Relevant bibliographies by topics / Women in politics – Sweden

Academic literature on the topic 'Women in politics – Sweden'

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Published: 10 March 2023
Last updated: 11 March 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Women in politics – Sweden"

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Drozdova, Arina. "Revisiting «Gender Equality» in European Politics." Scientific and Analytical Herald of IE RAS 21, no. 3 (June 30, 2021): 145–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/vestnikieran32021145154.

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Despite the formal equality of women and men in rights, political activity and the decision-making process on public issues remain male-dominated areas. Political priorities are determined by men, and political culture continues to be mainly masculine. Therefore, separate women's political parties, with their own programs aimed at solving gender problems, enable women to represent themselves in the political processes of the country. The article examines the experience of women's parties in three countries: Sweden (Feminist Initiative), Germany (Feminist Party of Germany), and Spain (Feminist Party of Spain). The author also provides and analyzes data on the involvement of women in the top leadership positions of states. It is argued that the study of the differences between women’s parties in individual countries makes it possible to assess the level of the problem of women’s participation in politics.
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Fagerström, Linda. "Den marknadsförda maktordningen. Kön och politik i det offentliga rummets bilder." Tidskrift för genusvetenskap 25, no. 4 (June 15, 2022): 29–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.55870/tgv.v25i4.4051.

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Art images, as well as media images, photographs and other mass-produced commercial images, reflect existing gendered power structures in society. At the same time, those representations (and therefore, also the gendered power structures in them) form ideals which individuals in society, consciously or unconsciously, strive to follow. These dynamics are here discussed with examples from some recent and in Sweden well-known images (in commercials by clothes/fashion company H&M, hygienic products brand Dove, and posters produced by political parties duringan election campaign on the EMU). In 1993, Sweden was chocked/amazed by the H&M underwear campaign with porn actress and model Anna Nicole Smith, who, in platina blond curls and poses clearly echoing 1950's pin-up pictures, was said to promote a "natural" womanliness and femininity. According to Susan Bordo, bodily and fashion ideals are intimately connected to society and politics, especially gender relations. In times of change and instability in gender relations, Bordo says, ideals in populär culture tend to underline differences between the sexes, in order to mark the importance of separating men and women. Anna Nicole Smith figured on every Swedish street corner during a period when equality issues were dominant on the political agenda, due to a feminist organization called "Stödstrumporna" who threatened to form a women^ party for the general elections in 1994. In 2003, when Sweden voted on the EMU, the EU Commissioner Margot Wallström was pictured strong and self-confident in posters promoting the "yes"-side. Wallström has a prominent position - both in these pictures and in reality. Most often, however, as Maud Eduards has shown, a single woman is accepted whereas groups of women are concerned threateningboth in politics and in images/representations.
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Rönnbäck, Josefin. ""Utan kvinnor inget folkstyre". En historisk exposé över kampen för ökad kvinnorepresentation i Sverige." Tidskrift för genusvetenskap 31, no. 3 (June 13, 2022): 59–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.55870/tgv.v31i3.3628.

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Sweden is often recognized globally as a role model regarding gender equality, and especially when it comes to women’s political representation. However, for a long time male politicians effectively kept women out and Swedish women found it difficult to enter into politics. The purpose of this article is to give a historical overview of the Swedish women´s movement and its struggle for increased political representation and present and discuss initiatives taken by Swedish women in different times, after the suffrage struggle (1921) and before the female representation increased considerably (in the 1970s). The article takes as point of departure the theoretical framework developed by Maud Eduards (2002) about women as political actors and about the meaning and consequences of women organizing themselves – especially when and if they organize themselves separately (from men). In the article I investigate questions like: When and how did Swedish women organize themselves and struggle for an increased number of women in politics? Which women did collaborate and under what circumstances and premises? How did they relate to and navigate in a party system that during this period was primarily dominated by men, men’s interests and class conflicts? The article shows that the women’s struggle over political positions and political influence in Sweden has been long and I argue, in reference to Maud Eduards, that it is of great interest how women organize themselves, with or without men, in a small or large number, direct and individually or indirect through other organisations and how they relate and respond and to the party system.The article maps important parts of the Swedish women’s movement and highlights three female and political initiatives: Föreningen Kvinnolistan (Woman’s List) in the 1920s, Kommittén för ökad kvinnorepresentation (The Committee for equal representation) in the 1930-40s and Samarbetskommittén för ökad kvinnorepresentation (The Committee for equal representation) in the end of 1960s.
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Roth, Silke, and Clare Saunders. "Gender Differences in Political Participation: Comparing Street Demonstrators in Sweden and the United Kingdom." Sociology 53, no. 3 (October 30, 2018): 571–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0038038518803008.

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Research on gender and politics has primarily focused on women’s participation in women’s movements and institutional politics separately. Our article is innovative in multiple respects: first, employing a comparative perspective we analyse what impact gender regimes have on participation in street protests. Second, we study the relationship between participation in electoral and protest politics and how this relationship is gendered. Third, we compare the participation of men and women in social movements. We are able to do this by drawing on nuanced survey data of five street demonstrations in the UK and Sweden. Our comparative research demonstrates that involvement in protest and institutional politics varies by gender, country and context. Our findings have important implications for gender equality in terms of social inclusion and political representation and contribute to political sociology, sociology of gender and social movement research.
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Folke, Olle, Johanna Rickne, and Daniel M. Smith. "Gender and Dynastic Political Selection." Comparative Political Studies 54, no. 2 (July 3, 2020): 339–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414020938089.

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Throughout history and across countries, women appear more likely than men to enter politics on the heels of a close family relative or spouse. To explain this dynastic bias in women’s representation, we introduce a theory that integrates political selection decisions with informational inequalities across social groups. Candidates with dynastic ties benefit from the established reputations of their predecessors, but these signals of quality are more important to political newcomers such as women. Legislator-level data from twelve democracies and candidate-level data from Ireland and Sweden support the idea that dynastic ties are differentially more helpful to women, and that the quality of predecessors may be more relevant for the entry and evaluation of female successors than their male counterparts. The role of informational inequalities is also reflected in the declining dynastic bias over time (as more women enter politics), and in the differential effect of a gender quota across Swedish municipalities.
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Hedfeldt, Mona, and Gun Hedlund. "A Clash between the Business and Political Climates in Sweden – Gender in the European Structural Fund Partnerships." European Spatial Research and Policy 18, no. 1 (June 16, 2011): 53–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/v10105-011-0004-1.

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In this paper we highlight and discuss a Swedish equality paradox in two different spheres: entrepreneurship and politics. We focus on the EU Structural Funds and women entrepreneurs' access to resources through the European Regional Development Fund (ERDF). Combining human geography and political science, we draw upon network and partnership theory posing questions concerning the room for manoeuvre for women entrepreneurs to gain access to relevant networks, to create new networks in order to establish relations with EU related partnerships, and to gain access to the process of allocating EU structural fund financial resources.
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Boström, Lena, and Rolf Dalin. "Young People’s Opinions on Rural Sweden." International Education Studies 11, no. 6 (May 29, 2018): 45. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ies.v11n6p45.

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This study focus on adolescents motivations about remaining in rural areas in the Mid Sweden Region, a part of Sweden with decreasing school performance scores and high out-migration. The study is based on 1,500 young people’s responses to a Web-based survey within the framework of a regional school development project. The research questions focused on: whether youths were going to stay there or move the future in urban or rural areas, influences, and the future choices and differences among genders, regions, and age groups. The empirical data are processed with statistical analysis. The study confirms previous research on young people’s relocations from rural areas; jobs and education are important motives, and the most prone to move are women. What is new knowledge is that lessons about the region’s importance have a positive, significant effect on individuals’ plans to remain in their home municipality. This can and should be highlighted in local, regional, and national politics, but more importantly in school discourses. Since school plays a role in students’ thinking and future choices, a larger formation effort could be of great value for norms and regional political standpoints. The study has relevance to the international terms of similar geographical areas.
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Alnebratt, Kerstin, and Birgitta Jordansson. "Jämställdhet, meritokrati och kvalitet - Ett triangeldrama i den akademiska vardagen." Tidskrift för genusvetenskap 32, no. 2-3 (June 13, 2022): 7–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.55870/tgv.v32i2-3.3538.

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In Sweden, the issue of gender equality in higher education and research has been on the agenda since women entered universities in significant numbers more than 40 years ago. Several political initiatives have been taken, which have been crucial to enhanced gender equality but, at the same time, they have been essentially contested in academia itself. In this article we analyse how specific logics, based on the culture of academic research, are hard to reconcile with logics based on political justice that govern the politics of gender equality. Secondly, gender equality is often understood today as concerning knowledge produced by research. Ever since the 1970s, the two lines of development — more women in academia and more gender studies — have been intertwined in Swedish research policy. Support for female-dominated research fields like gender studies has been perceived as supporting gender equality in higher education. Gender studies have, in many ways, benefited from this support but, at the same time, reduced the field to being a matter of gender equality, rather than a research area in its own right. Consequently, gender studies in Sweden have been challenged from other disciplinary perspectives by those who claim that they represent not research, but a political endeavor to bring about gender equality. Without a clear distinction between methods of improving conditions both for women researchers and for gender research, the two will be conflated. This confusion is problematic not only for women involved in gender research but for the field itself. Supporting gender studies may be dismissed as political and incompatible with academic doxa and self-understanding. On the other hand, favoring women in the name of gender equality is incompatible with the understanding of fairness, which forms the meritocratic order in academia.
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Langevin, Louise. "Tracing The Women-Friendly Welfare State, Gendered Politics of Everyday Life in Sweden, edited by Åsa GunnarssonÅsa Gunnarsson, dir,Tracing The Women-Friendly Welfare State, Gendered Politics of Everyday Life in Sweden(Stockholm :Makadam, 2013)." Canadian Journal of Women and the Law 27, no. 2 (December 2015): 347–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/cjwl.27.2.347.

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Elgán, Elisabeth. "Sexualpolitikens genus i Frankrike och Sverige." Tidskrift för genusvetenskap 20, no. 3 (June 16, 2022): 18–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.55870/tgv.v20i3.4447.

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This comparative study, inspired by Marc Bloch, deals with the abortion and contraception politics of Sweden and France during the first half of the XXth century from a gender perspective At a discursive level the resemblance between the two countries is clear: this is the main result of this study. At this time many western countries, restricted the diffusion of contraceptives in some way and passed more efficient and abortion legislation thus increasing surveillance. The dominant view in Sweden and France, although the explicit motives for these policies were different in the two countries, was that sexuality was man's business and that it was men who were to be protected from contraception "propaganda" or to be led on the straight path to marriage and fatherhood. Nature intended women to be primarily mothers and they were therefore not seen as sexually active but instead in need of close protection, i.e. a repressive abortion law, to help them to fulfil they nature. This discourse dominated the political debates and was taken up by women politicians and women's organisations as well. The exception was the small circle of neo-malthusians and supporters of birth control. The church seems to have played very little role in these debates at this time in both Sweden and France. The discourse with respect to gender is then the same in Sweden and France, but there are some other differences that need explaining. A comparison highlights the particularities of the two countries. One of the differences is the important role played by eugenics in Sweden. The fascination exercised by medical science on politicians seems to have been particularly strong on the left wing where it was seen as a potential ally and as providing legitimisation in the struggle for a progressive social policy. Scientific thought in Sweden also seern to have been invaded by eugenics. It was very different in France where the scientists resisted eugenic ideas and stayed attached to an older belief that milieu was more important than inheritance. This belief coincided with that of the rather socially progressive and democratic French political regime of the time who hoped that upbringing and education would realise the famous dream of Liberté, Egalité, Fraternité.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Women in politics – Sweden"

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Johnston, Michelle. "Women in legislative politics, a comparative study of Canada, Norway and Sweden." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1997. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk3/ftp04/mq24968.pdf.

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Singh, Sanaya. "Challenges faced by women for vertical mobility in politics : a comparitive study between Sweden and India." Thesis, Högskolan i Gävle, Avdelningen för socialt arbete och psykologi, 2011. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hig:diva-11226.

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The aim of this thesis is to explore the challenges women face for vertical mobility in politics in India and Sweden, the similarities and differences. Gender empowerment and equal opportunities are essential features for an egalitarian society, development, national and international peace. Promoting gender empowerment through women’s effective participation in politics is a structural interventional approach in social work. However studies show women face numerous obstacles in achieving political representation.  Gender inequality, inequitable division of labour, cultural attitudes, electoral systems are some reasons which subjugate women and limit their representation in public life. Sweden and India differ immensely in all of these factors and more. However, similarity in these nations is the low representation of women councillors in key decision making positions in governance; resulting in exclusion of women’s interests and issues in public policy. In-depth interviews conducted with six respondents from both nations analysed in a feministic framework reveal cultural, ideological, socio-economic and political structures as common challenges. Social work interventions in all these spheres can lead to sustainable empowerment for women. Keywords; Gender empowerment, structural social work, women’s political representation, vertical mobility in politics, India,    Sweden
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Legg, Meredith. "WOMEN, WORK AND WELFARE: A CASE STUDY OF GERMANY, THE UK, AND SWEDEN." Master's thesis, Orlando, Fla. : University of Central Florida, 2010. http://purl.fcla.edu/fcla/etd/CFE0002974.

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Waltman, Max. "The Politics of Legal Challenges to Pornography: Canada, Sweden, and the United States." Doctoral thesis, Stockholms universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-109040.

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The dissertation analyzes obstacles and potential in democracies, specifically Canada, Sweden, and United States, to effectively address empirically documented harms of pornography. Legislative and judicial challenges under different democratic and legal frameworks are compared. Adopting a problem-driven theoretical approach, the reality of pornography’s harms is analyzed. Evidence shows its production exploits existing inequalities among persons typically drawn from other forms of prostitution who suffer multiple disadvantages, such as extreme poverty, childhood sexual abuse, and race and gender discrimination, making survival alternatives remote. Consumption is also divided by sex. A majority of young adult men consumes pornography frequently; women rarely do, usually not unless initiated by others. After consumption, studies show many normal men become substantially more sexually aggressive and increasingly trivialize and support violence against women. Vulnerable populations—including battered, raped, or prostituted women—are most harmed as a result. The impact of attempts to address pornography’s harms on democratic rights and freedoms, specifically gender equality and speech, is explored through the case studies. Democracies are found to provide more favorable conditions for legal challenges to pornography’s harms when recognizing substantive (not formal) equality in law, and when promoting representation of perspectives and interests of groups particularly injured by pornography. State-implemented approaches such as criminal obscenity laws are found less effective. More victim-centered and survivor-initiated civil rights approaches would be more responsive and remedial—a finding with implications for other politico-legal problems, such as global warming, that disproportionately affect disadvantaged populations traditionally largely excluded from decision-making.
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McColl, Heidi. "Men in Power: The Significance of the Representation of Women in terms of Gender Equality in the National Legislatures of Sweden and Canada." Thesis, Linköping University, Department of Management and Economics, 2005. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-2726.

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The representation of women in numbers in national legislatures is an issue of great importance to Feminist researchers around the world. While the representation of women is an accomplishment in its own right, what remains to be said is whether or not the representation of women in national parliaments affects the level of gender equality present to a great extent. In this paper, gender equality is measured in terms of general working conditions in parliament, such as the distribution of women among standing parliamentary committees, and the attitudes of parliamentarians towards the issue of gender equality. In this multi-strategy research design a combination of qualitative and quantitative methods is used in the form of questionnaires, interviews and statistical analyses in order to establish the significance of the representation of women in the national legislatures of Sweden and Canada. The national legislatures in Sweden, the Riksdag, and Canada, the House of Commons, were compared as the Riksdag represents a progressive case in terms of the presence of women with 45 percent women, while the House of Commons represents a less progressive case with only 21 percent women. The Politics of Presence theory represents the theoretical framework for this study and is tested in order to determine whether the presence of women truly matters.

In this study it is found that the presence of women in national legislatures does not signify gender equality as conditions of gender inequality are found in the attitudes and working conditions in the Canadian House of Commons and in the working conditions of the Swedish Riksdag. It is concluded that the representation of women does not matter with regards to gender equality as situations of gender inequality exist in both national legislatures investigated.

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Broqvist, Hilda. "Differentiating the Nordic Baseline : Differences in state responses to violence against women in Denmark, Finland, and Sweden." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-412520.

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In international humanitarian discourse, gender-based violence against women have long been recognised as a human rights violation and described as the most extreme expression of unequal power relations between men and women (UN 1993). Using a qualitative content analysis to examine the GREVIO reports of Denmark, Finland, and Sweden, the aim of this thesis is to outline the differences between and within these states regarding their response to violence against women. Drawing on insights from feminist political theory, and especially Nordic feminist theorists, these differences are made visible using the three concepts: hegemonic discourse, contradictory effects, and boundaries (Kantola and Dahl 2005). The theoretical background is complemented by theoretical contributions from feminist understandings of violence against women. In analysing the main differences between the states, many of these differences can be derived from the fact that the three states frame the violence differently, with Sweden adopting a gender-based frame while Denmark and Finland adopt gender-neutral frames of the violence. In analysing differences within states, there are two distinct forms of differences: differences due to a gap between principle and practice, and differences between various parts of the country. The findings of this thesis may provide a base for future in-depth studies of the Nordic, women-friendly, welfare states.
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Littmann, Linnea, and Lindblad Jenny Höglund. "Different Strokes for Different Folks : An intersectional analysis of the political discourse concerning migrant women exposed to domestic violence in Sweden." Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Sociologiska institutionen, 2012. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-77574.

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The object of this thesis was to deepen the understanding of the contemporary political discourse regarding migrant women exposed to domestic violence. This was conducted by analysing propositions, motions and interpellation debates raising the issue during the years 2000-2012. The method used was inspired by Foucault’s discourse analysis and the traditional hermeneutic approach. The result showed how several different mechanisms work to both include and exclude these women from the Swedish welfare system. By being women they are included in the political debate regarding men’s violence against women, but their migrant status excludes them from it at the same time. When migrant women are exposed to domestic violence it is often seen as an individual problem even though men’s violence against women generally is seen as a structural problem. Several conflicts of interests were also found. One of them being whether migrant women are to be warned if their partners have abused women before. The man’s right to integrity stands against the woman’s right to protection. Another conflict is the fear of the migration right being abused, which is pitted against the migrant women’s rights. To summarize the analysis this thesis has shown how the portraying of migrant women as different in the political discourse plays an important role in creating conflicts of interest and to some extent exclude them from the welfare system. Women’s right seem to apply only to certain women under certain circumstances. An intersectional perspective was necessary for understanding the complexity of the situation, taking into account how different power relations interact and construct the contemporary discourse.
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Sadikot, Minaz. "Integration in Sweden : A qualitative study of immigrant women and their journey to integrate into the Swedish society." Thesis, Internationella Handelshögskolan, Högskolan i Jönköping, IHH, Statsvetenskap, 2011. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hj:diva-15342.

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The purpose of this study is to identify the problems that immigrant women face when attempting to integrate in the Swedish society. The investigation seeks to scrutinize the aspects that facilitate in this process of integration for non-Swedish women and whether the administrative authorities responsible for handling matters of integration does so in an efficient way? This is a qualitative study where a bottom-up approach has been implemented. The study revolves around 5 interviews that have been conducted with immigrant women, who have narrated their situation from which a number of aspects have been chosen to highlight the integration problems that have risen in Sweden. These factors that have been identified in the study are: ‘cultural differences’, ‘gender roles’, ‘discrimination’, the importance of the language’, residential segregation’ and ‘the roles of the administrative authorities’. The empirical evidence drawn from the before mentioned interviews has been combined with theoretical material in order to strengthen the credibility of the study. The thesis ends with a concluding discussion where emphasis has been put on evaluating the findings of the thesis and aiming to provide an answer to the research questions. The conclusion and thus the results of the study displays that the Swedish government has indeed taken measures to improve the situation. Yet, issues such as societal and institutional discrimination, residential segregation and cultural barriers between groups remain evident, creating immense difficulties for the immigrants to become part of the Swedish society.
Syftet med denna studie är att identifiera de problem som invandrade kvinnor möter i integreringen i det svenska samhället. Undersökningen ifrågasätter aspekter som underlättar icke-svenska kvinnors integration i det svenska samhället och om de administrativa myndigheterna hanterar integrationsfrågorna på ett effektivt sätt? Detta är en kvalitativ studie, där ett bottom-up-strategi har tillämpats. Studien kretsar kring 5 intervjuer som har genomförts med invandrarkvinnor, som har återberättat sin situation från vilket ett antal aspekter har valts för att lyfta upp de integrations problem som har uppstått i Sverige. De faktorer som har identifierats i studien är: "kulturella skillnader", "könsroller", "diskriminering", betydelsen av språket, “boende segregation” och de "administrativa myndigheternas roller". Den empiriska delen har kombinerats med den teoretiska för att stärka trovärdigheten i studien. Uppsatsen avslutas med en sammanfattande diskussion där vikt har lagts på att utvärdera resultaten av uppsatsen och syftar åt att tillhandahålla ett svar på frågeställningarna. Slutsatsen av denna studie påvisar att den svenska regeringen förvisso har vidtagit åtgärder för att förbättra situationen, men att frågor som samhällelig och institutionell diskriminering, bostads segregation och kulturella barriärer mellan grupper fortsätter att existera, vilket skapar svårigheter för invandrare att bli en del av det svenska samhället.
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Nicklasson, Stina. "Högerns kvinnor : problem och resurs för Allmänna valmansförbundet perioden 1900-1936/37 /." Stockholm : Almqvist & Wiksell, 1992. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb36657007c.

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Rova, Emmy. "Sverigedemokraterna och kvinnan : En kvalitativ textanalys av Sverigedemokraternas kvinnosyn under 1989-2018." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-100159.

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The following study is a qualitative text analysis and an idea- and ideologyanalysis with the aim of examining the Sweden Democrats view on women over time and if the party’s organizational and ideological development is reflected in the party’s ideas regarding women’s role in society. The material of research consists of the Sweden Democrats party programs which has been analysed through conservatism and populism, which is the theoretical framework of this study. The results of the analysis have been divided into three different time periods and the first period between 1989-1999 indicated a strong connection between the Sweden Democrats view on women and a conservative view on women. During the second and third time period, between the years 1999-2018, the operational indicators for a conservative view on women could not be discovered, however several operational indicators which indicated a populistic view on women could be established. Previous academic research has categorized the Sweden Democrats view on women as conservative, but the results of this study´s analysis argues that the party´s view on women rather should be described as populism.
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Books on the topic "Women in politics – Sweden"

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Centre for Social Development and Humanitarian Affairs (United Nations), ed. Participation of women in decision-making for peace: Case-study on Sweden. New York: United Nations, 1989.

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Wängnerud, Lena. Kvinnorepresentation: Makt och möjligheter i Sveriges riksdag. Lund: Studentlitteratur, 1999.

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Tracing the women-friendly welfare state: Gendered politics of everyday life in Sweden. Göteborg: Makadam, 2013.

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Wängnerud, Lena. Politikens andra sida: Om kvinnorepresentation i Sveriges riksdag. Göteborg: L. Wängnerud, 1998.

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Women and Politics--Strategies for Change (1993 Örebro, Sweden). Politics, a power base for women?: Report from a conference in Örebro, Sweden, May 12-16, 1993. Örebro, Sweden: University of Örebro, 1993.

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Loebe, Margaret E. The politics of virtue: Chritine de Pizan's gendered body politic and its practical applications. [Sweet Briar, Va: Sweet Briar College], 2006.

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Silke, Neunsinger, ed. Gendered money: Organizing and resources in the first wave liberal and socialist women's movements. New York: Berghahn Books, 2012.

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Organisation for economic co-operation and development. Sweden 2013. [Paris]: OECD, 2013.

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Tahir, Naveed Ahmad. Sweden in contemporary world politics. [Karachi]: Area Study Centre for Europe, University of Karachi, 1990.

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Assar, Lindbeck, and Sweden Ekonomikommissionen, eds. Turning Sweden around. Cambridge, Mass: MIT Press, 1994.

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Book chapters on the topic "Women in politics – Sweden"

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Mulinari, Diana, and Anders Neergaard. "Doing Racism, Performing Femininity: Women in the Sweden Democrats." In Gender and Far Right Politics in Europe, 13–27. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-43533-6_2.

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Lundström, Catrin. "When the Expatriate Wife Returns Home: Swedish Women Navigating National Welfare Politics and Ideals of Gender Equality in Expatriate Family Migration." In IMISCOE Research Series, 143–60. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-67615-5_9.

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AbstractThis chapter analyses how expatriate women navigate national political ideals formulated around gender equality and the dual-earner model upon their return to Sweden. The study is based on 46 in-depth interviews and participant observation conducted in a network for returning migrant women in Sweden. The vast majority were married to Swedish men working in transnational companies and had returned to Sweden due to their husbands’ completed expatriate contracts. As the women had been situated outside the formal labour market during their time abroad, they had no work experience or pensionable income in the Swedish welfare system, which is based on the idea that women and men share labour- and family-related work. Hence, their positions as ‘trailing spouses’ had a severe impact on their opportunities for reintegration into Swedish society. On the one hand, the women’s work enabled their husband’s mobility and working life in transnational companies. On the other, national social benefits did not take this (gendered) work into account. Thus, the women continued to depend on their husband’s income and private insurances back in Sweden, located in-between different ‘global’ market-based solutions and a national welfare system.
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Mattson, Greggor. "Legislating Peace for Women: Sweden’s Sex Purchase Act." In The Cultural Politics of European Prostitution Reform, 77–96. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137517173_4.

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Martinsson, Lena. "1 May: Muslim Women Talk Back—A Political Transformation of Secular Modernity on International Workers’ Day." In Pluralistic Struggles in Gender, Sexuality and Coloniality, 81–111. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-47432-4_4.

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Abstract 1 May 2017 hundreds of Muslim women wearing the veil took part in an International Workers’ Day demonstration in Gothenburg. The Swedish modernity project places a strong value on the idea of secularism. However, while secularism and Christianity become inseparable and part of the imagined Swedish community, Islam and Judaism are excluded from the Swedish and European centre. An EU verdict that sparked the idea of a 1 May demonstration is one example of this historical process. Muslim women wearing the veil are not counted in the modernist work of gender equality in Europe and Sweden. This example is especially serious, and violent, in Sweden, where gender equality is understood as a national quality. This version of modernity offers a bright future for the hegemonic centre and requires others to assimilate. The hundreds of Muslim women in the demonstration challenged the notions that modernity and Swedish gender equality must, by definition, be secular/Christian. The women—who addressed themselves as important historical political subjects—performed through the demonstration a decolonial alternative to the story of Swedish anti-religious modernity. The existence of more than one linear path to gender equality undermines the narrative of colonial modernity and Swedish white exceptionalism.
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Forsman, Johanna, and Kjell Sundstedt. "Sweden." In Women Screenwriters, 550–77. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137312372_40.

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Browne, Sarah. "‘Women Are Far Too Sweet for This Kind of Game’: Women, Feminism and Student Politics in Scotland, c.1968–c.1979." In Students in Twentieth-Century Britain and Ireland, 277–95. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-58241-2_12.

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Radmann, Aage, and Torbjörn Andersson. "Sweden." In The Palgrave International Handbook of Football and Politics, 139–61. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-78777-0_8.

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Wolfskeel, Cornelia. "Birgitta of Sweden." In A History of Women Philosophers, 167–90. Dordrecht: Springer Netherlands, 1989. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-009-2551-9_8.

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Lindahl, Jonas, Johan Hellström, and Hanna Bäck. "Sweden." In Coalition Government as a Reflection of a Nation’s Politics and Society, 127–46. Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2020. | Series: Routledge research in comparative politics: Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429422379-8.

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Anderson, Karen M., Paula Blomqvist, and Ellen M. Immergut. "Sweden: Markets within Politics." In Public and Private Social Policy, 169–89. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230228771_8.

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Conference papers on the topic "Women in politics – Sweden"

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"Role of Indian Muslim Women in Politics." In Budapest 2017 International Conferences. EAP, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.17758/eap.ed0917024.

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Para, Iulia. "WOMEN, POLITICS AND IMMORALITY IN ANCIENT ROME." In 6th SWS International Scientific Conference on Social Sciences ISCSS 2019. STEF92 Technology, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.5593/sws.iscss.2019.5/s18.039.

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Rakhmaniah, Aniek. "Women and Politics in Local Autonomy Era." In Proceedings of the International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs (IcoCSPA 2017). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/icocspa-17.2018.12.

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Bidwell, Nicola J. "Women and the Spatial Politics of Community Networks." In OZCHI'19: 31ST AUSTRALIAN CONFERENCE ON HUMAN-COMPUTER-INTERACTION. New York, NY, USA: ACM, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1145/3369457.3369474.

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Maria, Kalfa. "How does patriarchy prevent women from entering politics?" In 4th International Academic Conference on Humanities and Social Sciences. Acavent, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.33422/4th.iachss.2020.09.223.

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Lestari, Puji, Muh Aris Munandar, and Wenny Dwika. "Modernization of Women in Politics in Semarang City." In 6th International Conference on Education & Social Sciences (ICESS 2021). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/assehr.k.210918.050.

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Kollo, Fredik Lambertus, and Sunarso Sunarso. "Patriarchy Culture and Injustice for Women in Politics." In Proceedings of the Annual Civic Education Conference (ACEC 2018). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/acec-18.2018.25.

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Chaerowati, Dede Lilis, Nova Yuliati, and Mochamad Rochim. "Empowering Women in Politics through Women's Political Organization." In Proceedings of the Social and Humaniora Research Symposium (SoRes 2018). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/sores-18.2019.46.

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Sorensen, Stacey L. "Summary of the Situation for Women in Physics in Sweden." In WOMEN IN PHYSICS: 2nd IUPAP International Conference on Women in Physics. AIP, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1063/1.2128313.

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Sugiana, Astrid Meilasari, and Dianingtyas M. Putri. "INDONESIAN WOMEN’S PARTICIPATION IN POLITICS AND GOVERNANCE: CHALLENGES AND OPPORTUNITIES." In International Conference on Future of Women. The International Institute of Knowledge Management (TIIKM), 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.17501/icfow.2018.1203.

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Reports on the topic "Women in politics – Sweden"

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Hogfeldt, Peter. The History and Politics of Corporate Ownership in Sweden. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, July 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w10641.

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Andersson, Gunnar. Childbearing patterns of foreign-born women in Sweden. Rostock: Max Planck Institute for Demographic Research, April 2001. http://dx.doi.org/10.4054/mpidr-wp-2001-011.

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Henderson, Nancy. British Aristocratic Women and Their Role in Politics, 1760-1860. Portland State University Library, January 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.15760/etd.6682.

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Miller, Jennifer. The Politics of Nazi Art: The Portrayal of Women in Nazi Painting. Portland State University Library, January 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.15760/etd.7033.

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Andersson, Gunnar, and Kirk Scott. Labour-market attachment and entry into parenthood: The experience of immigrant women in Sweden. Rostock: Max Planck Institute for Demographic Research, March 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.4054/mpidr-wp-2004-011.

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Bado, Arsène Brice, and Brandon Kendhammer. Women, CBAGs, and the Politics of Security Supply & Demand in Côte d’Ivoire. RESOLVE Network, June 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.37805/cbags2022.1.

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This study explores the drivers of participation and the roles women play within their communities in participating both formally and informally in community-based security groups. It seeks to understand how women are involved in community-based security groups by investigating and illustrating, among other things, their motivations and roles, the context, and the dynamics that underpin their participation in both the supply side and demand side of security provision. Based on extensive field research and an original dataset of interviews with a wide range of informal security actors, this research report offers two key findings to inform the work of policymakers and practitioners interested in security provision and peacebuilding. First, while women continue to engage directly and indirectly with community-based armed and informal security groups with a wide range of motivations, their overall place in the landscape of these groups is in flux, and those who participate bear social costs for doing so. Second, women’s influence in shaping the trajectory of community-based armed and security proving groups extends not just to their roles as suppliers of security (or insecurity, in the case of some groups), but as demanders of security. These complex dynamics point to the fact that women’s roles as participants, organizers, and mobilizers/legitimizers in CBAGs in ostensibly post-conflict settings like Côte d’Ivoire are no less complex than in overt conflict settings.
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Clarke, Roland. Postwar Reconstruction in Liberia: The Participation and Recognition of Women in Politics in Liberia. Portland State University Library, January 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.15760/etd.1038.

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Thomas, Jakana. Duty and Defiance: Women in Community-based Armed Groups in West Africa. RESOLVE Network, March 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.37805/cbags2021.1.

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This desk report explores how West African community-based armed groups (CBAGs) facilitate women’s engagement with politics, create avenues for female expressions of anger, commitment to community values and national identity, and enable women to push for change in their communities by opening spaces for female participation. Assessing the formal and informal contributions women make to armed community mobilization and hybrid security reveals opportunities for gender-specific engagement and cautions that unidimensional considerations of where and how women intersect with conflict and security have the potential to undermine violence reduction and post-conflict peacebuilding efforts.
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Tadros, Mariz, Sofya Shabab, and Amy Quinn-Graham. Violence and Discrimination Against Women of Religious Minority Backgrounds in Iraq. Institute of Development Studies, December 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/creid.2022.025.

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This volume is part of the Intersections series which explores how the intertwining of gender, religious marginality, socioeconomic exclusion and other factors shape the realities of women and men in contexts where religious inequalities are acute, and freedom of religion or belief is compromised. This volume looks at these intersections in the context of Iraq. Its aim is to amplify the voices of women (and men) whose experiences of religious otherisation have accentuated the impact of the intersections of gender, class, geography and ethnicity. At time of publication, in December 2022, the country is going through a particularly turbulent phase, prompting some to wonder why now? Isn’t it bad timing to focus on the experiences of minorities, let alone inter- and intra-gender dynamics? Iraq is caught in the middle of geo-strategic struggles of tectonic proportions but this is all the more reason to understand the dynamics of micro-politics through a gender-sensitive lens. Doing so sheds light on the interface between global, regional and local power struggles in tangible and concrete ways.
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Hicks, Jacqueline. Feminist Foreign Policy: Contributions and Lessons. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), August 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2021.110.

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A relatively small number of countries have an explicit “Feminist Foreign Policy” (FFP). Those most often cited are Sweden, Canada, France, Mexico, and Spain. In theory, an FFP moves beyond gender mainstreaming in foreign development assistance to include: (1) a wider range of external actions, including defence, trade and diplomacy (2) a wider range of marginalised people, not just women. Within foreign development assistance, it implies a more coherent and systematically institutionalised approach to gender mainstreaming. In practice, those countries with an explicit FFP implement it in different ways. Canada currently focuses on development assistance, France on development assistance and formal diplomacy, Sweden more comprehensively covers the trade and defence policy arenas. Mexico and Spain are yet to produce detailed implementation plans. There is increasing academic interest in FFP, but most analyses found during the course of this rapid review focus on narrative content of policies rather than impact. Policy advocacy and advice is provided by several high-profile advocacy organisations. National government agencies in Sweden, France and Canada have produced some evaluations of their FFP, but the evidence is weak. There are many international institution evaluations of gender mainstreaming for many different sectors that are context-specific.
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