Journal articles: 'Women parliamentarians'

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Bari, Farzana. "Women Parliamentarians." Gender, Technology and Development 14, no. 3 (January 2010): 363–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/097185241001400304.

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Muhamad, Rosyidah, Ummu Atiyah Ahmad Zakuan, and Nazli Aziz. "Peranan Perwakilan Substantif Ahli Parlimen Wanita dalam Parlimen Malaysia ke-13." Kajian Malaysia 42, no. 1 (April 30, 2024): 241–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.21315/km2024.42.1.11.

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This study analysed the substantive role of women parliamentarians in the House of Representatives of the 13th Malaysian Parliament from 2013 to 2017. Previous studies conducted in Western countries have shown that women parliamentarians are more responsive to women’s interests compared to male parliamentarians. However, women participation in the policy-making as legislators are low and has not achieved the quota that has been set up in Malaysia. The number of women parliamentarians do not reflect the number of women voters that are higher than the male voters. The aim of this study is to analyse the extent to which the role of women Parliamentarians represents women’s issues using Hanna Pitkin’s theory of representation and Anne Philips’s politics of presence. This study uses a qualitative approach through content analysis to examine the Parliament Hansard and interviews with the women parliementarians. The result indicates that the women Parliamentarians formed 10.36% of members in the House of Representatives but they raised the women’s issues higher than the male parliamentarians did. This shows that the women parliamentarians were able to impact policy-making even with a small number in Malaysia.

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Hamida Bibi. "The Socio-Political Obstacles Behind the Scanty Political Participation of Women Parliamentarians." Journal of Business and Social Review in Emerging Economies 6, no. 4 (December 4, 2020): 1457–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.26710/jbsee.v6i4.1475.

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Abstract The current study was conducted to indicate the numerous factors active behind the scanty political participation of women parliamentarians in parliamentary processions. For the collection of data for the current study, women parliamentarians and women’s rights activists were interviewed. Semi-structured in-depth interview was used as research tool for data collection. For the analysis of data, the tool of Thematic Analysis, developed by Braun and Clarke (2015), was used. The findings of the study highlight some socio-political obstacles such as the lack of educational adeptness and political shrewdness, representing minority or reserved quota, the patriarchal and male-dominant model of politics, party politics, etc. are impeding the effective participation of women parliamentarians. All this has upset to work freely and securely dissuading women’s political achievements. In the light of the findings of the study, the author recommends society changing its attitude towards women politics. Women participation in politics ought to be encouraged at the cost of the abolition of patriarchy in politics. The government should help women parliamentarians. In order to be adept and astute, special trainings and sessions shall be arranged for women parliamentarians. Political parties should clearly policy in this regard avoiding party politics and the supremacy of some political figures.

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Jóźwik, Katarzyna. "Collective emotional biography of selected Polish female parliamentarians of the interwar period." Polish Biographical Studies 1, no. 9 (December 31, 2021): 47–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/pbs.2021.03.

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The main purpose of this article is to attempt to show the collective biography of Polish women parliamentarians of the interwar period through an insight into their emotions and feelings, to show the “emotional communities” presented by Barbara Rosenwein. In this text I will focus on the main problems of the political activity of Polish women parliamentarians in the interwar period. Source materials produced by women, mainly ego-documents and public documents created by them, will be used to develop this topic. The study will analyze the individual experiences of women parliamentarians. Their emotions, opinions and reflections on parliamentary work will be taken into account. The paper will also discuss selected biographical aspects of the women parliamentarians, such as their age, education and political views, which undoubtedly had an impact on their opinions and emotions. Polish women parliamentarians of that time had to struggle with many problems. Reluctance to place women on candidate lists was a common occurrence. Moreover, women had to meet numerous social expectations. First of all, they were required to be mothers and wives who were responsible for family life, that is, the private sphere. Furthermore, women were seen more as social activists than as politicians. At the same time, men considered women’s issues less important, which was evident in parliamentary discussions. The main research questions were: How did women perceive their own political activity? political activity? What problems did politically active women face?

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Bibi, Hamida, and Fakhr-ul-Islam. "Causes of Meager Participation of Women Parliamentarians in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa Assembly; and way out." Central Asia 84, Summer (October 1, 2019): 125–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.54418/ca-84.24.

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This paper aims to explore the causes of meager participation of women in Khyber Pakhtukhwa (KP) assembly. The study was conducted on the obstacle that was faced by these women parliamentarians in the KP assembly during the last three governments (2002-2008, 2008-2013, and 2013-2018) in the light of expert opinion of female political representatives, political activists and experts. Women as a constituent candidate, their role in the parliament and the problems they faced have been discussed. The paper is based on qualitative method. Total 20 MPAs, MNAs, and female rights activists were interviewed for qualitative analysis. The interviews were unstructured, allowing flexibility, liberty of conversation and flow of information. It was found that there are still many difficulties faced by these women parliamentarian in the KP assembly. The study concludes that ideological, economic and patriarchal mind-set are the main factors that hinders women participation in the assembly’s business. The findings of the study can be used effectively to increase women participation by bringing awareness at local level and making appropriate policies at national level.

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Timofeeva, O. V. "WOMEN's REPRESENTATION IN THE POLISH PARLIAMENT: HISTORY AND MODERNITY." Вестник Удмуртского университета. Социология. Политология. Международные отношения 6, no. 3 (September 16, 2022): 383–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.35634/2587-9030-2022-6-3-383-392.

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The article attempts to trace the history of women's representation in the Polish parliament, its evolution and role in contemporary Polish politics. The author draws attention to the socio-demographic characteristics of women parliamentarians at the beginning of the 20th century and in modern times, to the role of gender quotas in achieving gender equality in the political sphere of the country. The author uses a database of women politicians created as part of a scientific project to analyze Polish women parliamentarians, and also compiles a summary table of the representation of women parliamentarians in the Sejm and the Senate of the country from the moment Poland gained independence to the present day. The author comes to the conclusion that for more than a hundred years of the presence of Polish women in parliament, their composition has become much more consistent with the real social structure of Polish society; the introduction of gender quotas has contributed to the expansion of women's representation, but has not destroyed all existing barriers to Polish women in politics.

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Fleschenberg, Andrea. "Afghan Women Parliamentarians— Caucusing amidst Contestation and Insecurity." Gender, Technology and Development 14, no. 3 (January 2010): 339–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/097185241001400303.

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Sater, James N. "Changing Politics from Below? Women Parliamentarians in Morocco." Democratization 14, no. 4 (July 24, 2007): 723–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13510340701398352.

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Clayton, Amanda, Cecilia Josefsson, Robert Mattes, and Shaheen Mozaffar. "In Whose Interest? Gender and Mass–Elite Priority Congruence in Sub-Saharan Africa." Comparative Political Studies 52, no. 1 (March 19, 2018): 69–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414018758767.

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Do men and women representatives hold different legislative priorities? Do these priorities align with citizens who share their gender? Whereas substantive representation theorists suggest legislators’ priorities should align with their cogender constituents, Downsian-based theories suggest no role for gender. We test these differing expectations through a new originally collected survey data set of more than 800 parliamentarians and data from more than 19,000 citizens from 17 sub-Saharan African countries. We find that whereas parliamentarians prioritize similar issues as citizens in general, important gender differences also emerge. Women representatives and women citizens are significantly more likely to prioritize poverty reduction, health care, and women’s rights, whereas men representatives and men citizens tend to prioritize infrastructure projects. Examining variation in congruence between countries, we find that parliamentarians’ and cogender citizens’ priorities are most similar where democratic institutions are strongest. These results provide robust new evidence and insight into how and when legislator identity affects the representative process.

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Komalasari, Dewi. "The Interwoven of interests in Political Economy and Political Behavior of Women Members of Parliament." Jurnal Perempuan 24, no. 2 (May 7, 2019): 101. http://dx.doi.org/10.34309/jp.v24i2.322.

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<p>The representation of women’s interest through women Members of Parliament (MPs) is achieved if there is a connection between constituents and parliamentarians. In order to be able to establish cooperation, it requires a deep understanding of their behavior. This article reveals the variety of relationships and political economic affiliations that surround women MPs. The relationship has been built since the nomination period to become a member of parliament, which in turn raises various interests and pressures that women parliamentarians must respond to. By understanding the various interests and pressures faced by women MPs, civil society can design action plans that trigger positive responses so as to minimize the potential risks.</p>

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Baker, Kerryn. "Great Expectations: Gender and Political Representation in the Pacific Islands." Government and Opposition 53, no. 3 (February 15, 2017): 542–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/gov.2016.54.

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Women make up just 6.1 per cent of Pacific parliamentarians. Increasing women’s representation is a key area of focus for political leaders and aid donors, both as a human rights issue and as a vehicle for the substantive representation of women. Women’s participation in politics in the Pacific Islands is often seen as a form of social contract between women. Female voters are expected to vote for female candidates. In exchange, female parliamentarians are expected to act, not just for the constituency that elected them, but for women as a group. This article examines the expectations that are placed on the political participation of Pacific women, and argues that attempts to increase women’s participation in politics in the region should avoid reinforcing these expectations through an emphasis on substantive representation.

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Khorsheed, Eman. "The Impact of Women Parliamentarians on Economic Growth: Modelling & Statistical Analysis of Empirical Global Data." International Journal of Statistics and Probability 9, no. 3 (April 9, 2020): 23. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ijsp.v9n3p23.

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The impact of empowering women on economic growth is investigated through testing the influence of proportion of women candidates in parliaments. To obtain a long-term view, cross-country analysis is performed in parallel using 10 years World Bank data of 72 countries divided into the UN income-groups: 1-high, 2-upper-middle, 3-lower-middle, and 4- low-income. Statistical analysis reveals severe degree of multicollinearity. To unveil the desired connection, two approaches are implemented. Principle Component Regression is used to assess the independent impact of women parliamentarians. The results demonstrate a positive significant influence: 10% increase in female parliamentarians increase growth by 0.27%, 0.36%, 0.22%, and 0.49%, respectively. To unveil the joint influence of the considered indicators, interaction regression models are developed. The method demonstrates superior results. This work provides an empirical evidence on the positive impact of women political empowerment with respect to stimulating a sustainable economic growth.

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M’Cormack-Hale, Fredline A. O. "Going Beyond Numbers." African and Asian Studies 14, no. 1-2 (March 27, 2015): 85–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15692108-12341331.

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This paper critically examines the concept of women’s substantive representation through an assessment of the accomplishments of Sierra Leone female parliamentarians serving from 2007-2012. The paper argues that much of the current research about the impact of elected women on advancing a gendered agenda rests on criteria that are borrowed uncritically from western political systems and thus misses out on some of the accomplishments of female parliamentarians that fall outside of this narrow frame. The paper posits that adopting an African feminist framework can make visible the invisible, broaden our understanding of what elected women can accomplish, and suggest ways in which actors engaged in promoting women’s empowerment can be more effective and supportive in their aims to increase women’s political representation.

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Lutz-Auras, Ludmila, and Dennis Bastian Rudolf. "Politisches Damengambit – Wahrnehmungen und subjektive Ursachen weiblicher Unterrepräsentanz im Landtag Mecklenburg- Vorpommerns." Zeitschrift für Parlamentsfragen 54, no. 2 (2023): 298–315. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0340-1758-2023-2-298.

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Why do women parliamentarians perceive the issue of female underrepresentation in parliaments and politics as a problem at all? This question arises directly from Hanna Fenichel Pitkins assessment that it remains unclear to what extent descriptive forms of representation can be considered purposeful or effective for political decision-making and representation processes . Building on discussions in democratic theory, our qualitative interview study among women parliamentarians of the eighth legislative period of the state parlia- ment of Mecklenburg-Vorpommern (since 2021) addresses this question from a practical perspective . Based on the subjective causes for persistent female underrepresentation, which mainly refer to institutional and cultural aspects as well as the compatibility of family and job or mandate, four modes of argumentation for the phenomenon could be outlined: (1) formal-descriptive, (2) substantive-descriptive, (3) cultural-discursive as well as (4) no perception of the problem .

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Tokarevа, O. V. "Types of Image of Russian Women-Parliamentarians under Conditions of Crisis." Sociology. Politology 17, no. 3 (2017): 349–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.18500/1818-9601-2017-17-3-349-353.

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Whip, Rosemary. "Representing women: Australian female parliamentarians on the Horns of a dilemma." Journal of Women, Politics & Policy 11, no. 3 (1991): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1554477x.1991.9970611.

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Hassan, Rukhsana, and Saima Keyani. "Gender And Political Participation In Pakistan: Issues And Constraints." Pakistan Journal of Gender Studies 11, no. 1 (September 8, 2015): 141–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.46568/pjgs.v11i1.217.

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In order to achieve the objectives of poverty alleviation, sustainable development, and even human resource development it is imperative that women should be a part of governance and decision making bodies at all levels. In Pakistan too since independence, like other countries of the world, over the period of last six decades different regimes, both civil and military,have attempted to integrate women in the political process of the country. In the year 2000 under the patronage of the military regime, Pakistan has made significant progress in enhancing women’s political participation. In the local government ordinance of 2001 women representation in the different tiers of local government was raised to 33%. Regardless of this progress women access to the political institutions is not without constraints. Data for the research was collected, through interviews and close ended questionnaires, from 20 women parliamentarians. The major constraint, according to the respondents, is the mindset which women have to face in order to participate in the political process. The mindset is based upon the stereotypical division of roles and domain into male and female, which restrict women’s roles to domestic sphere and deter their participation in the public life. Although, women parliamentarian did acknowledge the role of family support in overcoming barriers to women participation in the political process, still in 21st century this support is not available to majority of women in Pakistani society. Apart from it role of media and the support of political parties are two other important dimensions which play an important role in creating barriers to women participation in the political process.

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Salman, Rara Novrayanti. "Analisis Gender Pencapaian Jabatan Strategik Anggota Dewan Perempuan (DPRD Mamuju Tengah)." Tasharruf: Journal Economics and Business of Islam 4, no. 1 (July 4, 2019): 51. http://dx.doi.org/10.30984/tjebi.v4i1.879.

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Women in the legislature have a minimum amount of let alone the position of strategic positions as the chairman is still very low so gender equality in the legislature is difficult to realize.This study aims to identify and analyze the motivations, mechanisms and barriers in strategic appointments of female council members. The research method is qualitative research. Data was collected through in-depth interviews, observations and documentation. Data was analyzed using gender theories and model analysis developed by Milles and Huberman, the data obtained then processed through three lines of qualitative data analysis namely: data reduction, data presentation and conclusions. The results show that the intrinsic motivation of female parliamentarians is highly motivated to be a leader in structure, the family also supports. Extrinsic motivation is made up of parties and factions but some male parliamentarians do not support women as chairman. The mechanism of the proposed chairman is proposed based on the decision of the faction. Structural barriers are low levels of education or human resources, lack of female self-confidence and specially acquired information about women, a small number of female parliamentarians, lack of support from male parliamentarians and electoral systems based on factional decisions, cultural barriers are the patriarchal culture that some male parliamentarians and the effect of the women's double workload after marriage.Perempuan dalam legislatif memiliki jumlah yang minim apalagi pencapaian jabatan strategis sebagai ketua masih sangat rendah sehingga kesetaraan gender dalam legislatif sulit diwujudkan. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui dan menganalisis motivasi, mekanisme, dan hambatan dalam pencapaian jabatan strategis anggota dewan perempuan. Metode penelitian adalah penelitian kualitatif. Pengumpulan data dilakukan melalui wawancara, observasi dan dokumentasi. Data dianalisis dengan menggunakan teori-teori gender dan analisis model interaksi yang dikembangkan oleh Milles dan Huberman, data yang telah didapat kemudian diolah melalui tiga jalur analisis data kualitatif yaitu: reduksi data, penyajian data dan penarikan kesimpulan.Hasil penelitian menunjukkan motivasi instrinsik anggota dewan perempuan sebagian besar memiliki motivasi menjadi ketua dalam alat kelengkapan, dukungan keluarga juga diperoleh.Motivasi ekstrinsik diperoleh dari partai dan fraksi tetapi sebagian anggota dewan laki-laki tidak mendukung perempuan dalam mencapai jabatan sebagai ketua. Mekanisme Pengusulan calon ketua diusulkan atas keputusan fraksi. Hambatan structural yaitu rendahnya tingkat pendidikan atau sumber daya manusia, kurangnya rasa pecaya diri perempuan yang diikuti dengan kurangnya informasi yang diperoleh terkhusus mengenai perempuan, minimnya jumlah anggota dewan perempuan, kurangnya dukungan anggota dewan laki-laki dan sistem pemilihan ketua yang melibatkan fraksi, hambatan kultural yaitu budaya partiarki yang dianut sebagian anggota dewan laki-laki dan pengaruh beban kerja ganda perempuan karena telah menikah.

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Opyd, Dorota. "Men and Media: Friends or Enemy of Women Parliamentarians? Under-Representation of Women in Politics." ATHENS JOURNAL OF SOCIAL SCIENCES 1, no. 1 (January 31, 2013): 35–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.30958/ajss.1-1-3.

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Corbí Sáez, María Isabel. "La révolution espagnole… de Clara Campoamor: presencia y alcance en el campo cultural y literario francés." Çédille, no. 22 (2022): 237–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.25145/j.cedille.2022.22.12.

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"Our paper analyzes the reception in the French press of La révolution espagnole vue par une républicaine (1937) by Clara Campoamor. Already written in exile by one of the first practicing women attorneys in Spain, one of the first elected women parliamentarians that the country had had, the craftswoman of obtaining the female vote and many other social advances, one of the few writings in the early months on the Spanish civil war, the first by a woman, this autobiography in the style of a political essay had not gone unnoticed in the French press. In our paper we approach the interest that work awoke as far as concerns its thematic and by its contribution to the women autobiographic genre."

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Bauer, Gretchen, and Akosua K. Darkwah. "We would rather be leaders than parliamentarians: women and political office in Ghana." European Journal of Politics and Gender 3, no. 1 (February 1, 2020): 101–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/251510819x15698351185989.

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Ghana, an emerging democracy, lags far behind in women’s representation in Parliament. This article, based on interviews with delegates, aspirants, candidates, Members of Parliament and potential female presidential candidates, suggests that women are dissuaded from standing for Parliament by the exorbitant ‘cost of politics’, humiliating ‘politics of insult’ and keen appreciation of Parliament’s limitations. Still, women may be eager to hold appointive office. Until new democracies are established with electoral systems devoid of costly and insulting electoral politics, and with elected offices in which women may accomplish important goals, women will not exhibit the political ambition to participate in those spaces.

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WAHMAN, MICHAEL, NIKOLAOS FRANTZESKAKIS, and TEVFIK MURAT YILDIRIM. "From Thin to Thick Representation: How a Female President Shapes Female Parliamentary Behavior." American Political Science Review 115, no. 2 (February 24, 2021): 360–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000305542100006x.

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How does the symbolic power of a female president affect female parliamentary behavior? Whereas female descriptive representation has increased around the world, women parliamentarians still face significant discrimination and stereotyping, inhibiting their ability to have a real voice and offer “thick” representation to women voters. We leverage the case of Malawi, a case where the presidency changed hands from a man to a woman through a truly exogenous shock, to study the effect of a female president on female parliamentary behavior. Drawing on unique parliamentary transcripts data, we argue and show that women MPs under a female president become empowered and less confined to stereotypical gendered issue-ownership patterns, leading to a significant increase in female MP speech making. Our results directly address theories of symbolic representation by focusing particularly on intraelite role-model effects.

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Palmieri, Sonia. "Finding a space for women’s intersectionality? A review of Commonwealth Women Parliamentarians." Politics, Groups, and Identities 8, no. 3 (April 20, 2020): 637–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/21565503.2020.1752443.

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Vershinina, D. B., and E. S. Burmistrova. "WOMEN IN REPRESENTATIVE BODIES OF POWER IN 2017-2021: A CROSS-NATIONAL ANALYSIS." Вестник Удмуртского университета. Социология. Политология. Международные отношения 8, no. 1 (March 27, 2024): 91–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.35634/2587-9030-2024-8-1-91-104.

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The paper analyzes similarities and differences in the social portrait of female politicians in the countries of Western, Eastern Europe and North America (Great Britain, Germany, Ireland, Poland, Russia, and USA), as well as the correlation between the state specifics of socio-economic and political spheres and the level of women's representation in politics. A cross-national study of the trajectories of women entering politics was implemented on the basis of the database “Women in representative bodies of power, political parties and activism, 2017-2021” prepared by the research team. The sections of the database help in covering the gender agenda of political parties, the presence or absence of gender quotas at the intra-party or state levels, the representation of women in party bodies and electoral lists for 2017-2021. They also help in providing a detailed portrait of female deputies. Based on the concept of descriptive and substantive representation, the authors identify the key characteristics of the portrait of a female parliamentarian in the selected countries and conclude that parties, in particular their regional branches or youth organizations, are the main channel for recruiting professional female politicians. Activism, despite its visibility in the media, becomes a channel for promotion to parliament for only one in five female parliamentarians in the selected countries. Based on the application of correlation analysis, an assumption is formulated, which needs to be confirmed on a larger sample, that intra-party decisions on gender quotas, rather than state ones, play a more significant role in increasing the representation of women in the party’s faction.

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Vincent, Louise. "Polls Apart: South African Women and the 1999 General Election." Issue: A Journal of Opinion 27, no. 2 (1999): 31–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047160700506155.

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More than one million more women than men registered to vote in South Africa’s second democratic election in 1999. The election saw 29.8 percent of seats in the national legislature (or 119 out of 400) going to women (up from 27 percent in the previous Parliament and in stark contrast to the less than 3 percent of women parliamentarians prior to 1994). Eight ministers and eight deputy ministers in South Africa’s new Parliament are women. The new cabinet has women in charge of nontraditional portfolios, such as foreign affairs, public service, mineral and energy affairs, communications and land affairs, in addition to health and housing. This doubles the number of female members compared to the previous executive.

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Swain, Laxmidhar. "Political Empowerment of Tribal Women Legislators and Parliamentarians in (Odisha) - An Indian State." Asian Journal of Research in Social Sciences and Humanities 7, no. 11 (2017): 186. http://dx.doi.org/10.5958/2249-7315.2017.00543.3.

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Thompson, Chrissy. "Skirting Around the Issue: Misdirection and Linguistic Avoidance in Parliamentary Discourses on Upskirting." Violence Against Women 26, no. 11 (September 10, 2019): 1403–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1077801219870606.

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Discourses on men’s violence against women have long been associated with linguistic avoidance and communicative strategies that obscure the responsibility of male perpetrators. Linguistic avoidance does not only obfuscate the responsibility of male perpetrators; such strategies also hide the norms and attitudes that underpin much of men’s violence against women. Such techniques represent a form of misdirection: communicative strategies that draw attention away from the true causes or nature of an issue. To demonstrate misdirection in action, I conduct a feminist critical discourse analysis of Australian parliamentarians’ speech acts during the criminalization of upskirting in Victoria in 2007.

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Francis, Suzanne. "Gender, numbers and substance: Women parliamentarians and the ‘politics of presence’ in KwaZulu-Natal." Transformation: Critical Perspectives on Southern Africa 70, no. 1 (2009): 119–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/trn.0.0035.

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Ustinoff, Julie. "The Many Faces of Political Eve: Representations of Queensland Women Parliamentarians in the Media." Queensland Review 12, no. 2 (November 2005): 97–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s132181660000413x.

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‘Forget Policy — I've Got Great Legs!’ That newspaper headline was one of the most interesting if not anomalous banners to appear during the 1998 federal election campaign. It was run in theDaily Telegraphas the header to an article about Pauline Hanson, who was busy campaigning for the Queensland seat of Blair in the state elections. As one might expect from the headline, the story dismissed any consideration of Hanson's political agenda in favour of blatant and highly sexualised comment about her very feminine physical attributes. Whilst this sort of media attention openly negated Hanson as a serious political force, it was indicative of the way the media had come to portray her since she arrived on the political scene two years earlier. Moreover, it was symptomatic of the media's widespread concern with portraying female politicians of all parties in accordance with worn-out assumptions and clichés, which rarely — if ever — were applied to their male counterparts.

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Semenova, Elena. "Patterns of Parliamentary Representation and Careers in Ukraine: 1990–2007." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 26, no. 3 (June 1, 2012): 538–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325412439464.

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This article focuses on the patterns of parliamentary representation and careers in post-communist Ukraine. The data includes individual information on 1768 members (with substitutes) of the Ukrainian parliament, the Verkhovna Rada, from the parliamentary elections in 1990 through to 2007. Low chances for the social upward mobility of sociodemographic groups such as women and poorly educated people were identified, as well as the high impact of social status on inclusion in the political ruling strata, as exemplified by business elites. Furthermore, MPs with an entrepreneurial background have a greater chance of staying in parliament for three or more legislative terms. The chances of remaining in the Verkhovna Rada are also greater for former Supreme Council parliamentarians, while a high-ranking nomenklatura position has no significant effect on the status of an incumbent. Experience in a political party is crucial for a career in parliament. Parliamentarians with leading party experience prior to their recruitment are likely to obtain an incumbent status, while MPs who substitute their elected colleagues have lower chances of becoming long-standing incumbents.

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Jahan, Rounaq. "The Elusive Agenda: Mainstreaming Women in Development." Pakistan Development Review 35, no. 4II (December 1, 1996): 825–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.30541/v35i4iipp.825-834.

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A report in 1975 by the International Labour Organisation(ILO) caught world attention by pointing out that while ‘women and girls constitute one-half of the world’s population and one third of the official labour force’ and ‘perform nearly two-thirds of work hours’, they ‘receive only one-tenth of the world’s income and less than one-hundredth of the world’s property.’1 Nearly twenty years later, a report by the United Nations-UNDP’s Human Development Report 1994–found that, despite advances in labour-force participation, education and health, women still constitute about two-thirds of the world’s illiterates, hold fewer than half of the jobs on the market and are paid half as much as men for work of equal value. Women make up only about 10 percent of the world’s parliamentarians and less than 4 percent of cabinet members. The report concludes that ‘in no society are women secure or treated equally’.2

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Popov Momčinović, Zlatiborka. "Women Activists and Women Parliamentarians as Actors of the Political Representation of Women in Bosnia and Herzegovina: What Claims, with what Successes?" Genero : časopis za feminističku teoriju i studije kulture 27, no. 1 (2023): 145–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.18485/genero.2023.27.1.6.

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Miruka, Simon Okumba, Grace Wamue Ngare, and Pacificah Okemwa. "METHODS USED BY WOMEN PARLIAMENTARIANS TO INFLUENCE LEGISLATIVE PROCESSES AND OUTCOMES IN KENYA’S NATIONAL ASSEMBLY OF THE 11TH PARLIAMENT (2013 -2017)." International Journal of Gender Studies 6, no. 1 (February 5, 2021): 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.47604/ijgs.1215.

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Purpose: The study examined the legislative influence of women in the context of gender quotas in Kenya’s National Assembly of the 11th parliament (2013-207). This article focuses on the methods women parliamentarians used to assert legislative influence. Methodology: This was a descriptive case study which focused on all 68 women in the National Assembly. Respondents were identified through stratified sampling based on: pathway to parliament; membership and leadership of parliamentary structures; contribution to debate; and sponsorship of Bills enacted. A total of 11 women were interviewed, derived from four of the seven parliamentary political parties, specifically the two largest political coalitions which contributed 94% of the legislature. The study also interviewed four purposively sampled key informants (KIs) - three male and one female. The data was processed manually, analysed and presented under each study objective. Sources of primary data were coded as follows: WL (Woman Legislator), ML (Male Legislator) and KI (Key Informant). All respondents were allocated specific numbers for identification and acknowledgement. Findings: The study established that women legislators used the following methods to influence legislation: mobilisation of male colleagues; solidarity across political parties; activism; leveraging committee positions; reliance on the National Assembly leadership; and compromise and conciliation. It notes that the methods were effective in some circumstances but failed in others. Unique contribution to theory, practice and policy: The study outlines how various methods were applied by women legislators in Kenya’s National Assembly 2013-2017, the first time quotas were applied in Kenyan elections. It fills the gap in earlier studies that did not document these methods. The study notes that the methods were not intrinsically weak but their effectiveness was limited by circumstances, especially the attitude of male legislators. It illustrates the importance of diversifying approaches to influence legislation. The study recommends that women legislators should: work with supportive male legislators and other pressure groups in the legislature; introduce Bills early in the legislative calendar to improve chances of success; receive training on parliamentary work; and occupy influential parliamentary leadership positions.

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Chiryaeva, Lena. "Women in the system of power relations of the Republic of Sakha (Yakutia)." Science. Culture. Society 28, no. 1 (March 25, 2022): 90–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.19181/nko.2022.28.1.8.

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The article deals with important and topical issues of the gender problem in the system of power relations, a comparative characteristic of the composition of deputies of regional parliaments of the Russian Federation is given. On the example of the northernmost region - the Republic of Sakha (Yakutia), the situation of women in power is analyzed, the comparative characteristics of the occupied share of women in regional and municipal parliaments, as well as their socio-political interests in career growth are described. Biographies of the most prominent representatives of the parliamentarians of Yakutia are presented, an attempt is made to study the participation of women deputies in the political life of the republic. The materials of the official Internet portal of legal information were used as a research method.

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Meyer, Birgit. "Much Ado about Nothing? Political Representation Policies and the Influence of Women Parliamentarians in Germany." Review of Policy Research 20, no. 3 (September 2003): 401–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1541-1338.00028.

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Çelik, Ayşe Betül. "A holistic approach to violence: Women parliamentarians’ understanding of violence against women and violence in the Kurdish issue in Turkey." European Journal of Women's Studies 23, no. 1 (October 20, 2014): 76–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1350506814554487.

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Shouket, Saiqa Jabeen, and Muhammad Shakeel Ahmad. "Islam and Women Parliamentary Representation in Pakistan." Global Social Sciences Review III, no. I (March 30, 2018): 473–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gssr.2018(iii-i).28.

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There are various perspectives and interpretations regarding an interaction of religion and women's parliamentary Representation. In Pakistan,the religious debate started since its inception in 1947. The religious debates translated into objectives resolution and were adopted by the constituent assembly in 1949. Women parliamentary Representation remained a complex phenomenon due to the religiously dominated cultural sphere. However, the initiatives towards women's Representation started in the 1920spassed through different challenges and opportunities. The constitutions of Pakistan from 1956 to 1973 have also incorporated relevant sections regarding women's Representation. A significant issue merged in the 1990s in Pakistan when the constitutional mechanism regarding women's Representation lapsed. The global initiatives on women's political Representation were the major milestone that influenced Pakistan politics in 2000. During this period, gender-equal participation in the decision-making process was brought at the center of political debate. During the Musharraf regime, women parliamentary share increased up to 20percent on reserved seats. This paper is anattempt to explore women's Representation in Islamic perspectivesand their contributions to women. The result of this qualitativeresearch shows that women parliamentarians are primarilyrepresenting their own political parties and class in decision-making bodies

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Köker, Philipp, and Morten Harmening. "Und wo sind die Wahlfrauen? Defizite deskriptiver Repräsentation bei der Wahl der deutschen Bundespräsidenten." Zeitschrift für Parlamentsfragen 52, no. 3 (2021): 575–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0340-1758-2021-3-575.

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Since German reunification, the average proportion of women in the Federal Convention, which elects the Federal President, has been just 32 per cent . To present a nuanced assessment of the lack of gender parity among electors, a new data set is used that includes all members of German Federal Conventions from 1994 to 2017 . The low proportion of women can only partly be attributed to the existence and implementation of gender quotas (that are not always binding) within parties . Differences in intra-party pressure and further restrictions in form of ties to external organizations mean that parties do not use the potential to increase the proportion of women by nominating non-parliamentarians for that purpose . Quota regulations aimed at increasing the proportion of women in the Federal Convention quickly come up against practical and constitutional limits, which means that coming closer toward equal representation might begin by first raising public and partyinternal awareness of the problem .

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Göksel, Nisa. "Peace and Beyond: Women's Activist Alliances under Turkey's “Regime of Emergency”1." Critical Times 1, no. 1 (April 1, 2018): 149–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/26410478-1.1.149.

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Abstract This essay begins with the formation of solidarities among women's movements in Turkey during the period of the peace process. It focuses on events that took place between March 8, 2013, the beginning of the peace process, and March 8, 2017, when women activists in Turkey joined the International Women's Strike. Despite the collapse of the peace process and the resumption of war in the summer of 2015, women activists continued to struggle under the Turkish government's emergency regime. This essay addresses the ways in which the peace process and its termination affected relations among activist women, both Kurdish and non-Kurdish, as they have sought to confront Turkey's “new” emergency regime. Many women's groups lost their institutional footing due to the emergency regime's forced closure of women's organizations and its arrest of numerous activists, parliamentarians, and co-mayors. In this context, the essay demonstrates, women are left with no choice but to strengthen their alliances and to radicalize their movements against the state's authoritarian regime.

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Islam, Kajalie Shehreen. "Gendered Political Communication: A Study of the Coverage of Women Politicians in the Bangladeshi Press." Social Science Review 39, no. 3 (August 14, 2023): 55–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.3329/ssr.v39i3.67434.

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This paper explores the processes of gender construction in political communication as reflected in the Bangladeshi media. It examines the coverage of female candidates during the 2018 general elections in four national Bengali-language newspapers using framing analysis and discourse analysis. It also includes interviews of nine women Members of Parliament to understand their response to the media coverage they do or do not receive in the national press, their own approaches to the media, and suggestions towards making the press more gender-sensitive in its political coverage. Based on the concept of gendered mediation, analysis of the media and interviews of women parliamentarians revealed that women politicians were framed in relation to male mentors; as new, inexperienced and potentially incompetent; and as representatives of women voters only. The findings suggest that the media should promote women more positively in politics by raising awareness of the presence, strength and efforts of women politicians, by covering in depth and evaluating their efforts, accomplishments and impact. Social Science Review, Vol. 39(3), Dec 2022 Page 55-72

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Montilla, Pilar, Francesca Merzagora, Elisa Scolaro, Jennifer Requejo, Walter Ricciardi, Elena Meli, Adriana Bazzi, et al. "Lessons from a multidisciplinary partnership involving women parliamentarians to address the overuse of caesarean section in Italy." BMJ Global Health 5, no. 2 (February 2020): e002025. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/bmjgh-2019-002025.

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The increase of caesarean sections (CS) represents a global concern. Interventions tested to reduce unnecessary caesareans have shown limited success to date, partly because they have focused on medical perspectives or on single faceted interventions targeting only one group of stakeholders. Limited attention has been given to examining multidisciplinary and advocacy activities that could reduce unnecessary CS by raising awareness and engaging the media, advocacy groups, healthcare professionals and politicians. In 2009 in Italy, the national CS rate was the highest in Europe and momentum was building for action.This case study includes a description of the activities conducted in Italy during 2009–2012 by a partnership that included the non-governmental organisation Osservatorio Nazionale sulla Salute della Donna, a bipartisan group of Italian women parliamentarians and the WHO. The objectives were to generate awareness about the increase and overuse of CS in Italy, to foster political actions to reverse this trend, to engage with the media and journalists and to better understand women’s birth preferences and needs.A reduction of the CS rate has been observed in Italy following the activities of the initiative from 38.4% in 2009 to 34.2% in 2015 according to the Ministry of Health. Although we cannot infer a casual association between the Partnership and the CS decrease, it did contribute to political momentum and specific actions that should, in theory, have contributed to this reduction. These include the engagement of women parliamentarians for policy change, improved understanding of the local drivers of increases of CS including women’s needs and preferences, raising awareness and working with the media to convey appropriate information and an inclusive strategy giving the opportunity to local stakeholders to make their voices heard.This partnership initiative illustrates a model for generating dialogue, reflection and action in countries showing signs of readiness to address escalating CS.

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Anumo, Felogene Gor, and Florence Okemwa Pacificah. "The Influence of Gender Quotas on Women’s Participation in Legislative Processes in the National Assembly of the 11th Parliament of Kenya (2013 -2017)." International Journal of Current Aspects 3, no. II (May 31, 2019): 260–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.35942/ijcab.v3iii.22.

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This study sought to explore whether indeed the increase in number of women occasioned by Affirmative Action principles in the 2010 Constitution of Kenya has enhanced women’s political participation in the National Assembly. The specific objectives were: to analyze the levels of women parliamentarians’ participation on agenda setting and policy output in the National Assembly; to assess the effectiveness of gender quotas as a political tool for ensuring pursuance of the gender agenda in the National Assembly and to discuss constraints faced by women parliamentarians as they seek to influence policy output and enact laws. The March 4, 2013 General Elections which ushered in the 11th Parliament were considered landmark owing to the fact this it was the first General Election to incorporate affirmative action seats. As the term of the 11th Parliament came to a close, it was highly important to find out how effective gender quotas have been in achieving meaningful change for women representatives. The study was guided by Hanna Pitkin’s (1967) framework that she employed in her work “Conception of Women’s Political Representation”. The study was additionally informed by Dahlerup (1988) “Critical Mass theory”. The study made use of cross-sectional descriptive study design. The study was done with members of KEWOPA from the National Assembly of the Parliament of Kenya. The membership of the association consists of all the women Members of Parliament from all the political parties both elected and nominated. The target population of the study were the 68 KEWOPA members from the National Assembly with a sample size of 40 respondents calculated using the Yamane model. Questionnaires were used as the main data collection tool alongside key informant interviews and in-depth interviews. Validity and reliability of the instruments were measured to ensure accuracy and consistency. The study data was analysed thematically. A descriptive approach was involved where direct quotes and selected comments from informants have been used to explain the trends. Triangulation of data was done by looking into complementary and divergent opinions across the key informant interviews and in-depth interviews. The findings of the study suggest that there is still need to create and expand opportunities for women parliamentarians to enable them become more active and effective participants in the legislative processes of the National Assembly. The findings raises the question on what current efforts are being put in place by political parties and the Registrar of Political parties to ensure that the Affirmative Action. The findings are useful to assess the gains of women political representation and inform the lessons; experiences and can be harnessed to strengthen effective women’s political participation in legislature and policy making. They will contribute to informed public debate and critique on the effectiveness of women’s affirmative action for increased participation and visibility on political platforms. Finally, legislators in parliament and policy makers in government will benefit from insights into what it takes to effectively support women’s participation in legislative processes and how to leverage their numbers in parliament to the country’s advantage. Women aspirants need to be made aware of the challenges they expect to face at the National Assembly. It is also critical to raise awareness among women aspiring politicians and other members of the community to create awareness and address the stereotypes that have continued to ensure only a handful of women succeed in the legislative space. As women and women’s organisations continue to agitate for an increase in number of women legislators, they should equally work to transform the ideology of patriarchy and retrogressive institutional culture in Parliament. This is an open-access article published and distributed under the terms and conditions of the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License of United States unless otherwise stated. Access, citation and distribution of this article is allowed with full recognition of the authors and the source.

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Dr. Sher Muhammad, Dr. Muhammad Waris Awan, and Misbah Hussain. "Violence against Women in Politics: A Study of Backlash Effect of Gender Quota in Parliament of Pakistan." Research Journal of Social Sciences and Economics Review (RJSSER) 1, no. 4 (December 26, 2020): 361–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.36902/rjsser-vol1-iss4-2020(361-367).

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This paper intends to explore the “backlash“ impact of gender equality policies such as gender quotas in the shape of the resistance, provoked by male parliamentarians against their female colleagues. Such resistance exists in different shapes, such as sexist remarks, intimidation, or harassment. It is important to understand the nature and the motive behind such violence, and the effect of this violence on the performance of women legislators. The study is primarily based on semi-structured interviews with 15 female members of the National Assembly of Pakistan. It is evident from the findings of the paper that patriarchy, socio-economic structures, and the political power configurations are key elements that lead to this type of violence and it is not peculiar to only women elected on reserved seats.

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Pearlston, Karen. "Avoiding the Vulva: Judicial Interpretations of Lesbian Sex Under the Divorce Act, 1968." Canadian Journal of Law and Society / Revue Canadienne Droit et Société 32, no. 01 (April 2017): 37–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/cls.2017.4.

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Abstract The Divorce Act, 1968, provided no-fault divorce for the first time. It also included a list of fault-based grounds for divorce. In addition to the traditional grounds, a spouse whose wife or husband had “engaged in a homosexual act” during the marriage could petition for divorce. This novel provision was aimed at giving husbands a way to divorce their lesbian wives. A close reading of the resulting jurisprudence and surrounding context shows not only that courts struggled to define the homosexual act between women, but also that the legal history of lesbian women differs from that of gay men in a number of respects. Notably, male homosexuality was regulated primarily through criminal law. In contrast, when parliamentarians specifically addressed lesbians, they turned their minds to the family and family law.

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Morada, Noel M., and Mely Caballero-Anthony. "Re-imagining asean and the Quest for Peace: Challenges and Prospects for Peacebuilding, Conflict Prevention, and Atrocities Prevention." Journal of International Peacekeeping 26, no. 2-3 (November 2, 2023): 89–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18754112-26020001.

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Abstract This introduction provides a backdrop to the contributions to the special issue of this journal. Specifically, it summarises the main arguments of authors as they addressed the main challenges and prospects for peacebuilding, conflict prevention, and atrocities prevention in Southeast Asia based on select case studies. Among the key themes that this special issue examines are: 1) asean/Southeast Asia’s norms and practices and the stickiness of the ‘asean Way’ against pressures to effectively respond to transborder security threats; 2) the transfer and localisation of global norms like the Responsibility to Protect (r2p); 3) protection of civilians, human rights, and women, peace and security (wps) and 4) regional architecture including the asean Intergovernmental Commission on Human Rights, asean Commission on Women and Children, asean Institute of Peace and Reconciliation, and the asean parliamentarians.

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Campbell, Rosie, and Philip Cowley. "The representation of women in politics, addressing the supply side: Public attitudes to job-sharing parliamentarians." British Politics 9, no. 4 (September 8, 2014): 430–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/bp.2014.12.

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Sigiro, Atnike Nova. "Strengthening Substantive Representation of Women through the Engagement Model of the Women’s Movement with the DPR and DPRD in Indonesia." Jurnal Perempuan 24, no. 2 (May 7, 2019): 115. http://dx.doi.org/10.34309/jp.v24i2.324.

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Although it has not yet reached an ideal composition, the adoption of a 30% quota of women in elections in Indonesia has increased the number of women in parliament, both at the central level (House of Representative/DPR) and at the regional level (Regional House of Representatives/DPRD). However, the issue of women’s representation in parliament is not only a matter of representation based on sex, but also of substantive representation, where women’s political agenda can be voiced. One of the concepts developed by feminist thinking is the concept of critical actors. This article seeks to explain how women’s organizations and parliamentarians are critical actors that encourage women’s involvement with parliament. This article explains how the involvement between women’s organizations and parliament can strengthen the substantive representation of women in both the DPR and the DPRD. The article is developed based on studies on engagement models of MAMPU’s partners with the DPR and DPRD.

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Monogarova, A. G., T. A. Shiryaeva, and A. Yu Bagiyan. "Speech Behavior of British Politicians in Discussion of Brexit: Pragmatics, Gender and Communicative Dominance in Political Media Discourse." Nauchnyi dialog 1, no. 10 (October 31, 2020): 114–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.24224/2227-1295-2020-10-114-127.

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The article deals with the study of male and female speech behavior of British parliamentarians in the discussion of Brexit problems by various mass media. It is emphasized that the need to study the gender specifics of the speech behavior of women and men politicians commenting on Brexit in order to attract public attention is due to the extreme importance of media discourse. It determines the “agenda” of both an individual and various social institutions of modern society, on the one hand, and growing research interest in gender discourse studies, on the other. It is shown that institutionalization and ritualization form the basis of the gender manifestation of each individual’s belonging to a particular gender, and the generation and use of discourse cannot be studied outside the gender factor. The novelty and purpose of the study is to identify and analyze the complex linguistic gender specificity of the speech behavior of British politicians in political media discourse. The results of the analysis of the morphological, semantic and stylistic specifics of the speech behavior of British parliamentarians, when discussing Brexit in political media discourse in accordance with the gender of politicians are presented. The influence of social and psychological factors on the choice of pragmacommunicative design of the discursive space of the addressee, as well as the correlation of gender, pragmalinguistic tools and the effect of communicative dominance, have been proved.

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Abdullah ABHIT, Baydaa. "THE POSITION OF IRAQI WOMEN PARLIAMENTARIANS ON APPROVING THE LAW ON PROTECTION FROM DOMESTIC VIOLENCE (A FIELD STUDY)." RIMAK International Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 05, no. 05 (September 1, 2023): 749–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.47832/2717-8293.25.40.

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In the absence of legal legislation that guarantees the rights of the family and protects it from any domestic abuse, and with the presence of fanatical parliamentary and political blocs and leaders that reject everything that would lead to a safe and fair life for all, the Anti-Domestic Violence Law in Iraq has been put forward in Parliament since 2011. It was adopted and sponsored by human rights and social bodies. Civil organizations concerned with the rights of the family and the child in particular, and set up studied frameworks for it to ensure the reduction of rumored violence and deterring those who cause violence. It was proposed by the Presidency of the Republic and sent by the Council of Ministers on August 4, 2020 to the House of Representatives, but it remained without acknowledging its obligation to reject some blocs inside the dome of Parliament on the pretext that Some of the provisions of the law contradict the principles of Islam in the upbringing of the wife and children, describing it as a destroyer of the family and a cause of the disintegration of its bonds. She has done more than that by launching campaigns to abuse the law, distort its paragraphs and intimidate people from it, while the opposite is true and the provisions of the law carry only greater regulation of social relations. And the family. Iraq today does not have any law that protects women and children, with an increase in incidents of abuse within the family against the most vulnerable groups, such as women and children. It may sometimes reach murder as a result of violence, and it comes under several justifications such as sudden death or suicide and others to escape judicial penalties. Violence is taken Gender-based violence takes many forms, including partner violence، sexual violence, and child marriage. Girls and women may also be exposed to gender-based violence when they are deprived of nutrition and education. Women and girls who are survivors of gender-based violence suffer severe long-term consequences for their lives. Their physical and psychological health, and some of them are exposed to serious physical injuries and may lose their lives. Based on all of the above, I conducted field research with some Iraqi women parliamentarians about the legislation of the law and their position towards it. During the research, it was found that some parliamentary blocs strongly oppose the legislation of the law, as they claim within it the disintegration of Muslim families and contrary to the constants of Sharia. Some of them believe that there is no infrastructure to shelter survivors of domestic violence and the need to amend some of its paragraphs

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Herndon, Gerise, and Shirley Randell. "Surviving Genocide, Thriving in Politics: Rwandan Women’s Power." Cosmopolitan Civil Societies: An Interdisciplinary Journal 5, no. 1 (March 27, 2013): 69–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.5130/ccs.v5i1.2779.

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Rwandan women have given their nation new status as a world leader in gender equality, having achieved a 56 percent majority in Parliament. Women have reached this level of political power for many reasons, including the current government’s political will and women parliamentarians’ conscious decision to emphasize pre-colonial traditions of leadership as an alternative to prevailing patriarchal notions of women’s capacity. Highlighting women’s historical roles as behind-the-scenes advisors effectively promoted gender equality in the public sphere. Not only have women in Parliament taken leadership in promoting laws that protect women against gender-based violence, but also civil society organizations have participated in rebuilding and unifying the country following the trauma of horrific sexual violence and killing during the 1994 genocide. Interviews conducted in Kigali and Butare in 2009 and 2010 inform this study of perceptions of women’s power at the parliamentary and the grassroots levels. Women’s visibility in national government has not immediately translated into empowerment in the home, in agriculture, in the office or in social life. Formal education is key to providing girls and women the tools to analyze and dismantle remaining obstacles to gender equality in the professional, social and private spheres, building on their political achievement.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Women parliamentarians'

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