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Journal articles on the topic 'Women Italy Florence History Renaissance'

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Published: 10 December 2022

Last updated: 29 January 2023

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1

Kirkham, Victoria. "Creative Partners: The Marriage of Laura Battiferra and Bartolomeo Ammannati." Renaissance Quarterly 55, no. 2 (2002): 498–558. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1262317.

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From the time of their courtship until death parted them forty years later, Bartolomeo Ammannati (1511-1592) and Laura Battiferra (1523-1589) nurtured a loving relationship with reciprocal support for complementary careers. Their childless union generated two bodies of art, vast and beautiful. Renaissance contemporaries esteemed the Ammannati as a rarity, creative peers in a close marriage, but history has indifferently divorced them, dropping Bartolomeo to the ranks of second best and pushing his accomplished wife into obscurity. Reunited, the couple can return as they deserve, in the entwined lives that enriched their joint corpus and enhanced the fame each won as an individual — she for her poetry, praised by the most prominent men and women of culture in Counter Reformation Italy; he in his dual activity as sculptor and architect for projects ordered by popes in Rome, leaders of the new Society of Jesus, and three generations of Medici rulers in Florence.

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2

Hoysted, Elaine. "The art of death and childbirth in Renaissance Italy." Boolean: Snapshots of Doctoral Research at University College Cork, no. 2011 (January 1, 2011): 93–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.33178/boolean.2011.21.

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Pregnancy was a dangerous event in the life of a fifteenth-century Florentine patrician woman. One-fifth of all deaths among females that occurred in Florence during this period were in fact related to complications in childbirth or ensuing post-partum infections. In the years 1424-25 and 1430, the Books of the Dead recorded the deaths of fifty-two women as a result of labour. As conditions for pregnant women did not improve in the ensuing half a century, childbirth remained a dangerous event for women to endure. Husbands took many precautions to ensure a successful birth as can be seen in the vast array of objects associated with this event created at this time. People turned to religion and magic in order to ensure that both the mother and child would survive this perilous process. Death in childbirth affected women from all classes and wealth did not act as a deterrent. The loss ...

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3

Milligan, Gerry, and Natalie R. Tomas. "The Medici Women: Gender and Power in Renaissance Florence." Sixteenth Century Journal 36, no. 2 (July 1, 2005): 478. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20477373.

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4

McDonogh, Gary, Christiane Klapisch-Zuber, and Lydia G. Cochrane. "Women, Family, and Ritual in Renaissance Italy." Ethnohistory 33, no. 4 (1986): 460. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/482044.

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5

Trexler, Richard C., Christiane Klapisch-Zuber, and Lydia G. Cochrane. "Women, Family, and Ritual in Renaissance Italy." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 17, no. 2 (1986): 448. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/204784.

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6

ffolliott, Sheila, Geraldine A. Johnson, and Sara F. Matthews Grieco. "Picturing Women in Renaissance and Baroque Italy." Sixteenth Century Journal 30, no. 1 (1999): 172. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2544922.

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7

Mieli, Anna, and Margaret D’Ambrosio. "IRIS: Consortium of Art History and Humanities Libraries in Florence." Art Libraries Journal 30, no. 4 (2005): 26–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0307472200014218.

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Florence in Italy, a renowned centre for art and culture, has been called a ‘living museum’ of the Italian Renaissance. Today it is also the site of a co-operative international project bringing the world’s scholarly community access to the bibliographic patrimonies of a group of special art and humanities libraries. The IRIS consortium is a unique resource for art historians, but it is also of value and use for anyone interested in the many aspects of this rich artistic period.

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8

Terpstra, Nicholas, Daniel Bornstein, Roberto Rusconi, and Margery J. Schneider. "Women and Religion in Medieval and Renaissance Italy." Sixteenth Century Journal 28, no. 2 (1997): 690. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2543558.

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9

Strocchia, Sharon T., Daniel Bornstein, Roberto Rusconi, and Margery J. Schneider. "Women and Religion in Medieval and Renaissance Italy." American Historical Review 103, no. 1 (February 1998): 162. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2650810.

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10

Baernstein, P. Renée. ":Savonarola's Women: Visions and Reform in Renaissance Italy." American Historical Review 114, no. 1 (February 2009): 238–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/ahr.114.1.238.

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11

Gavitt, Philip, and Carol Bresnahan Menning. "Charity and State in Late Renaissance Italy: The Monte di Pieta of Florence." American Historical Review 100, no. 1 (February 1995): 191. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2168069.

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12

Hamilton, Alastair. "The Pucci of Florence. Patronage and Politics in Renaissance Italy, by Carla D’Arista." Church History and Religious Culture 101, no. 4 (October 26, 2021): 590–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18712428-10104004.

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13

Sperling, Jutta. "Dowry or Inheritance? Kinship, Property, And Women's Agency in Lisbon, Venice, and Florence (1572)." Journal of Early Modern History 11, no. 3 (2007): 197–238. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006507781147470.

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AbstractThe marital property regimes, inheritance practices, and kinship structures of Renaissance Italy and early modern Portugal were at opposite ends of a spectrum. In Italy, the legitimacy of marriage was defined as the outcome of dowry exchange governed by exclusio propter dotem, thus conceptually linked to the disinheritance of daughters and wives. In Portugal, where the Roman principle of equal inheritance was never abolished, domestic unions qualified as marriages insofar as joint ownership was established. Kinship structures were rigidly agnatic in Italy, but cognatic, even residually matrilineal, in Portugal. An investigation of notarial records from Lisbon, Venice, and Florence shows how women's capacity for full legal agency as property owners in both societies differed. Female legal agency, however, whether measured by women's capacity to engage in property transactions independently of their marital status (Portugal), or as the manipulation of limited legal resources, even resistance against a system of dispossession (Italy), always unfolded within the context of larger agendas that were beyond women's control, such as the processes of state formation in medieval Italy and empire-building in Portugal.

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14

Etro, Federico. "The Economics of Renaissance Art." Journal of Economic History 78, no. 2 (June 2018): 500–538. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050718000244.

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I analyzed the market of paintings in Florence and Italy (1285–1550). Hedonic regressions on real prices allowed me to advance evidence that the market was competitive and that an important determinant of artistic innovation was driven by economic incentives. Price differentials reflected quality differentials between painters as perceived at the time (whose proxy is the length of the biography of Vasari) and did not depend on regional destinations, as expected under monopolistic competition with free entry. An inverse-U relation between prices and age of execution is consistent with reputational theories of artistic effort, and prices increased since the 1420s.

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15

Hoeniger, Cathleen. "D’Arista, Carla. The Pucci of Florence: Patronage and Politics in Renaissance Italy." Renaissance and Reformation 44, no. 3 (January 24, 2022): 270–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.33137/rr.v44i3.38017.

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16

Baker, Nicholas Scott. "For Reasons of State: Political Executions, Republicanism, and the Medici in Florence, 1480–1560." Renaissance Quarterly 62, no. 2 (2009): 444–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/599867.

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AbstractPrior to the late fifteenth century in Florence, the losers of political conflicts routinely faced exile as punishment for their perceived crimes. Following the Pazzi conspiracy of 1478, however, such political criminals increasingly received death sentences rather than banishment. This article explores how the changing nature of punishment for political crimes in Renaissance Florence from the fifteenth to the sixteenth centuries can be read as a barometer of political change in the city. It examines the relationship between the growing number of political executions and the long transformation of Florence from a republic to a principality, with reference to the broader context of fifteenth- and sixteenth-century Italy.

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17

Strocchia, Sharon T. "Remembering the Family: Women, Kin, and Commemorative Masses in Renaissance Florence*." Renaissance Quarterly 42, no. 4 (1989): 635–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2862275.

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In August 1465 Alessandra Macinghi Strozzi, mother of the art patron and builder Filippo Strozzi, arranged for an annual set of masses in the parish church of Santa Maria Ughi. Her purpose, as she said, was to commemorate the souls of “all our dead,” “tutti enostri passati”(sic). In her record of the commission, Alessandra carefully outlined the conditions of the bequest. She noted, for example, the location of the land donation whose proceeds subsidized the masses and the day the ten masses were to be performed, and made alternate arrangements should the priests of Santa Maria Ughi fail to uphold their obligations. Yet within this context of legal specifications and formulae, Alessandra remained curiously vague about one of the program's essential clauses: namely, the precise identity of “all our dead.“

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18

Nevola, Fabrizio. "Home Shopping." Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians 70, no. 2 (June 1, 2011): 153–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jsah.2011.70.2.153.

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Fabrizio Nevola considers the form, function, and significance of shops and the other commercial spaces contained in the ground floors of the Renaissance palaces of Siena, Florence, and Rome. Home Shopping: Urbanism, Commerce, and Palace Design in Renaissance Italy also investigates the social interaction between the private environment of the home and the public space of the street. Contrary to much that has been written about the palaces of the fifteenth century, their designers did not abandon botteghe (shops), nor more broadly construed commercial functions. The resulting buildings are hybrid structures in which the proud individual façades of private patrons' palaces were configured to serve the needs of trade. Today, urban space is largely experienced as a succession of shop fronts, and commercial activities overwhelm all other functions. Early modern Italy was not much different.

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19

Yılmaz Genç, Sema, and Hassan Syed. "The Medici’s Influence: Revival of Political and Financial Thought in Europe." Belleten 85, no. 302 (April 1, 2021): 29–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.37879/belleten.2021.29.

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The history of the European Renaissance has been written in many versions. The move from medieval to Renaissance period in world history shows clashes between empires and human nature. The contemporary scholars have many variants of history to choose from and form their own views about what actually transpired during the historical period. The most significant role of the Medici family was in the new era of European history that witnessed the art of administration on the Medici Bank in Florence/Italy. This paper portrays the point of view of the influence of Islamic Arab scholars as scribes in the re-introduction of Greek-Aristotelian philosophies to Renaissance Europe. This view is being increasingly challenged. The Islamic-Arab scholars such as Averroes and Avicenna were not mere scribes. Better translations of Arabic and Persian historical treasures reveal that the Islamic-Arab scholars during the golden age of Islam were globally accepted literary giants who made profound changes to the ideological shaping of Renaissance Europe.

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20

Roberts, Ann M., Sheryl E. Reiss, and David G. Wilkins. "Beyond Isabella: Secular Women Patrons of Art in Renaissance Italy." Sixteenth Century Journal 33, no. 4 (2002): 1204. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4144208.

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21

Toomaspoeg, Kristjan. "The nunneries of the Order of St. John in medieval Italy." Ordines Militares Colloquia Torunensia Historica 27 (December 30, 2022): 115–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.12775/om.2022.004.

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This paper’s focus is women as professed members of the Order of St John in Italy, as documented in cities such as Milan, Florence, Venice, Genova, Monteleone di Spoleto, Perugia, Penne and Sovereto. The adherence of women to the Order came under several institutional forms. Some women were laypeople, associated consorores who carried out the Order’s activities, sometimes working in its hospitals. Others lived in the houses of the Order of St John, where they could also take the vows, with consequent formation of “mixed” convents or monasteries. But in some cases, separate nunneries were created or assimilated from other communities. Some historians have seen a different evolution from the initial vocation of women, which consisted of field activities in support of the poor and the sick, and would later become a strictly cloistered life. This change can be observed by examining the biographies of the two Italian female Hospitaller saints, Ubaldesca and Toscana. Yet, local development varied, and the situation in an important city like Florence differed from nunneries in smaller localities like Sovereto or Penne. Finally, several interesting sources allow us a glimpse of the spirituality and norms in those women’s daily lives compared to male religiosity. The medieval Italian nunneries of St John never became an autonomous branch of the Order, but at the same time, they were not a rare or exceptional phenomenon.

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22

Yiu, Yvonne. "The Mirror and Painting in Early Renaissance Texts." Early Science and Medicine 10, no. 2 (2005): 187–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1573382054088114.

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AbstractIn Italy, notably Florence, the late fourteenth and the fifteenth centuries witnessed the proliferation of texts that discuss the relationship between the mirror and painting. In them, the mirror is closely associated with major innovations of the time such as naturalistic representation and linear perspective. On a technical level, the authors describe the mirror's function in the painting of self-portraits and recommend it be used to draw foreshortened objects more easily and to judge the quality of finished paintings. The technical aspects often lead over to theoretical considerations such as the limitations of perspective, the origins of painting, the analogy between the mirror image and the painted image, and the concept that the mind of the painter resembles a mirror. The fact that these texts do not mention the concave mirror projection method described by Hockney and Falco speaks strongly against its use in the early Renaissance.

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23

Ghirardo, Diane Yvonne. "The Topography of Prostitution in Renaissance Ferrara." Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians 60, no. 4 (December 1, 2001): 402–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/991728.

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Although prostitutes and courtesans flourished in most Renaissance Italian cities, little research has documented the presence of such women outside of the major centers of Rome, Florence, and Venice. This study focuses on the spaces occupied by the prostitutes of Ferrara in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. Spatially controlled both by legislation and by common practices, prostitutes navigated in a circumscribed world riven by conflict and competing interests. Neither the modalities of these spatial practices nor the houses and structures the women used or inhabited have received scholarly attention. The article includes previously unknown information about the establishment, location, and operation of the city's public brothels, about spatial control, and about the ways in which the city was structured to restrict women believed to be unruly.

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24

Jurdjevic, M. "Florence and Beyond: Culture, Society, and Politics in Renaissance Italy: Essays in Honour of John M. Najemy." English Historical Review CXXIV, no. 508 (May 22, 2009): 690–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/cep093.

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25

Muldoon, James, and Thomas Kuehn. "Law, Family, & Women: Toward a Legal Anthropolohy of Renaissance Italy." American Journal of Legal History 37, no. 3 (July 1993): 364. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/845663.

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26

Schmidt, Albert J., and Thomas Kuehn. "Law, Family, and Women: Toward a Legal Anthropology of Renaissance Italy." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 23, no. 4 (1993): 795. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/206307.

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27

Byars, Jana. "Parlour Games and the Public Life of Women in Renaissance Italy." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 45, no. 2 (August 2014): 233–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jinh_r_00719.

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28

Fletcher, S. R. "Book Review: Gender and Society in Renaissance Italy; Forbidden Friendships: Homosexuality and Male Culture in Renaissance Florence; Selected Letters of Alessandra Strozzi." European History Quarterly 30, no. 1 (January 2000): 117–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/026569140003000106.

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29

Ross, Sarah Gwyneth. "Forgotten healers: women and the pursuit of health in Late Renaissance Italy." Historian 83, no. 2 (April 3, 2021): 219–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00182370.2021.1965438.

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30

Wilkins, David G., and Catherine King. "Renaissance Women Patrons: Wives and Widows in Italy c. 1300-1550." Sixteenth Century Journal 30, no. 2 (1999): 579. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2544773.

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31

Brackett, John K., and Thomas Kuehn. "Law, Family, and Women: Toward a Legal Anthropology of Renaissance Italy." American Historical Review 98, no. 4 (October 1993): 1281. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2166725.

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32

Kusenko, Olga I. "Evgenij Anan’in and the problem of the Italian Renaissance." Philosophy Journal 14, no. 2 (2021): 138–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.21146/2072-0726-2021-14-2-138-152.

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A reevaluation of the dogmas and canons rooted in the Renaissance historiography was а сommon trend in the studies in this field in the first half of the 20th century. At that time, there appeared many original concepts that corrected or completely refuted the previous ones. The present article is devoted to the participation of the Russian historian Evgenij Anan’in, who lived and worked in Italy, in the debates around the notion of the Italian Renaissance and to his attempts to contribute to the elimination of various cliché from the field of Renaissance studies (primarily to abolish the postulated opposition of the Middle Ages and the Renaissance and the idea of the Renaissance as the revival of antiquity). A significant part of Anan’in’s publications in Italian scientific journals consists of polemic articles and reviews that reveal a panorama of Renaissance concepts in Europe in 1920–1930s. The Russian researcher was strongly opposed to foreign historians who denied the originality of the Italian Renaissance. He was also against all kinds of attempts to use the concept of the Renaissance ad usum proprium (national, ideological, etc). The article focuses on the concepts of the Renaissance and their authors (Burkhard, Burdach, Papini, Walser, Zabughin, Neumann, Nordström), which Anan’in analized (or, conversely, сlearly ignored) in his texts as well as on his own views that are hidden inside his critical remarks. The publication also deals with a campaign that began in Italy in the mid-1930s against a foreign “occupation” of the Renaissance field (according to that campaign, the primacy in the Renaissance studies belonged to Italians). Finally, the paper explores the case of an open confrontation between Anan’in and Giovanni Papini, who became the head of the National Institute of the Renaissance studies established in Florence in 1937.

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33

Caini, Saverio, Benedetta Bendinelli, Giovanna Masala, Calogero Saieva, Melania Assedi, Andrea Querci, Thomas Lundh, Soterios Kyrtopoulos, and Domenico Palli. "Determinants of Erythrocyte Lead Levels in 454 Adults in Florence, Italy." International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health 16, no. 3 (February 1, 2019): 425. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/ijerph16030425.

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Background: Lead exposure, even at low levels, is associated with adverse health effects in humans. We investigated the determinants of individual lead levels in a general population-based sample of adults from Florence, Italy. Methods: Erythrocyte lead levels were measured (using inductively coupled plasma-mass spectrometry) in 454 subjects enrolled in the Florence cohort of the European Prospective Investigation into Cancer and Nutrition (EPIC) study in 1992–1998. Multiple linear regression models were used to study the association between demographics, education and working history, lifestyle, dietary habits, anthropometry, residential history, and (among women) menstrual and reproductive history and use of exogenous sex hormones, and erythrocyte lead levels. Results: Median lead levels were 86.1 μg/L (inter-quartile range 65.5–111.9 μg/L). Male gender, older age, cigarette smoking and number of pack-years, alcohol intake, and residing in urban areas were positively associated with higher erythrocyte lead levels, while performing professional/managerial or administrative work or being retired was inversely associated with lead levels. Among women, lead levels were higher for those already in menopause, and lower among those who ever used hormone replacement therapy. Conclusions: Avoidable risk factors contribute to the lead body burden among adults, which could therefore be lowered through targeted public health measures.

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34

Kirshner, Julius, and Samuel K. Cohn. "Women in the Streets: Essays on Sex and Power in Renaissance Italy." American Historical Review 103, no. 5 (December 1998): 1641. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2650064.

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35

Nardo, Anna K. "Romola and Milton: A Cultural History of Rewriting." Nineteenth-Century Literature 53, no. 3 (December 1, 1998): 328–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2903043.

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George Eliot's novel of fifteenth-century Florence, Romola, represents her struggles with both the history of Western culture and her real and literary fathers by reimagining Milton's life and thought. As heir to both Renaissance humanism and Reformation zeal, as a central historical link between fifteenth-century Florence and Victorian England, as the patriarch of English letters, and as the father of rebellious daughters, Milton is the unacknowledged father in Romola, and the stories of his family are woven into the fabric of the novel. Recovering the cultural history of these stories-retold by biographers for two centuries and fictionalized throughout the nineteenth century-allows us to historicize and expand Sandra M. Gilbert and Susan Gubar's insight that Milton is present in Romola, but also to confute their widely accepted conclusion (quoting Harold Bloom) that Milton was for Eliot, as for other women writers, "the great Inhibitor, the Sphinx who strangles even strong imaginations in their cradles."

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36

Caferro, William. "City and Countryside in Siena in the Second Half of the Fourteenth Century." Journal of Economic History 54, no. 1 (March 1994): 85–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050700014005.

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This article reopens the classic debate about the relationship between the city and the countryside in medieval/Renaissance Italy. It examines city-countryside relations in Siena in the second half of the fourteenth century and compares them with what we know of Siena≈s northern neighbor, Florence. It argues that Sienese policy was moderate and even-handed and, despite similar pressures, less harsh than that of the Florentines. The difference is explained by the fact that Siena was economically far less potent and thus ever mindful that its own fate was intrinsically linked with that of the countryside.

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37

Di Maria, Salvatore. "Machiavelli's Ironic View of History: The Istorie Florentine." Renaissance Quarterly 45, no. 2 (1992): 248–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2862748.

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A few years ago, Felix Gilbert, after a brief survey of various studies on Machiavelli's Istorie fiorentitte (1520-24), noticed the need to focus on the work's historical significance, and proposed a reading that goes beyond the mere narrative account of the rise and development of the city of Florence. Having shown that the work's structure follows the cyclical theory of history prevalent in Renaissance historiography, Gilbert goes on to suggest that Machiavelli anticipates Florence's rise from its present decline: “It would seem possible to suggest therefore that Machiavelli intended to represent the situation in which Italy found itself in the early sixteenth century as carrying with it the possibilities of a new ascent. “ The book, he argues, contains the same political message conveyed in his earlier works, such as the Prince (1513), which appropriately ends on the optimistic note that a redentore will come to lead the peninsula out of its ruinous downfall and back to glory and prosperity.

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38

Den Hartog, Marlisa. "Women on top: Coital positions and gender hierarchies in Renaissance Italy." Renaissance Studies 35, no. 4 (January 13, 2021): 638–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/rest.12718.

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39

Кусенко, О. И. "Evgenij Anan'in and the Problem of the Italian Renaissance." Диалог со временем, no. 77(77) (November 29, 2021): 183–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.21267/aquilo.2021.77.77.012.

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Статья посвящена участию русского историка-медиевиста Евгения Аркадьевича Ананьина, проживавшего в Италии, в дебатах вокруг концепции итальянского Ренессанса в первой половине XX в., его попыткам очистить поле ренессансных исследований от укоренившихся клише (в первую очередь от постулируемой антитезы Сред-невековья и Возрождения и представления о Ренессансе как возвращении к античности). Значительная часть публикаций Ананьина в итальянских научных журналах – полемические статьи и рецензии, раскрывающие панораму ренессансных концепций в Европе 1920–1930-х гг. Русский исследователь выступал против зарубежных историков, обесценивающих оригинальность итальянского Возрождения, и в целом против попыток использовать понятие Ренессанса ad usum proprium. В настоящей статье речь пойдет о некоторых ренессансных концепциях и их авторах (Буркхард, Бурдах, Папини, Вальзер, Забугин, Нейман, Нордстрем), о которых говорит (или же, наоборот, умалчивает) Ананьин, и о его собственных взглядах, скрывающихся за критическими замечаниями. В статье затрагивается кампания против оккупации иностранцами поля ренессансных исследований, развернутая в Италии в середине 1930-х гг., и связанное с этой кампанией открытое противостояние Ананьина итальянскому мыслителю и литератору Джованни Папини, ставшему во главе открывшегося во Флоренции в 1937 г. Национального института ренессансных исследований. The reevaluation of the dogmas and canons rooted in the Renaissance historiography was а сommon direction of the studies in this field in the first half of the 20th century. At that time many original concepts emerged that corrected or completely refuted the previous ones. The present article is devoted to the participation of the Russian historian Evgenij Anan’in, who lived and worked in Italy, in the debates around the notion of the Italian Renaissance and to his attempts to contribute to the elimination of cliché from the field of Renaissance studies (primarily to abolish the postulated antithesis of the Middle Ages and Renaissance and the idea of the Renaissance as the revival of antiquity).A significant part of Anan’in's publications in Italian scientific journals consists of polemic articles and reviews, which reveal a panorama of Renaissance concepts in Europe of the 1920-1930s. The Russian researcher was strongly opposed to foreign historians who denied the originality of the Italian Renaissance; he also was against all the kind of attempts to use the concept of the Renaissance ad usum proprium (national, ideological etc.). The article focuses on the Renaissance concepts and their authors (Burkhard, Burdach, Papini, Walser, Zabughin, Neumann, Nordström), which Anan’in analyzed (or, conversely, clearly ignored) in his texts and on his own views that are hidden behind critical remarks. The publication also deals with a company deployed in Italy in the mid-1930s against the foreign «occupation» of the Renaissance field (the primacy in which was believed to belong to Italians) and the case of an open confrontation of Anan’in and Giovanni Papini, who became the head of the National Institute of Renaissance studies opened in Florence in 1937.

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Tarrant, Neil. "Sharon T. Strocchia, Forgotten Healers: Women and the Pursuit of Health in Late Renaissance Italy." Canadian Journal of History 55, no. 3 (December 2020): 292–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/cjh.55.3-br03.

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Chojnacki, Stanley. "Kinship Ties and Young Patricians in Fifteenth-Century Venice." Renaissance Quarterly 38, no. 2 (1985): 240–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2861664.

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Regimes and families: historians have recently enriched our understanding of the patrician regimes of late-medieval and Renaissance Italy by analyzing relations among their component social units. This essay will contribute to this literature by throwing some light on the social structure and practices of the ruling class of fifteenth-century Venice. For a long time, but with quickening rhythm in the last decade or so, historians of Venice have been charting various currents that ran through the Venetian patriciate. On the whole, though, they have preferred to concentrate on political and economic groupings, less on the family and kinship patterns that fascinate investigators of other cities, notably Florence.

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Elet, Yvonne. "Seats of Power: The Outdoor Benches of Early Modern Florence." Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians 61, no. 4 (December 1, 2002): 444–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/991868.

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Outdoor public seating is an intriguing and virtually unstudied element in the history of western architecture and urbanism. This article focuses on Florence in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, tracing the numerous stone benches that once existed on piazzas, streets, loggias, and palace façades throughout the city. More than simply utilitarian appendages, the benches were carefully integrated into the design of iconic urban spaces and building fronts, both civic and private. The study draws on abundant and varied primary source material: contemporary chronicles, histories, letters, poetry, statutes, etiquette books, and architectural treatises, which provide a wealth of information on the use and form of the benches. Together with Renaissance images recording Florentine daily life, the documents reveal a rich culture and vocabulary of alfresco bench-sitting by people of all ranks, from government officials to vagrants. I examine the design, sociopolitical functions, and urban context of the benches. I propose that benches were part of the Tuscan urbanistic model for a civic piazza, and show how in Florence, the civic piazza was configured with tiered seats, exploring formal and semiotic resonances with the tribunal, theater, and council hall. I explore the appearance of stone façade benches on private palaces in fifteenth-century Florence. This was in part a monumentalization of a vernacular element, but I also suggest that for the Medici and other patrician builders, the bench was a direct reference to the civic center. The palaces valorized the stone façade bench for domestic architecture and codified it as a common element of Renaissance palace typology. References to contemporary seating provisions of other Italian towns and to precedents in Roman antiquity and late-medieval Italy provide context for the Florentine innovations. The bench emerges as a versatile element, both functionally and semiotically, which provides new insight into representations of power through the social control of outdoor space, and expressions of political ideology in urbanistic and architectural forms.

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Horodowich, Elizabeth. "Beyond Marriage and the Convent: Women, Class and Honour in Renaissance Italy." Gender & History 14, no. 2 (August 2002): 340–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-0424.00269.

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CAMEROTA, MICHELE. "ISTITUZIONI E FONTI ADATTAR LA VOLGAR LINGUA AI FILOSOFICI DISCORSI. UNA INEDITA ORAZIONE DI NICCOL AGGIUNTI CONTRO ARISTOTELE E PER L'USO DELLA LINGUA ITALIANA NELLE DISSERTAZIONI SCIENTIFICHE." Nuncius 13, no. 2 (1998): 595–623. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/182539198x00563.

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Abstracttitle SUMMARY /title The manuscript Palatino 1137 in the Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale in Florence contains an unknown text of Niccolo Aggiunti, disciple of Galileo and successor of Castelli to the chair of mathematics at the university of Pisa. The document develops a strong criticism of Aristotle's undisputed authority in philosophy, and, at the same time, advocates the use of the vernacular in scientific dissertations, holding that the Italian language is a more powerful and direct means of expression than scholastic Latin. Aggiunti's linguistic arguments seem closely related to the views of Sperone Speroni (1500-1588), whose linguistic perspective was very influential in late Renaissance Italy. The following work present the transcription of Aggiunti's text, preceded by a preface that attempts to reconstruct the intellectual context in which the document was formulated.

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Parker, Deborah. "Women in the Book Trade in Italy, 1475-1620*." Renaissance Quarterly 49, no. 3 (1996): 509–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2863365.

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in his 1569 Epistola qua ad multas multorum amicorum respondet de suae typographiae statu nominatimque de suo thesauro linguae graecae, the Parisian printer Henri II Estienne decries the participation of women in the book trade: “But beyond all those evils which have now been brought on by the ignorance of printers, male and female (for this only remains to add to the disgrace of the art, that even the little ladies have been practicing it), who will doubt that new evils are daily to be expected?” As Estienne's comments testify, one of the most unusualfeatures of the Renaissance and Counter Reformation book trade was the existence of several women printers and publishers. While their contemporaries were well aware of the presence of women in the printing profession, bibliographers and historians have largely neglected the history of their labors.

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Kosmin, Jennifer F. "Sharon T. Strocchia, Forgotten Healers: Women and the Pursuit of Health in Late Renaissance Italy." Journal of the History of Medicine and Allied Sciences 76, no. 1 (November 12, 2020): 106–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jhmas/jraa048.

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Sgarbi, Marco. "Aristotle and the People: Vernacular Philosophy in Renaissance Italy." Renaissance and Reformation 39, no. 3 (January 14, 2017): 59–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.33137/rr.v39i3.27721.

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The essay focuses on vernacular Aristotelianism in Renaissance Italy, which began to gain currency in the 1540s, just as the vernacular was beginning to establish itself as a language of culture and the Counter-Reformation was getting underway. With over three hundred printed and manuscript works, the statistics of this phenomenon are impressive. Even so, the vulgarization of Aristotle in the Italian Renaissance has never received the scholarly attention it deserves. The paper examines (1) the identity of the recipients of Aristotle’s vulgarizations, (2) the meaning of the process of vulgarization, and (3) the conception of knowledge that such writings brought to the culture of the Cinquecento. The purpose is to show that (1) vernacular renderings of Aristotle’s works were aimed at the “people,” including “idiots” (men lacking culture or knowledge of Latin), “simpletons,” “ignorants,” and “illiterates” as well as princes, men of letters, women, and children, (2) vulgarization was not simply a matter of disseminating, simplifying, and trivializing knowledge, and (3) vulgarization upheld the notion of widespread knowledge. L’article se concentre sur l’aristotélisme vernaculaire en Italie de la Renaissance, qui s’est grandement développé au cours des années 1540, au moment où la langue vernaculaire s’est imposée comme langue de culture alors que la Contre-Réforme débutait. Avec plus que quatre cent oeuvres imprimées ou manuscrites, les chiffres de ce phénomène sont impressionants. Malgré tout, la vulgarisation d’Aristote pendant la Renaissance italienne n’a jamais reçu l’attention savante qu’elle mérite. L’article examine 1) l’identité des destinataires des vulgarisations d’Aristote 2) le sens du processus de vulgarisation, et 3) la conception de la connaissance que représentent ces textes dans la culture de Cinquecento. L’objectif est de démontrer que les traductions vernaculaires des oeuvres d’Aristote s’adressaient au peuple, y compris les “simples” (les hommes sans culture ni connaissance du latin), les nigauds, les ignares, et les illettrés ainsi que les princes, les hommes de lettres, les femmes, et les enfants, 2) la vulgarisation n’était pas une affaire simple de dissémination,qui simplifie et fait circuler le savoir, et 3) la vulgarisation sert l’ambition d’une circulation des savoirs

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Storey, Tessa. "Forgotten Healers: Women and the Pursuit of Health in Late Renaissance Italy., by Sharon Strocchia." Nuncius 36, no. 2 (June 23, 2021): 480–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18253911-03602013.

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Jurdjevic, Mark. "Nicholas Terpstra. Cultures of Charity: Women, Politics, and the Reform of Poor Relief in Renaissance Italy." American Historical Review 119, no. 2 (April 2014): 626–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/119.2.626.

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Adelman, Howard. "Rabbis and reality: Public activities of Jewish women in Italy during the renaissance and catholic restoration." Jewish History 5, no. 1 (March 1991): 27–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf01679791.

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