Journal articles on the topic 'Women – Islamic countries'
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1
Douki, S., F. Nacef, A. Belhadj, A. Bouasker, and R. Ghachem. "Violence against women in Arab and Islamic countries." Archives of Women's Mental Health 6, no. 3 (August 1, 2003): 165–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s00737-003-0170-x.
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Göle, Nilüfer. "Islamism, Feminism and Post-Modernism: Women's Movements in Islamic Countries." New Perspectives on Turkey 19 (1998): 53–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0896634600003022.
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We thought “isms” were dead after our disillusionment with socialist utopian thinking in practice. But in the last two decades, new “isms,” Islamism, feminism and postmodernism, each very distinct, have changed our lives as much as our conceptions of ourselves and our societies. Feminism redefined woman's identity and, by the same token, changed the relations between man and woman; Islamism brought Muslim actors to modern politics, in which the veiling of women blurs habitual distinctions between public and private, traditional and modern; and post-modernism-by pursuing the critique initiated by new social movements for egalitarian, progressive, emancipatory values of enlightened modernity-challenged the central and hierarchical place occupied by the West as standard-bearer of modernity. Despite their differences, each movement—feminism as a social movement, Islamism as an anti-systemic movement, and postmodernism as a movement of ideas—changed definitions and perceptions of woman, Islam and modernity.
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Madera, Adelaide. "Juridical Bonds of Marriage for Jewish and Islamic Women." Ecclesiastical Law Journal 11, no. 1 (December 10, 2008): 51–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956618x0900163x.
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This paper examines the condition of women in both Israel and Islamic countries, specifically their freedom to leave a marriage, and compares respective models. First, the study analyses the peculiar relationship between secular and religious law in Israel and Islamic countries. Second, it studies the nature of marriage as a contract in these legal systems, comparing a totally private approach and a mixed, public–private approach. Third, it analyses the possibilities of dissolution of marriage in such legal systems, indentifying some aspects of gender disparity. Finally it discusses some juridical tools offered in these legal contexts, which are intended to rebalance the exercise of a woman's freedom to leave a marital relationship and its conditions.
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Bagasharov, K., R. Shaikenova, G. Tabashev, and N. Tutinova. "Status of women in society in pre-islamic period." Adam alemi 4, no. 86 (December 15, 2020): 104–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.48010/2020.4/1999-5849.11.
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The relevance of this study is related to the status of women in society in the pre-Islamic periiod. The introduction discusses the relevance of the work. This topic has been relevant since past times, and to this day it is just as relevant not only in individual regions, but throughout the world. Before writing the main part, a brief comparative analysis of the rights and position of women in ancient civilizations such as the Greek civilization, the kingdom of mana (Hinduism), Judaism and the Arab countries before the Islamic period was made. The main part was devoted to the consideration of women’s rights in marriage and family relations. In various social classes, the degree of women was low. The main goal is to reveal and not recognize the rights of women in society, marriage and family. In the pre-Islamic period, women had no rights in Arab society. In the period of ignorance of the Arabs, girls were buried alive. Islam also shows that women are also human and have the same rights as men. After analyzing the pre-Islamic period, in the final part, examples were given of immorality and ignorance towards a woman, and with the advent of true religions, all these actions were canceled, and the status of a woman was elevated.
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Haryanti, Erni. "New Era of Muslim Women in Malay World: The Contested Women's Advancement in Decision Making Bodies." International Journal of Nusantara Islam 1, no. 2 (June 6, 2014): 86–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.15575/ijni.v1i1.38.
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Malay world has been experiencing the conflicting and converging international influences of globalization and rapid Islamisation in many significant aspects of the countries. One of the issues is that the impact of the agenda of advancement of women‟s life to achieve gender equality promoted by international agencies. Among other women‟s improvement agenda is that woman in decision making bodies. On the other hand, the growing visible Islamic movement (and/or Islamic fundamentalism - Islamism) which may significantly grow among Malay societies would unavoidably create different ideas, attitudes and practices compared to other Muslim world. This paper explores myriad aspects of women‟s empowerment transforming into decision making bodies in the nuances of an affirmative action a recommendation of series of international conference on women. Through finding similarities and differences between the two Muslim majority countries, the support toward Muslim women‟s empowerment in decision making bodies is formally acknowledged in state regulations. Although women of Southeast Asian region are culturally recognized to have a high status and well engagement with public sphere, in the implementation of women representing themselves in political sphere has a little difference. In term of discourses Indonesia has much flourished ideas and closer to the ideas of international agenda than that of Malaysia. In the overall Malay world would gradually show its openness, tolerance and positive adaptation as a part of world society, although it cannot avoidably be departed from international agenda of both carrying Islamic and non-Islamic values.
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Ahangar, Mohd Altaf Hussain. "Succession Rights of Muslim Women in the Modern World: An Analytical Appraisal." Arab Law Quarterly 28, no. 2 (July 10, 2014): 111–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15730255-12341275.
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Islam allows women the right to succession on the principle of a double share to a man and a single share to a woman. This principle is in reality an improvement on the operating law even in the 19th century wherein women were totally excluded from succession. Presently all Muslims are not governed by a uniform succession law. There are Muslim countries where the Shari‛ah is followed in theory while in reality a woman is excluded from inheritance. There are Muslim countries where Muslim women are allowed equal succession rights with men. Most non-Muslim countries have a uniform law of succession for all its citizens. This article addresses the question as to whether the modern law operating particularly in non-Muslim countries in comparison to Islamic law does better justice to nearer female heirs.
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ROSS, MICHAEL L. "Oil, Islam, and Women." American Political Science Review 102, no. 1 (February 2008): 107–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055408080040.
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Women have made less progress toward gender equality in the Middle East than in any other region. Many observers claim this is due to the region's Islamic traditions. I suggest that oil, not Islam, is at fault; and that oil production also explains why women lag behind in many other countries. Oil production reduces the number of women in the labor force, which in turn reduces their political influence. As a result, oil-producing states are left with atypically strong patriarchal norms, laws, and political institutions. I support this argument with global data on oil production, female work patterns, and female political representation, and by comparing oil-rich Algeria to oil-poor Morocco and Tunisia. This argument has implications for the study of the Middle East, Islamic culture, and the resource curse.
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Perešin, Anita. "Why Women from the West are Joining ISIS." International Annals of Criminology 56, no. 1-2 (November 2018): 32–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/cri.2018.19.
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AbstractMore than 550 Western women have moved to Syria and Iraq to join the “Islamic State of Iraq and Syria” (ISIS), showing a success of ISIS in attracting women from the West that no other jihadist group had before. To explain the reasons for such success, it is important to understand how ISIS lures women from the West, why ISIS persuasion tools are so successful, what motivates women to join such a notorious terrorist group, famous for its brutal violence, mistreatment and enslavement of women and what role women expected to play in the “Islamic State.” Understanding the motives why ISIS Western female migrants left their Western countries of residence and moved to ISIS-controlled territories is crucial to find appropriate measures to prevent and stop the radicalization of women, to cut the support that ISIS receives from its female sympathizers, to properly treat female returnees and to prepare appropriate measures against women ready to plot against their countries of residence in the name of ISIS goals.
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Zuhdi, M. Nurdin. "Perempuan Dalam Revivalisme (Gerakan Revivalisme Islam dan Politik Anti Feminisme di Indonesia)." Musãwa Jurnal Studi Gender dan Islam 9, no. 2 (July 30, 2010): 237. http://dx.doi.org/10.14421/musawa.2010.92.237-257.
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Conversations about women will never cease to be discussed. Because of concerns about women's studies has always been an issue that attracts attention. But unfortunately, the conversation about women in Islam has always rested on the conclusion that Islam is less or even no female friendly. It has been proven in every blade of which is recorded by history in which the marginalization of women is still happening everywhere and in almost all fields, both in the workplace, in households, communities, cultures and even countries. Marginalization of women does not only occur in Islam alone, even going in the other major religions such as Christianity, Catholicism, Hinduism and Buddhism. And in conversation, every woman always on the contested positions, especially in the discourse of the Islamic revival movement that will be discussed in this article. Movement of Islamic revivalism has thought that leads to return to the teachings of religion. However, in the context of women who claimed to be returning to the teachings of religion is a house of women, ie. women returning to domestication. Here, the struggle against the rise of the women's movement into thinking clashed with the Islamic revival. This article tried to explain the thoughts and ideas of the Islamic revival movement and their implications for the progress and the rise of women in Indonesia.
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Makanda, Joseph, Emmanuel Matambo, and Vumile Mncibi. "The Syrian Conflict and “Women Terrorists”." Contemporary Arab Affairs 11, no. 1-2 (March 1, 2018): 239–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/caa.2018.000014.
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Studies on terrorism have often taken the usual bias towards studying and analyzing phenomena from a male-dominated perspective. The current article looks at jihadi feminism as a growing trend in contemporary terrorism. The paper argues that there is an increase of women from both traditionally Muslim and traditionally non-Muslim regions joining ISIS and taking part in the Syrian war on the side of Islamic extremists. The paper argues that women from Western countries, because of their understanding of feminism, are more combatant in championing religious terrorism than are women who have been brought up in Islamic role, who see their role mainly as that of helper of terrorist activists rather than active participants.
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Ashraf, Ali, M. Kabir Hassan, and William J. Hippler III. "Performance of microfinance institutions in Muslim countries." Humanomics 30, no. 2 (May 6, 2014): 162–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/h-11-2013-0073.
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Purpose – The aim of the paper is to analyze whether performance measures and their factors for microfinance institutions (MFIs) in Muslim countries are significantly different from those in their non-Muslim counterparts, central to the Islamic scholars' argument that religious and cultural norms in Muslim countries may drive the preference of Islamic microfinance over conventional microfinance. Design/methodology/approach – Using a cross-sectional dataset of 2,138 firm-years for 754 different MFIs across 83 countries, 33 Organization of Islamic Conference (OIC) member Muslim countries and 50 non-member countries, we analyzed the MFI performance based on three sets of measures: outreach, loan recovery and profitability and overall financial performance measures, with respect to two sets of explanatory variables, namely, country-specific and firm-level variables. Findings – Results show that country gross domestic product size is positively related with profitability, and the percentage of women borrowers is also significant in driving loan recovery and firm profitability in the OIC sample, but they are otherwise not significant for the rest of the world sample. Practical implications – This study contributes to the understanding of the core argument in the motivation of Islamic MFIs, which is whether cultural and religious factors are important for MFI success in Muslim countries. Originality/value – This study introduces a variable that measures the difference between a country's independence year and their OIC membership year as a proxy for the “country religious inclination” of a Muslim country. Results suggest that countries with delayed membership in OIC show lower inclination to popular Islamic beliefs and higher market penetration of conventional microfinance outreach. Positive relationships among a country's religious inclination and loan loss ratios and loan provisions are also consistent with the moral hazard hypothesis that few religious communities may be more prone to default.
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Haque, Riffat. "Feminist Discourse In The Muslim Societies." Pakistan Journal of Gender Studies 2, no. 1 (September 8, 2009): 103–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.46568/pjgs.v2i1.358.
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The present commentary is an attempt to trace the history of feminism in the Muslims countries and see how far the western feminist frameworks has influenced or provided impetus to the benchmarks, debates and struggles. Women rights agenda any where in the world can not be decontextualized from its history, politics, economy, customs, religion, traditions and geographical location. In the Muslim countries the discourse of women activism against the societal oppression and exploitation has been linked with colonization and state power as well as. Any Study of feminism shows that its meaning changes overtime and place and therefore, diverse nature of feminism in Muslim countries. Muslim women in pursuit of their rights have distanced themselves from many aspects of western feminism. They have faced fieree opposition within their societies. As in Muslim societies feminist agendas are considered as a challenge to Islam and Islamic culture. As elaborated in the article it is seen there is not one "Islamic" position in cultural practices and the contradictory practices are the issue not the Sharia Laws in itself. The women rights agenda are not against Islam rather un- Islamic practices in the societies such as basic rights to health, education, property rights, polygamy, marital status etc.
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Dzuhayatin, Siti Ruhaini. "Islamism and Nationalism among Niqabis Women in Egypt and Indonesia." Indonesian Journal of Islam and Muslim Societies 10, no. 1 (May 29, 2020): 49–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.18326/ijims.v10i1.49-77.
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The phenomenon of the increasing number of niqabis in Indonesia and Egypt has become concern to the government, academics and also civil society. This is due to the involvement of the niqabis or women with the niqab in terrorist networks. Those piece of cloth covering the face is not merely the manifestation of faith but apparently entails a certain ideological doctrine of the so-called Islam kaffah (ultimate Islam) through the establishemnt of Islamic khilafah (Islamic caliphate) as opposed to democracy and modern state. This study aims at observing the extents to which the niqabis negotiate Islam and their nationalism in their respective counties in Indonesia and Egypt where Muslim are the major population. This study employed a mix of methods, qualitative and quantitative involving 205 Niqabis from Indonesia and 87 niqabis from Egypt. The quantitative data were obtained from 292 respondents. While the qualitiative data were collected from 27 niqabis in-depth interview through life story technique, 6 Eqyptians and 21 Indonesians. twelve prominent figures in Egypt and Indonesia were interviewed and two focuse group discussions were conducted in both countries involving women activists, academicians, government employees, and religious leaders. The framework of this study is the contestation between Islamism and nationalism. This study indicated that there is a significant difference between the niqabis of Indonesia and Egypt percieved the national pride. Around 30 percent of Indonesian niqabis are not proud being the Indonesian citizen while in Egypt only about 3 percent. Bank interest is used to measure their Islamic refinement through which Niqabis in both countries share a similar view where almost 90% of them believe that the practice is not Islamic. Moreover, more than 50% support the Caliphate system which means that one in four niqabis consider that the existing government is thoghut (non Islamic) and nearly 15% agree to defend Islam by means of violence.
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Tlaiss, Hayfaa A. "How Islamic Business Ethics Impact Women Entrepreneurs: Insights from Four Arab Middle Eastern Countries." Journal of Business Ethics 129, no. 4 (March 29, 2014): 859–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10551-014-2138-3.
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Azadarmaki, Taqhi, and Mansoor Moaddel. "The Worldviews of Islamic Publics: The Cases of Egypt, Iran, and Jordan." Comparative Sociology 1, no. 3-4 (2002): 299–319. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156913302100418619.
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AbstractThis paper analyzes the religious beliefs, religiosity, national identity, and attitudes toward Western culture, family, and gender relations of the publics of three Islamic countries. It is based on national representative surveys of 3000 Egyptians, 2532 Iranians, and 1222 Jordanians that were carried out in 2000-2001, as part of the World Values Surveys. We first discuss the views of the respondents concerning key indicators of religious beliefs, religiosity, identity, and attitudes toward Western culture. Then, we describe variations in such values as the ideal number of children, attitudes toward marriage and women, family ties, and trusts in major social institutions in these three countries. Next, we present age and educational differences in religious beliefs, trust in mosque, identity, trust in government, attitude toward women and gender relations. We conclude by pointing to the variation in the nature of the regime as an important determinant of the variations in the worldviews among the public in these three Islamic countries.
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Baber, Hasnan. "Financial inclusion and FinTech." Qualitative Research in Financial Markets 12, no. 1 (November 11, 2019): 24–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/qrfm-12-2018-0131.
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Purpose Using data from World Bank and Global Islamic Finance Report, this paper aims to compare the performance of countries following Islamic and conventional finance system in terms of financial inclusion and FinTech. Design/methodology/approach Ten countries from both financial systems have been selected based on the presence of Islamic finance and conventional finance in the country. Data was analyzed from year 2011 to 2017 and keeping the former as base year to measure the change in the population fraction. Findings The findings found that Islamic finance countries are more inclusive in terms of financial inclusion and women are financially more empowered as compared to the counterpart. On the contrary, countries with conventional finance have a higher number of FinTech users. Research limitations/implications The difference between the performances of two systems in terms of financial inclusion is relatively small; therefore, future studies should incorporate more indicators for financial inclusion. Originality/value This study will be useful for understanding the nature of both financial systems, and the further research can be done to find the determinants of financial inclusion.
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Rahmat, Rahmat, and Sri Indriani. "Hukum Idah Perceraian bagi Wanita Hamil Akibat Perbuatan Zina." BUSTANUL FUQAHA: Jurnal Bidang Hukum Islam 1, no. 4 (December 25, 2020): 588–610. http://dx.doi.org/10.36701/bustanul.v1i4.268.
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Marriage and divorce of women who have become pregnant as a result of adultery are problems that are given attention in the discussion of Islamic jurisprudence. Marrying a pregnant woman due to adultery has been a polemic among Islamic scholars since long ago in various countries, including in Indonesia until it was finally stipulated in the Book of Compilation of Islamic Law which became an explanation of the Law on Marriage. Divorce after marriage, which is preceded by pregnancy due to adultery, is also an interesting discussion, especially regarding the issue of idah, or the waiting period for women who are pregnant and subject to divorce. Idah or waiting period has been prescribed by Islam for the noble purpose of maintaining the authenticity of one's lineage so as not to mix with others. This problem was studied from a socio-cultural normative perspective, which compares the arguments and factual conditions, thus giving different values. Law of idah can differ from one woman to another, based on the type of divorce or the process of breaking the marriage bond, as well as on the woman's condition. The law of divorce for women who are pregnant that is the birth of the child they are carrying can also apply to women who are divorced, while they are pregnant as a result of adultery.
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A/p P.Panjalingam, P. Nesamalar. "Muslim Women Today: Challenges in Achieving their Full Potential in Resource Management." Journal of Islam in Asia (E-ISSN: 2289-8077) 8 (February 2, 2012): 361–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.31436/jia.v8i0.266.
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Islam advocates equality among all people regardless of race, gender, or nationality. However, Muslim women face numerous obstacles that stand in the way of achieving their full potential in resource management. Certain interpretations of religious teachings and Islamic law, especially those related to property allocation and divorce deny Muslim women what they are rightfully entitled to. Many patriarchal societies tend to have clearly defined roles for males and females. Besides that, many girls are denied access to educational opportunities although education and learning is greatly revered in Islam. All these factors cause Muslim women to doubt themselves and lack self-confidence in what they could achieve. At work, women are often paid lower salaries and have fewer opportunities for career advancement, especially in the fields of management, technology, and science. In leadership positions they have to fight harder for respect. Many Muslim women in countries like Oman, Pakistan, Indonesia, and other Islamic nations face these challenges. This paper discusses these factors with the hope that understanding them could lead to more efficient management and utilization of resources in Muslim countries.
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Shahid, Ayesha. "Post-Divorce Maintenance Rights for Muslim Women in Pakistan and Iran: Making the Case for Law Reform." Muslim World Journal of Human Rights 15, no. 1 (December 19, 2018): 59–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/mwjhr-2018-0004.
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AbstractProtecting women and children is one of the core values of the Islamic legal tradition. In Muslim countries religious, constitutional, and legal frameworks obligate the state to take special measures to provide protection to women and children within families and in society. However, despite such provisions, post-divorce maintenance rights are not granted to women in Pakistan and Iran. Family law enacted in Pakistan and Iran still differs in form and substance from what has been mentioned in the primary sources of Islamic law and from the previous articulations of early Islamic law scholars. Moreover, patriarchal notions of male authority are still sustained through law and judicial interpretations when it comes to the question of giving post-divorce maintenance to women. As a result in the absence of a welfare system divorced women are left in a vulnerable situation. Although in Iran, some financial compensation under the concept of Ujrat ul Misl (compensation for household chores) is given to divorced women, but it remains unclear whether the right to Mata’at-ul-Talaq (post-divorce maintenance) has been recognised under the family law. In Pakistan the law does not include any provision for giving women Ujrat ul Misl and Mata’at- ul -Talaq. Moreover in the absence of a welfare system, divorced Muslim women in both countries are left in a vulnerable situation. This article engages with plural normative sources and contemporary notions of human rights to make the case for family law reform and for awarding post-divorce maintenance rights to Muslim women in Pakistan and Iran.
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Abuljadail, Mohammad Hatim, and Louisa Ha. "What do marketers post on brands’ Facebook pages in Islamic countries?" Journal of Islamic Marketing 10, no. 4 (November 11, 2019): 1272–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jima-11-2017-0131.
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Purpose This paper aims to investigate the “posting” behavior of marketers on brands’ Facebook pages and whether these “posting” behaviors differ between local and global brands in Saudi Arabia. Design/methodology/approach The study randomly selected a total of 400 Facebook brand page posts from a matching sample of top 20 global and 20 local brands in Saudi Arabia using content analysis. Findings One of the notable findings show that global brands are more likely to post content that consists of prizes/giveaways, games/competitions and socializing than local brands, while local brands are more likely to post informative content than global brands. The findings also show that local brands are more likely to use content that includes Islamic messages, women in modest clothing, Arabic language and Saudi dialect than global brands. Research limitations/implications This study is limited to 20 global and 20 local brands. More product categories are needed. Practical implications The findings of this study have implications for marketers in regards to what types of communication content is more likely to be posted on brands’ Facebook fan pages in Saudi Arabia – especially for those global brands that are interested in having a localized brand Facebook fan page for Saudi Arabia. Originality/value The first study to compare Facebook strategies used by global brands and local brands in the same market.
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Manea, Elham. "Application of Islamic Law in the UK and Universal Human Rights." Revista de Estudios Internacionales Mediterráneos, no. 29 (December 17, 2020): 72–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.15366/reim2020.29.006.
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Should Islamic Law be introduced into Western legal system? At the heart of the issue is a debate on legal pluralism, which envisions a society where different laws apply to different religious groups. This paper explores question using the British case of Sharia Councils. Building on the author’s knowledge of the situation of women in Middle Eastern and Islamic countries, she undertook firsthand analysis of the Islamic Sharia councils and Muslim arbitration tribunals in various British cities. She offers a pointed critique of legal pluralism, highlighting the type of Islamic law being used and its human rights ramifications.
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Mohammed, Alqahtani Jawhrah. "Abortion from an Islamic Perspective: Permission and Prohibition Positions." International Journal of Innovative Research in Medical Science 5, no. 07 (July 3, 2020): 225–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.23958/ijirms/vol05-i07/906.
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Abortion is a common controversial ethical issue among humanists, feminists, liberals, and religious groups worldwide. Many countries permit induced abortion, or the deliberate termination of pregnancy, for various reasons e.g., as a means of contraception, as part of a woman’s right to autonomy, or as part of a woman’s right to determine the number of children she will bear. Even in Islamic countries, which hold strong religious laws and beliefs, it has been announced that abortion may be permissible before or after the period of “ensoulment” in certain circumstances and on medical grounds, so as to safeguard women from serious problems that might put their lives at risk. However, some religious groups do not support abortion. Therefore, it is critical to explore Islam’s position on the prohibition or allowance of induced abortion.
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El Houssi, Leila. "The Role of Women in Tunisia from Bourguiba to the Promulgation of New Constitution." Oriente Moderno 98, no. 2 (September 7, 2018): 187–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22138617-12340196.
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Abstract The question of women became one of those fundamental issues used by North African nations in order to demonstrate to Western countries just how “democratic” they were. In this regard, the legislation in favour of women’s emancipation in Tunisia undoubtedly reveals an important peculiarity. In 1956 Tunisia underwent an important modernisation following the independence obtained from France. This produced a social emancipation not found in other Islamic countries, resulting in the acquisition of women’s rights, for example, the abolition of polygamy. Since the 1970s, women have felt as if they are hostages to politics and, through some feminist associations, denounce inequalities despite enjoying certain rights, becoming aware of their subordination in a male-dominated society. With Bourguiba’s successor, Ben ʿAlī, assuming power in 1987, a policy emerged in which the rights of women seemed to be guaranteed, without guaranteeing human rights. And Tunisia revealed, much like other countries, a sort of mutilated modernity, in which the modernisation process was put in motion, without the modernising state committing itself to promoting a political modernity with the adoption of true democratic principles. Moreover, how much did the secularism of the Ben ʿAlī regime coincide with the transformation of Tunisian society? Perhaps the abuse of power by the dictator neutralised the paradigm of human rights? Social and cultural transformation beginning with Bourguiba and continuing with Ben ʿAlī produced an “Islamic-secular” country also as it relates to gender issues. But, with the victory of the Islamic party al-Nahḍayn the 2011 elections, will there be a radical transformation of women in society? And with Tunisia’s new constitution finally being adopted in January 2014, has it been considered a victory for women? This paper seeks to stimulate debate on the issue in the context of post-colonial studies through a social-historical perspective.
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Taghavi, Simin, Hossein Alikhah, Mohammad Mirza-Aghazadeh-Attari, Sharareh Barband, Sahar Mohammadi, and Mohammad Naghavi-Behzad. "Late presentation of pregnant women with chromosomal abnormalities: A barrier to legal and safe abortions in Muslim majority countries." Journal of Analytical Research in Clinical Medicine 6, no. 4 (December 15, 2018): 158–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.15171/jarcm.2018.026.
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Introduction: In Islamic countries, the prenatal diagnostic procedures are planned considering legal and religious limitations. We aimed to evaluate the indications of presentation and problems related to religious and legal limitations for presentation of Muslim parents for prenatal screening of chromosomal abnormalities. Methods: A cross-sectional study was performed on consecutive 920 pregnant women presenting for screening of congenital and chromosomal anomalies to Educational Medical Centers of Tabriz University of Medical Sciences, Tabriz, Iran, between 2011 and 2015. Previously prepared questionnaire forms were utilized for collection of information from patients and their medical records. Results: In total, 153 cases had an indication for amniocentesis, and this procedure revealed that 141 fetuses (92.2%) did not have any congenital abnormalities, but 12 cases (7.8%) had some sort of abnormality, requiring pregnancy termination. These cases included 8 fetuses (5.2%) with trisomy and four (2.6%) with single gene diseases. Of 12 patients, the justifications for pregnancy termination were issued for 7 women by the provincial Legal Medicine Organization. However, the remaining 5 patients could not obtain legal justifications for termination of their pregnancies, mostly because of late presentation, obligating them to choose illegal methods for pregnancy termination. Conclusion: Regarding the legal and religious limitation of pregnancy termination after 18th week in Islamic countries, it is highly recommended that the first trimester screening programs be performed in Islamic countries in order to obtain early decision-making.
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Baboucarr, Baboucarr. "Islamic micro-finance review: A special topic in finance." Bussecon Review of Finance & Banking (2687-2501) 2, no. 1 (February 24, 2020): 19–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.36096/brfb.v2i1.168.
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The purpose of this paper is to provide a review of Islamic Microfinance and its application as a tool for poverty reduction, especially in developing countries. This system of financing serves as an alternative to the interest-based loans from conventional banks as well as conventional microfinance Institutions to the poor yet Islamic conscious millions of Muslims. This paper takes a descriptive approach and relied upon the available literature on Islamic Microfinance to highlight the different approaches used in different parts of the world. The conclusion from the review showed Islamic microfinance as doing well in poverty reduction, women empowerment, and being efficient in its operations.
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Doğan, Nezahat. "Gender inequality in Muslim-majority countries: Myths versus facts." Acta Oeconomica 66, no. 2 (June 2016): 213–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/032.2016.66.2.2.
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The study uses a cross-sectional data set for 209 countries in order to test whether the regulation of social life by Islamic norms and values is related to gender inequality and whether the impacts differ for the MENA countries, as well as Arab- and Muslim-majority countries. The study finds that the impact of gender inequality differs for the MENA, Arab- and Muslim-majority countries only when control variables are excluded from the regressions. The paper obtains empirical evidence against the belief that religion and oil are culprits responsible for holding women back in Muslim countries.
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Mustapha, Nadira. "The Twenty-first Annual Conference of the Canadian Council of Muslim Women." American Journal of Islam and Society 21, no. 1 (January 1, 2004): 136–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v21i1.1827.
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The Canadian Council of Muslim Women (CCMW) held its Twenty-firstAnnual Conference, October 4, 2003 at Crowne Plaza, Montreal, Quebec.CCMW was established in 1982 to attain and maintain equality, equity,and empowerment for Canadian Muslim women in the North Americansetting. Participants from across Canada came to celebrate CCMW’srenowned presence throughout the nation as well as to discuss issuesrelated to the conference: “Engaging Muslim Women in Civic and SocialChange.” The conference was officially opened with the reading of theQur’an in Arabic, English, and French, followed by the Girl Guides ofCanada, Muslim Chapter, singing the Canadian national anthem. Theywere accompanied by the CCMW attendees.Dr. Homa Hoodfar (Concordia University, Quebec) opened the conferencewith the first session: “Building Civil Society in our TransnationalWorld.” Civil society, defined as a society ruled by laws and norms andobeyed by the governing body and the public, was discussed, along with itsrelationship in dealing with such minorities as Muslim women in Canada.A civil society permits a group of people to lobby and work with the publicin a democratic system to facilitate change and development. However,transnational support and solidarity are required in conjunction with lobbying.Hoodfar effectively illustrated this concept by bringing to light theorganization Women Living under Muslim Law (WLUML), which currentlycomprises 4000 individuals and organizations and has surveyed theimplementation of Islamic law in many Islamic countries. Along with servingas a platform to network, the organization exists as a powerful institutionto help Muslim women earn their civil rights and liberties.The presentation “Restoring the Glory of Muslim Women: Leadership,Scholarship, and the Family” by Dr. Azizah al Hibri (University ofRichmond, Richond, VA) passionately described another influentialwomen’s organization. Al Hibri, who has visited 12 Islamic countries, high ...
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Fox, Ashley M., Sana Abdelkarim Alzwawi, and Dina Refki. "Islamism, Secularism and the Woman Question in the Aftermath of the Arab Spring: Evidence from the Arab Barometer." Politics and Governance 4, no. 4 (December 23, 2016): 40–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v4i4.767.
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The uprisings that led to regime change during the early period of the Arab Spring were initially inclusive and pluralistic in nature, with men and women from every political and religious orientation engaging actively in political activities on the street and in virtual spaces. While there was an opening of political space for women and the inclusion of demands of marginalized groups in the activists’ agenda, the struggle to reimagine national identities that balance Islamic roots and secular yearnings is still ongoing in many countries in the region. This paper seeks to deepen understanding of the extent to which the pluralistic sentiments and openness to accepting the rights women have persisted following the uprising. We aim to examine changes in attitudes towards women’s equality in countries that underwent regime change through popular uprisings during revolutionary upheavals of the Arab Spring and in countries where regimes have remained unchanged. Using available data from consecutive rounds of the Arab Barometer survey, we examine changes in attitudes in nine countries with two rounds of Arab Barometer during and post Arab Spring (Egypt, Yemen, Tunisia, Algeria, Lebanon, Sudan, Jordan, Iraq, Palestine). We find that support for “Muslim feminism” (an interpretation of gender equality grounded in Islam) has increased over the period and particularly in Arab Spring countries, while support for “secular feminism” has declined. In most countries examined, relatively high degrees of support for gender equality co-exist with a preference for Islamic interpretations of personal status codes pertaining to women. We discuss the implications of these findings for academics and activists concerned with women’s rights in the Middle East North Africa (MENA).
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Masruri, Muhammad Hadi. "THE SOCIAL STRATA SYSTEM AND ITS IMPACT ON WOMEN'S SOCIAL ROLE IN THE PROPHETIC AND CALIPH ERA (610-661 AD)." ULUL ALBAB Jurnal Studi Islam 20, no. 1 (June 25, 2019): 177–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.18860/ua.v20i1.5842.
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The outlook against women defining her role in the domestic sector still prevails to this day in Islamic society, especially in Middle East countries where some consider that Islam is against women's role in the public sector. Therefore, this study concludes that the expansion of Islamic empire and the conquest of new lands in the caliphate era, especially in the era of 'Uthmân ibn 'Affân has affected some. For example the uncontrollably rise of Jawârî in the center of Islamic government Medina, conquering new territories, the impossibility of identifying women and other neighbors, the limited activity for women in domestic sector, as well as the Prophet PBUH’s duty to marry his wives to reduce the women’s role in that era. This study attempts to prove that social class system in society has significant impact on social role played by Arab women at that time. It also affects the formation of social relation pattern for women. The higher the social classes of women, the more freedom for aristocratic women Chandeliers in playing a keyrole in many social activities, including intervention in war and expropriation, as well as enjoying the high degree of access to human right in social role that other women cannot enjoy. This is what happened in the era of the Prophet and Caliph.
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Syed, Jawad, and Harry J. Van Buren. "Global Business Norms and Islamic Views of Women’s Employment." Business Ethics Quarterly 24, no. 2 (April 2014): 251–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/beq201452910.
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ABSTRACT:This article examines the issue of gender equality within Islam in order to develop an ethical framework for businesses operating in Muslim majority countries. We pay attention to the role of women and seemingly inconsistent expectations of Islamic and Western societies with regard to appropriate gender roles. In particular, we contrast a mainstream Western liberal individualist view of freedom and equality—the capability approach, used here as an illustration of mainstream Western liberalism—with an egalitarian Islamic view on gender equality. While the article identifies an opportunity for this particular approach to reform patriarchal interpretations and practices of Islam toward gender egalitarian interpretations and practices, it also contests the notions of adaptation and well-being inherent within the capability approach. We suggest that a dialectical approach to understanding the relationships among religion, culture, and business provides a better guide to responsible business action in Muslim Majority countries than does the capability approach.
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Jawad, Haifaa. "Islamic Feminism: Leadership Roles and Public Representation." Hawwa 7, no. 1 (2009): 1–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156920809x449517.
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AbstractIslamic feminism is a worldwide movement housed within the broader, contemporary reform movement operating in the Muslim world. This feminist subdivision consists of scholars and activists who are working to achieve gender equality and social justice within an explicitly religious, Islamic framework. Although a relatively recent phenomenon, the roots of this trend can be traced back to the mid-nineteenth century, when women in several Muslim countries voiced concerns regarding patriarchal traditions and practices in their societies and formulated principles about women's rights in explicitly Islamic terms. Yet these early feminist expressions were kept at the periphery and were not allowed to influence mainstream Islamic thought or to be implemented into political, social, legal and other rights. They remained marginal and isolated, chiefly due to hostile political and religious establishments.
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Al-Sharmani, Mulki. "Islamic Feminism: transnational and national reflections." Approaching Religion 4, no. 2 (December 8, 2014): 83–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.30664/ar.67552.
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This article focuses on contemporary interpretive knowledge projects that engage critically with Islamic religious sciences, and which are driven by the question of gender justice. These projects, which have been loosely termed as Islamic Feminism, are undertaken by Muslim women scholars from different countries who are committed to their religious faith and who are working towards the production of alternative, gender-sensitive religious knowledge. The paper has three aims: 1) to review the contestations about the definition, categorization, goals, and significance of what has been termed Islamic feminism, 2) to provide an alternative description of these knowledge projects and identify some hermeneutical characteristics that link them and which perhaps could be the basis for delineating them as a new field of knowledge, 3) to map out the trajectory of building new religion-based feminist knowledge in Egypt, shedding light on light on current knowledge projects that can be labelled as Islamic feminism.
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Gyulnara Ilyasbekovna, Gadzhimuradova. "The Role of Women in the Political Discourse of Muslim Countries." Islamovedenie 11, no. 3 (September 30, 2020): 5–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.21779/2077-8155-2020-11-3-5-23.
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The article is devoted to the problem of gender equality in Tunisia, Lebanon and Turkey. These countries belong to the Arab-Muslim world, where religious traditions and Sharia law are strong. The authors show what path these countries have taken in addressing gender equality is-sues and outline the role of women themselves in addressing the question of their rights. The article shows the results of women's struggle for their rights and the ways women's right to equality are implemented in each country. The authors emphasize the importance of women's participation in the social and political life of countries. They use the examples of Tunisia, Leb-anon and Turkey that, on the one hand, are part of the Muslim world, and, on the other hand, adhere to secular principles of government at the legislative level. The article shows that tradi-tions are still strong in these countries, and religion is a powerful social and political factor that affects the current state of gender equality and hinders women's participation in politics at dif-ferent levels of government. The study attempts to demonstrate the role governments and vari-ous Islamic movements play in shaping public policy towards women and their rights, and the role of women themselves in the society and in addressing gender equality issues.
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Gokgoz-Kurt, Burcu. "The Construction of Authentic Muslim Identity among Nationally Diverse Women: The Case of an Arab Woman." Advances in Language and Literary Studies 8, no. 6 (December 25, 2017): 166. http://dx.doi.org/10.7575/aiac.alls.v.8n.6p.166.
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This paper examines religious and ethnic identity construction among nationally diverse Muslim women, and shows how Muslim women may reflect asymmetrical power relations regarding their religiousness. While Muslims are usually treated as one homogenous community by those who are not very familiar with the Muslim communities, within the Islamic world, in fact, some Muslim-majority countries may be more strongly associated with Islam than others. Drawing on data gathered through spontaneous conversations, and informal, unstructured interviews during a gathering of four Muslim women, the present study reveals how one Muslim woman belonging to the Arab world authenticates herself in the presence of non-Arab Muslims through her discourse. Several factors such as economic wealth, heritage, politics, and language seem to help her claim “genuine” membership of Islam.
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Soleman, Noviyanti, and Rifki Elindawati. "KEBIJAKAN 30% KETERWAKILAN PEREMPUAN DALAM DPRD MENURUT PERSPEKTIF ISLAM." AL-WARDAH 12, no. 2 (November 7, 2019): 107. http://dx.doi.org/10.46339/al-wardah.v12i2.138.
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Indonesia is one of the countries with the majority Muslim people in the world. Indonesia also joins to follow up the gender equality and women empowerment. One of the things is by increase the quota of women in house of representative. In case of Islam, most of the people are believe that the leader should be men. To assess this condition, this research aims to know the 30% women quota house of representative in Indonesia based on Islamic perspective.
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Azizi, Shirzad. "http://habibiaislamicus.com/index.php/hirj/article/view/229." Habibia islamicus 5, no. 3 (September 7, 2021): 1–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.47720/hi.2021.0503a01.
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Allah Ta’ala has declared Nikah with some women Haram due to His specific wisdom. Some of those women cannot be taken in Nikah for some time while the others can never be wedded to some men forever. The ones who can never be taken in Nikah are the foster siblings. Allah Ta’ala has declared Nikah permanently Haram with them. Fostering (Radha’a) means when a child drinks milk of a woman during specific age then that woman becomes its foster mother and her kids its foster siblings. Due to Radha’a, eight types of women becomes Haram for being taken in Nikah; four of them due to parentage and four because of affinity. Islamic countries have adopted provisions of Radha’a in their legal systems. They have taken the suggestions of the Majority Scholars. This study is going to discuss them in detail.
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Christiansen, Connie Carøe. "Kvinders islamiske aktivisme i et transnationalt perspektiv." Dansk Sociologi 12, no. 4 (August 24, 2006): 7–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.22439/dansoc.v12i4.665.
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Women’s Islamic activities in a transnational perspective
This article discusses the potential of Islamic activism to assist in the integration of immigrant Muslims in Europe. Islamic activism is conceived as a social space of trans-national activity, for instance connecting Moroccan immigrants in Denmark with their homeland. The discussion is based on material from Fes, Morocco and Copenhagen, Denmark. The development of “transnationalism from below” takes place in the micro-dynamics of migrants’ social practices, and reaches beyond national borders. Instruction in the Quran, which Moroccan work migrants received in their childhood, is reactivated in Copenhagen when their daughters take up Quran study. These daughters organize religious instruction according to centuries’ old principles from Morocco and the Middle East. In Fes, Islamist activist women are preoccupied with promoting social reform among their fellow Muslims. In Copenhagen they are engaged in activities that aim to integrate immigrant women into Danish society. In both countries, however, Islamist women strive to teach other Muslim women how to practice and understand their religion. In Copenhagen, teaching iqh (Muslim jurisprudence) assists the new Muslim population to articulate a Muslim standpoint in their new homeland. The article challenges the assumption that maintenance of connections to the country of emigration necessarily delays integration in the new homeland. It claims that Islamic activism constitutes a step towards the formation of a local Muslim identity.
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Feather, Ginger. "Proactive versus Reactive Sexual and Reproductive Health Rights: A Comparative Case Study Analysis of Morocco and Tunisia." FEMINA POLITICA - Zeitschrift für feministische Politikwissenschaft 29, no. 2-2020 (November 30, 2020): 76–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.3224/feminapolitica.v29i2.07.
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Morocco and Tunisia, two progressive Muslim-majority countries, took vastly different approaches to women’s sexual and reproductive health rights (SRHR). Sharing a French colonial past and Maliki Islamic tradition, Tunisia is an emerging democracy with a long history of top-down women’s rights advances and state-promoted SRHR. Tunisian women have benefitted from SRH education, access to contraception, emergency contraception, and state-funded first trimester abortion. Tunisia targets vulnerable populations, including unmarried, minor, rural, and poor women, with special clinics and subsidies. Finally, Tunisia holds men responsible for children they father outside of wedlock. In contrast, Morocco’s bottom-up feminist-driven approach to SRHR, including access to contraception, emergency contraception, and abortion, is circumscribed and exclusionary, targeting married couples. The criminalization of extramarital sexual relations and most abortions force single women with unwanted pregnancies to resort to unsafe abortion. Moroccan men who father children outside of marriage enjoy legal impunity from paternal responsibilities. Nevertheless, the recent rise of Islamic parties in both countries poses a potential threat to Tunisia’s proactive laws and policies governing SRHR, while adding another obstacle to adequate SRHR provision in Morocco.
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Domina, A. "The role of the International Olympic Committee in the development of women`s sports in Muslim countries." Scientific Journal of National Pedagogical Dragomanov University. Series 15. Scientific and pedagogical problems of physical culture (physical culture and sports), no. 6(126) (July 20, 2020): 44–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.31392/npu-nc.series15.2020.6(126).11.
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The development of women's sports as a whole depends on a significant number of factors that directly or indirectly influence this process. The development of women's sports in Muslim countries faces additional obstacles in the form of socio- historical and socio-cultural features of Islamic conservative society. But, in recent decades, the process of women's sport development has intensified significantly, in Muslim countries in particular. A significant role in the process of becoming a women's sport is played by the International Olympic Committee in cooperation with the world organizations
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Bechihi, Oumayma, Salem Lotfi Boumediene, and Olfa Nafti. "Compliance and Determinants of the AAOIFI Financial Standards: Evidence from the MENA Region." Asia-Pacific Management Accounting Journal 16, no. 1 (April 30, 2021): 207–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.24191/apmaj.v16i1-09.
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This paper analyses the level of compliance of financial disclosure with accounting standards of the Accounting and Auditing Organization for Islamic Financial Institutions (AAOIFI) and its determinants in Middle Eastern and North African (MENA) Islamic banks. Based on 40 Islamic banks in seven MENA countries over the period 2010-2016, the authors used a disclosure index to measure the compliance level and the effect of governance characteristics and the Sharia Board on the extent of compliance with the AAOIFI accounting standards. Results show a high level of compliance (67%). Using the Feasible General Least Square Regression, we found that the presence of women on the board of directors, the reputation of the Sharia Board, and the cross membership of Sharia Board members are key determinants of compliance. While independence of board of directors is significantly associated to reduced financial disclosure. The research contributes to the literature on accounting and the Islamic banking sector. These findings will be useful for regulatory authorities to better- understand the accounting disclosure practices of Islamic banks. Although findings are encouraging, the sample is limited only to banks. Future researches could deal with a larger sample and review other disclosure items to ensure compliance with the AAOIFI standards. Few empirical studies have explored the determinants of compliance with the AAOIFI standards for Islamic banks in MENA countries. Therefore, this work complements and enriches the research in the field in the MENA region. Keywords: financial disclosure, AAOIFI compliance, Islamic banks, governance characteristics, Sharia board
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Pracha, Maheen. "Book Review: International Conference on Islamic Laws and Women in the Modern World, GIANT Forum." LAHORE JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS 3, no. 2 (July 1, 1998): 157–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.35536/lje.1998.v3.i2.a10.
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The particular volume is a compilation of the material presented at the three day international conference on “Islamic Laws and Women in the Modern World”, held in Islamabad in December 1996, and organised by the Global Issues Awareness for National Thrust Forum in collaboration with the Women’s Development Fund CIDA Islamabad. It contains the panel discussions held between members of the nine participating countries, a series of country reports, and several background papers on specific topics.
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Sharovych, Dmytro, and Ivanna Maryniv. "Overview of the concept of human rights in the Muslim world." Law and innovations, no. 2 (34) (June 18, 2021): 36–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.37772/2518-1718-2021-2(34)-5.
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Problem setting. Islam is the youngest Abrahamic religion in the world. Its beginning was laid in the first half of the VII century AD on the territory of the Arabian Peninsula. The Islamic world is a unique regional phenomenon that causes many people to have different and in some cases even opposing views. The issue of human rights in the Islamic world is also much debated. Every day we receive information about the systematic violation of the honor and dignity of a certain category of the population (women, children) in the region. Analysis of recent researches and publications. The article uses the works of well-known experts in the field of Sharia and legal systems of Muslim countries such as: Syukiyaynen L. R., Abdullah ibn Abd al-Mukhsin at-Turki, Zhdanov N. V., Abashidze A. Kh., Abdul Aziiz Olaemi and others. Special attention is paid to the concepts of the Organization of Islamic Cooperation. Target of research. The objective of this work is a general overview of the concept of human rights in the Islamic world. Article`s main body. Analyzed the issues of human rights in different countries where Sharia has a significant impact on their systems of law, namely: Pakistan, Saudi Arabia and Iran. The article notes that despite the significant impact of Sharia law on the legal systems of the above countries, certain human rights standards differ between them. Also, the article reveals the first practice of codifying human rights in muslim insight - the General Islamic Declaration of Human Rights, adopted by the non-governmental organization Islamic Council in Europe. The Organization of Islamic Cooperation (until 2012 - the Organization of the Islamic Conference) (hereinafter - OIC) - is an international intergovernmental organization whose members are representatives of the Muslim world. Thus, the explored activity of the international intergovernmental organization in the field of human rights, namely the Organization of Islamic Cooperation, which unites all Muslim countries of the world and in its activities is guided by the principles of Sharia. The study of the activities of this organization in the field of human rights contains an analysis of sectoral acts (for example, the Dhaka and Cairo Declarations), a study of the activities of bodies of special (Independent Permanent Commission on Human Rights) and general (Islamic Summit) competencies and other issues that relate to the mechanism of promoting and protecting human rights. Conclusions and prospects for the development. The authors came to the conclusion that the concept of human rights in the Islamic world is quite heterogeneous, even in comparison between countries where Sharia is dominant. The authors note the special role of the Organization of Islamic Cooperation as a leading basis in the Islamic doctrine of human rights, as this organization unites all Muslim countries into one monolithic bloc, which leads to the formation of a single Muslim autonomous will, which includes all national doctrines and approaches.
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Lettinga, Doutje, and Sawitri Saharso. "Outsiders Within: Framing and Regulation of Headscarves in France, Germany and The Netherlands." Social Inclusion 2, no. 3 (September 17, 2014): 029–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/si.v2i3.46.
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While women in Europe who wear the Islamic headscarf are generally seen as outsiders who do not belong to the nation, some countries are more tolerant towards the wearing of headscarves than others. France, Germany and the Netherlands have developed different policies regarding veiling. In this paper we describe how headscarves became regulated in each of these countries and discuss the ways in which French, Dutch and German politicians have deliberated the issue. The paper is based on a content analysis of parliamentary debates on veiling in France (1989–2007), Germany (1997–2007) and the Netherlands (1985–2007). Our aim is to discuss what these national political debates reveal about the way in which the social inclusion of Islamic women in (or rather exclusion from) the nation is perceived in these three countries. Our claim is that veiling arouses opposition because it challenges national self-understandings. Yet, because nations have different histories of nation building, these self-understandings are challenged in various ways and hence, governments have responded to headscarves with diverse regulation. While we did find national differences, we also discovered that the political debates in the three countries are converging over time. The trend is towards increasingly gendered debates and more restrictive headscarf policies. This, we hypothesize, is explained by international polarization around Islam and the strength of the populist anti-immigrant parties across Europe.
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Blaydes, Lisa, and Drew A. Linzer. "The Political Economy of Women's Support for Fundamentalist Islam." World Politics 60, no. 4 (July 2008): 576–609. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/wp.0.0023.
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Why do some Muslim women adopt fundamentalist Islamic value systems that promote gender-based inequalities while others do not? This article considers the economic determinants of fundamentalist beliefs in the Muslim world, as women look to either marriage or employment to achieve financial security. Using cross-national public opinion data from eighteen countries with significant Muslim populations, the authors apply a latent class model to characterize respondents according to their views on gender norms, political Islam, and personal religiosity. Among women, lack of economic opportunity is a stronger predictor of fundamentalist belief systems than socioeconomic class. Cross-nationally, fundamentalism among women is most prevalent in poor countries and in those with a large male-female wage gap. These findings have important implications for the promotion of women's rights, the rise of political Islam, and the development of democracy in the Muslim world.
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Ismath Ramzy, Mohammad, and Simin Ghavifekr. "Women Quazi in a Minority Context: An Overview of Sri Lankan Experience." Societies 9, no. 1 (January 31, 2019): 13. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/soc9010013.
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A woman’s eligibility to be appointed as a judge in Shariah courts in Muslim societies has been a debated issue for decades. Although some Muslim majority countries, including Arab countries, have allowed women judges (Qudath) in Shariah courts, the Muslim Religious Leadership in Sri Lanka, namely All Ceylon Jamiyathul Ulama (ACJU) is opposed to such appointment to administrate Muslim matrimonial law on the basis of classical Muslim scholars’ discussion on the qualification of a judge (Qadi in Arabic), particularly referring to their debate on gender; however, women activists in Sri Lanka argue for women Quazi on the basis of women’s privacy and fair hearing. This article, therefore, explores the Islamic standpoint regarding women Quazi in Sri Lanka. Hence, this research studies the classical scholars’ discussions on the qualification of a judge (Qadi) critically and uses textual and document analysis to bring out the dynamic interpretations of the verses of the Quran and Hadiths that they used for their arguments. The contextual analysis was carried out to understand the various applications of these verses of the Quran and Hadiths in history, particularly in connection with the present situation for women in Sri Lanka. This research found no explicit verses of the Quran and Hadiths to allow or deny women Quazi. The positive and negative approach to women judges (Qudath) has been founded throughout history on the basis of Islamic scholars’ understanding of a few verses of the Quran and Hadith that are related to women leadership. This study recommends women Quazi for Sri Lankan Quazi courts by highlighting differences of context and insignificance of classical Muslim scholars’ debate on gender as a qualification of a judge (Qadi).
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Al-Abed, May Raad, and Nadia Hamendi. "Revisiting Labeling Theory: An Islamic Feminist Approach to Aboulela’s “The Translator”." English Language and Literature Studies 8, no. 1 (February 3, 2018): 28. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ells.v8n1p28.
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The core of the research lies in the analysis of the Western usage of the labeling theory, its impact on Arab/Muslim countries and how Islamic feminism came to overcome those imposed labels on Arab/Muslim women. Since the question of woman’s role in Islam has come to be seen as one of its most controversial issues and the source of much criticism towards it, the present research investigates the efforts and reasons that led a large group of elite Arab women to secession from the global feminist institution and attempt to overcome western labeling through their own feminist school based on the Islamic religion.The research deals with The Translator as an implicational example of Islamic feminist theories and its most important ideas. The analysis of Sammar’s character, her life, and her relation with other characters helped in discussing and combining all these perverse issues of labeling, Islamic feminism and western control, through providing relative examples from the novel to support the discussion. Also, supporting the analysis of the text is three of the most important theories in the field of literature and research: power relations, deconstruction and the other theory.
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Fehresti, Zahra. "Legislative Approaches towards Human Trafficking in Pre- versus Post-Islamic Revolution Iran." Iran and the Caucasus 14, no. 2 (2010): 431–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157338410x12743419190548.
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AbstractHuman trafficking, in particular the trafficking of women and children, is considered a syndicated international phenomenon, and numerous international agreements have consequently been signed to combat the crime. Iran is one of the many countries that passed legislated laws to battle this evil industry. In the present article, the author examines and compares Iran's legislative approaches towards human trafficking before and after the Islamic Revolution. The Iranian legislation combating human trafficking generally suffers from some serious shortcomings; particularly, the inconsistency regarding this issue between the civil and the Islamic Penal Codes and Iran's Constitution is its most prominent weakness.
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Shorer, Marina. "Mobilization of Women to Terrorism: Tools and Methods of ISIS." International Annals of Criminology 56, no. 1-2 (September 4, 2018): 93–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/cri.2018.16.
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AbstractAs of the beginning of 2016, out of 100,000 “Islamic State in Iraq and Syria” (ISIS) fighters in Iraq, Syria, Sinai and North African Countries, one-third were foreign-born fighters from European and Asian countries (AFP Tunis 2013). Although most of the men came alone, seduced by advertised sexual adventures, the official guiding rule by the ISIS Caliphate was to establish true marriage with real Muslim brides (Milton and Dodwell 2018). The Western women were then addressed to come and help in administrative, teaching and nursing tasks while also instituting families with jihadi fighters. Estimations are that at least 450–500 Western women of different ages left their countries to join ISIS mujahedin. For these mobilization efforts, social networks were utilized to serve as means of communication, coordination and conversion of women’s minds. The skilled usage of different levels of social networking tools, combined with precise audience targeting, turned the efforts into powerful recruiting instruments for mobilization of women into terrorist activities. The ISIS strategy included careful selection of different scenarios and storyboards for different target audiences, thus maximizing the impact of the exposure to the message and mobilization.
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Pratiwi, Ananda Vidyaratri Mega, and Rizki Amalia Sholihah. "Evolusi dan Eksistensi Model Abaya pada Masa Modern di Jazirah Arab." Al-Adabiya: Jurnal Kebudayaan dan Keagamaan 15, no. 02 (December 12, 2020): 229–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.37680/adabiya.v15i02.620.
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Abaya is often known as the loose black clothes worn by Arab women. This kind of fashion is usually worn by Arab women, equipped with a black cloth covering the head, whenever they leave the houses. Sometimes they combine it with the niqab. Abaya is also known as Islamic clothing as it suits the Islamic teaching in clothing norms. But there left a question as to what extent this fashion able to adapt the modernity, especially in the Arabian Peninsula, its “home countries”. This research uses library research methodology where the data are obtained through relevant books and articles. The purpose of this study is to describe how Arabian women hold on to wear the abaya in their modern lives as well as to describe the changes in the current abaya model.
Abaya sering dikenal sebagai baju hitam longgar yang dikenakan oleh wanita Arab. Busana seperti ini biasanya dikenakan oleh wanita Arab, dilengkapi dengan kain hitam yang menutupi kepala, setiap kali keluar rumah. Terkadang mereka menggabungkannya dengan nikab. Abaya juga dikenal sebagai pakaian Islami karena sesuai dengan ajaran Islam dalam norma pakaian. Namun masih ada pertanyaan sejauh mana fashion ini mampu mengadaptasi modernitas, terutama di Jazirah Arab, “negara asalnya”. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode penelitian pustaka dimana data diperoleh melalui buku dan artikel yang relevan. Tujuan dari penelitian ini adalah untuk mendeskripsikan bagaimana wanita Arab melestarikan abaya dalam kehidupan modern mereka serta untuk mendeskripsikan perubahan model abaya saat ini.
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Ali, Faiza, and Jawad Syed. "‘Good Muslim women’ at work: An Islamic and postcolonial perspective on ethnic privilege." Journal of Management & Organization 24, no. 5 (April 30, 2018): 679–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jmo.2018.22.
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AbstractWithin sparse studies available on ethnic privilege at work, the emphasis is dominantly on ethnic privileges available to white, Anglo-Saxon, Protestant, heterosexual men and to a lesser extent white women. This paper presents and develops an Islamic and postcolonial perspective on ethnic privilege, which is unique not only due to contextual and cultural differences but also due to its postcolonial nature and composition. By postcolonial, the paper refers to cultural legacies of Arab colonialism and ideology in South Asia and elsewhere. Drawing on a qualitative study of Muslim female employees in Pakistan, the paper shows that religio-ethnic privilege represents postcolonial influences of a foreign (Arab-Salafi, ultra-orthodox Islamist) culture on a (non-Arab Muslim) society, and as such does not represent ethnic norms of a local mainstream society. The paper investigates the case of religio-ethnic privilege and female employment in Pakistan and examines how a foreign-influenced stereotype of female modesty is used to benchmark and preferentially treat ‘good Muslim women.’ The analysis shows that an Islamic and postcolonial lens may be needed to understand the nature and implications of religio-ethnic privilege at work in Muslim majority countries and societies.