the Archdiocese of Guadalajara and the state of Jalisco. Chapter 3 concentrates on the Guadalajara Diocesan Chapter of the UFCM and on Catholic women's activism in the context of urban and regional issues. Chapter 4 compares the experiences of women in smaller towns and rural communities throughout the diocese and state, examining women's collective and independent responses to anticlerical legislation, the Mexican state's programs of socialist and sexual education and agrarian reform, the Church hierarchy's calls to action, and their own perceived need for religious and social organisation. The Conclusion evaluates Mexican Catholic women's responses to the social conflicts of the 1930s, their accomplishments, and the legacies of their mobilisation.
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Chiu, Shuk-yi, and 趙淑儀. "Changes in the role concept of women in their process of political participation." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1992. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31249188.

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Stormont, Diane. "Hong Kong : politics, women and power /." Thesis, Hong Kong : University of Hong Kong, 2001. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?B24534432.

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Jauch, Linda. "Women, power and political discourse in fifteenth-century northern Italy." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2012. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/252268.

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Books on the topic "Women – Political activity – Bolivia"

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Lourdes, Zabala Ma. Mujeres, cuotas y ciudadanía en Bolivia. La Paz, Bolivia: UNICEF, Coordinadora de la Mujer, 1998.

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Ridher, Sánchez Andrade, ed. Mujeres en el municipio: Participación política de concejalas de Cochabamba. La Paz, Bolivia: Fundación PIEB, 2007.

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Cajías de la Vega, Magdalena., ed. Mujeres de las minas de Bolivia. La Paz, Bolivia: Ministerio de Desarrollo Humano, Secretaría de Asuntos Etnicos, de Género y Generacionales, Subsecretaría de Asuntos de Género, 1997.

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Ardaya, Gloria. Participación política y liderazgos de mujeres en Bolivia. La Paz, Bolivia: Centro de Información y Desarrollo de la Mujer, 2001.

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Ricardo, Ontiveros, ed. Nemesia Achacollo Tola: Líder de la organización de mujeres campesinas de Bolivia. La Paz, Bolivia: CIPCA, 2006.

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Movimiento de Mujeres Presentes en la Historia (Bolivia). Argumentación de las propuestas de las mujeres hacia la asamblea constituyente: Argmumentación y propuesta jurídica. La Paz: Movimiento de Mujeres Presentes en la Historia, 2006.

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Carrillo, Elizabeth Salguero. Mujeres rurales en Bolivia: "juntas por la dignidad de nuestras vidas". La Paz, Bolivia: CIDEM, 1999.

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Carrillo, Elizabeth Salguero. Mujeres rurales en Bolivia: "juntas por la dignidad de nuestras vidas". La Paz, Bolivia: CIDEM, 1999.

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Bolivia. Viceministerio de la Mujer., Bolivia. Viceministerio de Asuntos Indígenas y Pueblos Originarios., Bolivia Asamblea Constituyente, and Spain Embajada (Bolivia), eds. Memoria del Foro Internacional de Mujeres Indígenas "Hacia la Asamblea Constituyente": La Paz, 29,30 y 31 de marzo del 2005. La Paz, Bolivia: Ministerio de Desarrollo Sostenible, Viceministerio de la Mujer, 2005.

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Organisations et protestations des commerçants en Bolivie: Cholitas. Paris: Harmattan, 2006.

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Book chapters on the topic "Women – Political activity – Bolivia"

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Poloni-Staudinger, Lori, and Candice D. Ortbals. "Women Engaged in Violent Political Activity." In Terrorism and Violent Conflict, 33–50. New York, NY: Springer New York, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4614-5641-4_3.

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Ortbals, Candice D., and Lori M. Poloni-Staudinger. "Women Engaged in Violent Activity as Terrorists, Guerrillas and Genocidaires." In Gender and Political Violence, 19–53. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-73628-0_2.

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Krook, Mona Lena. "A Global Genealogy." In Violence against Women in Politics, 13–23. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190088460.003.0002.

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Chapter 2 traces the global emergence of the concept of violence against women in politics. It outlines how the first efforts to name the problem of violence against women in politics emerged in parallel across different parts of the global South: Working inductively, locally elected women in Bolivia theorized their experiences as “political harassment and violence against women” in the late 1990s; networks of elected women across South Asia, with support from global organizations, mapped and condemned manifestations of “violence against women in politics” in the mid-2000s; and state and non-state actors in Kenya recognized and sought to tackle “electoral gender-based violence” in the late 2000s. The chapter then goes on to show how inductive theorizing planted important seeds subsequently taken up by a wide range of international practitioners, who in the late 2000s and early 2010s actively worked to craft a global concept of “violence against women in politics.”
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"Noblewomen and Political Activity." In Women in Medieval Western European Culture, 223–34. Routledge, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203054871-18.

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Hinojosa, Magda, and Miki Caul Kittilson. "Women’s Political Inclusion in Latin America: The Challenges of Gauging Visibility." In Seeing Women, Strengthening Democracy, 55–70. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197526941.003.0003.

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Chapter 3 focuses on a select set of Latin American countries (Honduras, Bolivia, Nicaragua, and Panama) where women’s legislative representation doubled from one election to the next and rose above 20 percent. Detecting the effects of quotas and descriptive representation is complicated. Available survey evidence is inadequate to discern clear patterns on how sizable jumps in the numbers of women in political office influence political engagement and support. Cross-national survey timing makes it even more difficult to gauge the impact of these changes. Further, these gains may not have always been publicly visible, and a variety of salient campaign issues and events contend for the public’s attention and may overshadow the influence of women’s election to office. Assessing changes to political engagement and political support requires precise methods. In this way, this chapter sets up the analysis using our unique survey from Uruguay.
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Sinkkonen, Sirkka, and Elina Haavio-Mannila. "The Impact of the Women’s Movement and Legislative Activity of Women MPs on Social Development." In Women, Power and Political Systems, 195–215. Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429425677-11.

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"Women’s political activity in the ecology movement and coordinations." In Women and Politics in France 1958-2000, 171–86. Routledge, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203186275-11.

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Olcott, Jocelyn. "“Other Kinds of Problems”." In International Women's Year. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195327687.003.0010.

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This chapter opens with the arrival of Domitila Barrios de Chungara, a Bolivian labor activist who emerged as the standard-bearer for Third World women frustrated by US feminists’ efforts to define the IWY agenda. Although organizers of both the intergovernmental conference and the NGO tribune had hoped to put “politics” aside in order to focus on “women’s issues,” Barrios de Chungara articulated powerful reminders that the two remained inextricably intertwined. Tribune discussions returned to the question of how women’s domestic labor burdens limited women’s opportunities, although discussions frequently turned to condemnations of Augusto Pinochet’s government in Chile. Those stressing Third World concerns, whether about human rights or about subsistence labor, argued that the issues highlighted by US feminists, particularly around reproductive rights and sexual liberation, distracted from more compelling concerns.
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Bessant, Judith. "Young Women, Gender, and the Future of Political Participation." In The Oxford Handbook of Political Participation, 893–911. Oxford University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780198861126.013.53.

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Abstract Historically, girls and young women have been excluded from political activity. Yet in 2018 they began engaging politically in large numbers globally. How can we explain this and the leadership roles so many now play? After describing what has been happening, I consider whether there are gender elements operating. Has the growing awareness of gender inequity and sexual violence signified, for example, by the MeToo movement encouraged some young women’s political engagement? There is, however, no strong evidence that concern about global warming matters more. Other factors like the “participatory condition” enabled by new technologies and recruitment practices, along with the “homophily” principle, novel role modeling, and a politics of solidarity, also help explain why so many girls and young women are now building new collectives, and creating new social imaginaries. All this signals something exceptional is taking place and changing how politics is conceptualized and practiced.
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Loza, Jorgelina, and Agustina Garino. "Gender and Ethnic Identities Against Neoliberalism in Bolivia." In Advances in Public Policy and Administration, 161–92. IGI Global, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-7998-5205-6.ch007.

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This chapter will address the relevance of social movements as promoters of change in Latin America since the crisis of neoliberalism. The case of Bolivia will be studied specifically, since it is a country that has gone through one of the most remarkable political and social transformation processes in the region. Indigenous-peasant social movements alongwith Bolivian trade unions have opposed to the neoliberal policies applied in their country for more than four decades, to dictatorial governments, to the interference of external powers, and they have mainly claimed for their ethnic and class identity. In this context, the National Confederation of Indigenous Peasant Women of Bolivia - Bartolina Sisa (CNMCIOB-BS) was founded in 1980 within the Central Union of Peasant Workers of Bolivia (CSUTCB).
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Conference papers on the topic "Women – Political activity – Bolivia"

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Antanoviča, Agnija. "Sabiedrības viedokļa ietekme uz sieviešu politisko pārstāvniecību: Latvijas gadījums pasaules situācijas kontekstā." In LU Studentu zinātniskā konference "Mundus et". LU Akadēmiskais apgāds, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.22364/lu.szk.2.rk.01.

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Women’s political representation is influenced by a number of different factors, including those belonging to political, socio-economic and cultural realms. The study analyses one of these factors – public opinion, which researchers classify into a group of cultural factors. While almost half of the world’s population believes that men are better political leaders than women, the median proportion of women in national parliaments in August 2020 on average is 25%. This suggests that women’s political representation may be related to low public support for women in politics. At the same time, although Latvian society in long-term prefers men in politics, there has been a rapid increase in the proportion of women in Latvian Parliament since elections of the 13th Saeima. The aim of the study is to establish whether the situation in Latvia resembles the general global and European Union tendencies, and if not, to identify the factors influencing the increase in the proportion of women in the Saeima. The study concludes that in the context of the world and the European Union, there is a correlation between public opinion on women in politics and the proportion of women in national parliaments. The case of Latvia could be considered a deviation from the norm. The rapid increase in the proportion of women in the 13th Saeima can be attributed to factors like the election of new political forces and a party representing the leftist values, as well as the increase in women’s activity in the labour market.
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Ramírez Rivera, Jessica Beatriz. "Prácticas Feministas en Museos y sus Redes Sociales en México: una respuesta ante la pandemia. Feminist Practices in Museums and their Social Networks in Mexico: a response to the pandemic." In Congreso CIMED - I Congreso Internacional de Museos y Estrategias Digitales. Valencia: Universitat Politècnica de València, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/cimed21.2021.12631.

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El objetivo de esta comunicación es presentar algunas prácticas feministas que han hecho uso de las tecnologías en los museos de México, así como reflexionar en torno a la soberanía digital, los derechos culturales que se ejercen en las redes sociales y si estos se inscriben en la “internet feminista” desde los museos.En los últimos años, los movimientos feministas en México han tomado relevancia política, en ámbitos públicos y de intervención social. Muchas de ellas, han sido juzgadas negativamente por hacer uso de bienes culturales, lo cual ha desencadenado opiniones polarizadas.Si bien, la postura de los museos mexicanos a este respecto es reservada, existe una apertura a prácticas con perspectiva de género, desde sus investigaciones, oferta cultural y exposiciones temporales. Con las medidas de confinamiento derivadas del COVID-19, quedó claro que las estrategias de los museos para continuar sus actividades, se centraron y volcaron en las Redes Sociales y sus páginas web. Asimismo, se lograron continuar no solo con las prácticas con perspectiva de género que incipientemente se realizaban en estos espacios, si no que se incrementaron los contenidos de corte feminista y de acción política cultural.Entre los ejemplos más notables estuvieron la apertura de nuevos espacios virtuales como lo hizo el Museo Universitario de Arte Contemporáneo, con su Instagram Brillantinas MUAC, en donde se publican diversos materiales feministas desde la cultura y se ínsita al diálogo y la profundización de varios temas con perspectiva de género.Por otro lado, la actividad digital y cultural a raíz de la Conmemoración del Día Internacional para la Eliminación de las Violencias contra las Mujeres, fue adoptada por una gran cantidad de museos desde privados hasta estatales, ya sea con una mención al tema o una actividad o serie de actividades al respecto. Fue un ejercicio que trascendió a los 10 días de activismo y que obtuvo una interesante respuesta tanto negativa como positiva dentro de los públicos.Finalmente, uno de los ejercicios más interesantes que se lograron a pesar de las dificultades por la situación sanitaria, fue la iniciativa “Laboratoria: Mujeres en el Museo” lanzada por el Observatorio Raquel Padilla del Instituto Nacional de Antropología e Historia, que por medio de diversas herramientas digitales, se pudo llevar a cabo un ejercicio feminista y de soberanía digital en la elaboración de prototipos con perspectiva de género y para la prevención de las violencias contra las mujeres.-------- The objective of this communication is to present some feminist practices that have made use of technologies in museums in Mexico, as well as to reflect on digital sovereignty, the cultural rights that are exercised in social networks and if they are registered in the "Feminist internet" from museums.In recent years, feminist movements in Mexico have taken on political relevance, in public spheres and social intervention. Many of them have been judged negatively for making use of cultural property, which has triggered polarized opinions.Although the position of Mexican museums in this regard is reserved, there is an openness to practices with a gender perspective, from their research, cultural offerings and temporary exhibitions. With the confinement measures derived from COVID-19, it was clear that the museums' strategies to continue their activities were focused and turned over to Social Networks and their web pages. Likewise, it was possible to continue not only with the practices with a gender perspective that were incipiently carried out in these spaces, but also the contents of a feminist nature and of cultural political action were increased.Among the most notable examples were the opening of new virtual spaces such as the University Museum of Contemporary Art, with its Instagram Brillantinas MUAC, where various feminist materials from culture are published and the dialogue and the deepening of various issues are encouraged. gender perspective.On the other hand, the digital and cultural activity as a result of the Commemoration of the International Day for the Elimination of Violence against Women, was adopted by a large number of museums from private to state, either with a mention of the subject or an activity or series of activities in this regard. It was an exercise that transcended 10 days of activism and that obtained an interesting negative and positive response from the public.Finally, one of the most interesting exercises that were achieved despite the difficulties due to the health situation, was the initiative "Laboratory: Women in the Museum" launched by the Raquel Padilla Observatory of the National Institute of Anthropology and History, which through various digital tools, it was possible to carry out a feminist exercise and digital sovereignty in the development of prototypes with a gender perspective and for the prevention of violence against women.
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