Relevant bibliographies by topics / Women in politics – New South Wales

Contents

  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters
  5. Reports

Academic literature on the topic 'Women in politics – New South Wales'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 20 February 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Women in politics – New South Wales"

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Parry, Naomi, Deborah Brennan, and Louise Chappell. "'No fit place for women'?: Women in New South Wales Politics, 1856-2006." Labour History, no. 93 (2007): 238. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/27516249.

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Daniels, Kay, Noeline Kyle, and Helen Jones. "Her Natural Destiny. The Education of Women in New South Wales." Labour History, no. 52 (1987): 122. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/27508841.

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Ainsworth, Frank, and Patricia Hansen. "From the Front Line: The State as a Failed Parent." Children Australia 38, no. 2 (May 29, 2013): 70–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/cha.2013.6.

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The focus of this article is young women aged 16–17 years who, while in State care in New South Wales gave birth, and from whom the child was then removed by the same department that is responsible for the mother's care. This topic is rarely examined due to two constraints. One is the lack of available data about the incidence of events of this kind. The second is the confidentiality provision in the New South Wales Children and Young Persons (Care and Protection) Act 1998 which defines the Children's Court as a closed court and prohibits the reporting of identifiable case information.As a consequence much of this article is based on the authors' direct observation of cases involving young women of this age that they have encountered while undertaking professional duties in the Children's Court. The article also explores the further issue of the adoption of children removed from mothers who are still in State care.Because of the lack of data this article can be classified as an opinion piece which attempts to raise awareness about an important care issue. The article has a New South Wales focus but the authors expect that the same concerns are echoed in other Australian states and territories.
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McLoughlin, Kcasey, and Hannah Stenstrom. "Justice Carolyn Simpson and women’s changing place in the legal profession: ‘Yes, you can!’." Alternative Law Journal 45, no. 4 (June 29, 2020): 276–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1037969x20938203.

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Justice Carolyn Simpson had a judicial career spanning a quarter of a century – the longest serving of any of the Supreme Court of New South Wales’ women judges. In this article, we critically examine both the image projected at Justice Simpson’s elevation to the Court in 1994 and the legacy crafted about her upon her retirement. As we move forward into a new century of Australian women in law, these speeches reveal much about women’s changing place within the legal profession, but also demonstrate disappointing continuity in terms of the obstacles faced by women.
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Siminski, Peter, Jenny Chalmers, and Marilyn McHugh. "Foster carers in New South Wales: Profile and projections based on ABS Census data." Children Australia 30, no. 3 (2005): 17–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1035077200010786.

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Administrative data on foster carers in New South Wales (NSW) are sadly lacking. Based on research commissioned by the NSW Department of Community Services, this paper uses the Australian Bureau of Statistics Census of Population and Housing and other data to provide up-to-date information on the characteristics of foster carers and the demographic trends that are influencing their numbers. Census data indicate that foster carer families are most likely to contain women aged 35–54 years, not in the labour force. Couples account for two-thirds of all foster carers, with the majority of those couples also caring for birth children. While single parents account for less than one-fifth of all foster carers, they are more likely to foster than couples, either with or without birth children. Higher rates of fostering were found in relatively disadvantaged areas. Projected increases in female labour force participation are expected to contribute to a decline (or to slower growth) in the number of foster carers over the next decade. However, projected increases in sole parent families and couples without children are expected to have the opposite effect. The relative magnitude of these effects was not ascertained.
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Macioti, P. G., Eurydice Aroney, Calum Bennachie, Anne E. Fehrenbacher, Calogero Giametta, Heidi Hoefinger, Nicola Mai, and Jennifer Musto. "Framing the Mother Tac: The Racialised, Sexualised and Gendered Politics of Modern Slavery in Australia." Social Sciences 9, no. 11 (October 28, 2020): 192. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/socsci9110192.

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Centred on the slavery trial “Crown vs. Rungnapha Kanbut” heard in Sydney, New South Wales, between 10 April and 15 May 2019, this article seeks to frame the figure of the “Mother Tac” or the “mother of contract”, also called “mama tac” or “mae tac”—a term used amongst Thai migrants to describe a woman who hosts, collects debts from, and organises work for Thai migrant sex workers in their destination country. It proposes that this largely unexplored figure has come to assume a disproportionate role in the “modern slavery” approach to human trafficking, with its emphasis on absolute victims and individual offenders. The harms suffered by Kanbut’s victims are put into context by referring to existing literature on women accused of trafficking; interviews with Thai migrant sex workers, including Kanbut’s primary victim, and with members from the Australian Federal Police Human Trafficking Unit; and ethnographic field notes. The article unveils how constructions of both victim and offender, as well as definitions of slavery, are racialised, gendered, and sexualised and rely on the victims’ subjective accounts of bounded exploitation. By documenting these and other limitations involved in a criminal justice approach, the authors reveal its shortfalls. For instance, while harsh sentences are meant as a deterrence to others, the complex and structural roots of migrant labour exploitation remain unaffected. This research finds that improved legal migration pathways, the decriminalisation of the sex industry, and improved access to information and support for migrant sex workers are key to reducing heavier forms of labour exploitation, including human trafficking, in the Australian sex industry.
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Pardy, Maree, Juliet Rogers, and Nan Seuffert. "Perversion and Perpetration in Female Genital Mutilation Law: The Unmaking of Women as Bearers of Law." Social & Legal Studies 29, no. 2 (July 23, 2019): 273–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0964663919856681.

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Female genital cutting (FGC) or, more controversially, female genital mutilation, has motivated the implementation of legislation in many English-speaking countries, the product of emotive images and arguments that obscure the realities of the practices of FGC and the complexity of the role of the practitioner. In Australia, state and territory legislation was followed, in 2015, with a conviction in New South Wales highlighting the problem with laws that speak to fantasies of ‘mutilation’. This article analyses the positioning of Islamic women as victims of their culture, represented as performing their roles as vehicles for demonic possession, unable to authorize agency or law. Through a perverse framing of ‘mutilation’, and in the case through the interpretation of the term ‘mutilation’, practices of FGC as law performed by women are obscured, avoiding the challenge of a real multiculturalism that recognises lawful practices of migrant cultures in democratic countries.
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Flaherty, Rosemaria, and Leah Bromfield. "Pregnant women involved with statutory child protection services: The impact of difficult-to-reach on recruiting a non-biased sample." Social Work and Social Sciences Review 22, no. 1 (September 15, 2020): 42–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1921/swssr.v22i1.1502.

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Pregnant women involved with statutory child protection services could be considered hidden in society or ‘silenced’ due to the lack of published evidence on whether state intervention with this group is beneficial. Scholars continue to call for research exploring the experience of at-risk pregnant women, in particular, for research that examines the impact of prenatal state involvement on outcomes for newborn babies, their mothers, and their significant others such as fathers, partners, families and communities. This study describes a researcher’s experience of attempting to recruit a purposeful sample of women who were the subject of an unborn child high risk birth alert in New South Wales, Australia. Short Message Service mobile telephone messages were utilised to invite participation via an opt-in approach, as a means to hear women’s experiences of the services they received while pregnant with their last child. From a population of eighty-nine, the strategy recruited only two participants. By describing the process undertaken to recruit a non-biased sample of at-risk women to a qualitative research study, future researchers may be able to deploy recruitment strategies that enable and encourage at-risk women to participate in research, in turn, allowing us to hear their voices.
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Tomsen, Stephen, and Gail Mason. "Engendering homophobia: violence, sexuality and gender conformity." Journal of Sociology 37, no. 3 (September 2001): 257–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/144078301128756337.

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The links between social constructions of sexuality and gender are theoretically and politically problematic. A contemporary social movement understanding of violence against gay men and lesbians as ‘homophobic’ suggests a solid basis for coalitionist action. But important aspects of the imposition of gender conformity are a common thread in the experience of female, male and transsexual victims and the motives of perpetrators. Detail of violent and hostile incidents is drawn from two Australian studies: Victorian research on the experiences of 75 lesbians and a New South Wales study of 74 homicides with anti-homosexual motives. Violent acts commonly reflect the hatred and stigma felt towards women and men whose sexuality falls outside of acceptable gendered boundaries. Additionally, this research signals the importance of violence and harassment for the attainment and protection of a masculine identity among perpetrators, and the significance of gender in ways that call for a new understanding of ‘homophobia’ as a socially widespread phenomenon.
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Anae, Nicole. "“Among the Boer Children”." History of Education Review 45, no. 1 (June 6, 2016): 28–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/her-12-2014-0049.

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Purpose – There exists no detailed account of the 40 Australian women teachers employed within the “concentration camps” established by British forces in the Orange River and Transvaal colonies during the Boer War. The purpose of this paper is to critically respond to this dearth in historiography. Design/methodology/approach – A large corpus of newspaper accounts represents the richest, most accessible and relatively idiosyncratic source of data concerning this contingent of women. The research paper therefore interprets concomitant print-based media reports of the period as a resource for educational and historiographical data. Findings – Towards the end of the Boer War in South Africa (1899-1902) a total of 40 Australian female teachers – four from Queensland, six from South Australia, 14 from Victoria and 16 from New South Wales – successfully answered the imperial call conscripting educators for schools within “concentration camps” established by British forces in the Orange River and Transvaal colonies. Women’s exclusive participation in this initiative, while ostensibly to teach the Boer children detained within these camps, also exerted an influential effect on the popular consciousness in reimagining cultural ideals about female teachers’ professionalism in ideological terms. Research limitations/implications – One limitation of the study relates to the dearth in official records about Australian women teachers in concentration camps given that; not only are Boer War-related records generally difficult to source; but also that even the existent data is incomplete with many chapters missing completely from record. Therefore, while the data about these women is far from complete, the account in terms of newspaper reports relies on the existent accounts of them typically in cases where their school and community observe their contributions to this military campaign and thus credit them with media publicity. Originality/value – The paper’s originality lies in recovering the involvement of a previously underrepresented contingent of Australian women teachers while simultaneously offering a primary reading of the ideological work this involvement played in influencing the political narrative of Australia’s educational involvement in the Boer War.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Women in politics – New South Wales"

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Bancroft, Bronwyn Maree. "Passion, Power, Politics: Does Inequality exist for New South Wales Aboriginal Women Artists?" Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/20356.

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The motivation for creating this thesis was primarily to research and understand if inequality existed for Aboriginal women artists from the state of New South Wales. I produced a documentary where I interviewed six Aboriginal language group women who created art in the state based boundaries of New South Wales.I also conducted a research component around the acquisition of art by the Art Gallery of New South Wales. I collected a lot of data around this and was not surprised to find that there was minimal collection of any women artists from New South Wales. My line of inquiry has established a clear foundation based on facts that Aboriginal women artists are treated in an unfair manner by the majority of curators in the Aboriginal area and the Art Gallery of New South Wales.I have also created a chapter called ‘The Journey' that outlines my life from a young Aboriginal girl to a mature woman artist and a chapter titled 'Artistic practice' that illustrates my career spanning over thirty years.I have created a case study on Boomalli Aboriginal Artists Co-operative that provides an extensive profile of the politics and power struggles of this Aboriginal Co-operative.
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Smith, Anthony Russell. "Gender in the Fifty-first New South Wales Parliament." Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/2562.

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Responsible Government began in New South Wales in 1856. Direct participation by women began 70 years later in 1925 with the election of Millicent Preston-Stanley. Her first speech questioned whether Parliament was a fit place for women. Another significant milestone was reached after another 70 years when female MLAs in the Fifty-first Parliament constituted 15% of the Legislative Assembly and female MLCs made up 33% of the Legislative Council. In the 1990s there was no formal barrier to the participation of persons on the basis of their sex but no scholarly study had addressed the question of whether the Parliament’s culture was open to all gender orientations. This study examines the hypothesis that the Parliament informally favoured some types of gender behaviour over others. It identifies ‘gender’ as behaviour rather than a characteristic of persons and avoids the conflation of gender with sex, and particularly with women exclusively. The research used interviews, observation and document study for triangulation. The thesis describes the specific context of New South Wales parliamentary politics 1995-1999 with an emphasis on factors that affect an understanding of gender. It explores notions of representation held by MPs, analyses their personal backgrounds and reports on gender-rich behaviours in the chambers. The study concludes that gender was a significant factor in the behaviour of Members of the Parliament. There were important differences between the ways that male and female MPs approached their roles. Analysis of the concept of gender in the Parliament shows that some behaviours are more likely to bring political success than are others. The methodology developed here by adapting literature from other systems has important strengths. The data suggest that there is a need for many more detailed studies of aspects of gender in parliaments.
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Smith, Anthony Russell. "Gender in the Fifty-first New South Wales Parliament." University of Sydney, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/2562.

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Doctor of Philosophy
Responsible Government began in New South Wales in 1856. Direct participation by women began 70 years later in 1925 with the election of Millicent Preston-Stanley. Her first speech questioned whether Parliament was a fit place for women. Another significant milestone was reached after another 70 years when female MLAs in the Fifty-first Parliament constituted 15% of the Legislative Assembly and female MLCs made up 33% of the Legislative Council. In the 1990s there was no formal barrier to the participation of persons on the basis of their sex but no scholarly study had addressed the question of whether the Parliament’s culture was open to all gender orientations. This study examines the hypothesis that the Parliament informally favoured some types of gender behaviour over others. It identifies ‘gender’ as behaviour rather than a characteristic of persons and avoids the conflation of gender with sex, and particularly with women exclusively. The research used interviews, observation and document study for triangulation. The thesis describes the specific context of New South Wales parliamentary politics 1995-1999 with an emphasis on factors that affect an understanding of gender. It explores notions of representation held by MPs, analyses their personal backgrounds and reports on gender-rich behaviours in the chambers. The study concludes that gender was a significant factor in the behaviour of Members of the Parliament. There were important differences between the ways that male and female MPs approached their roles. Analysis of the concept of gender in the Parliament shows that some behaviours are more likely to bring political success than are others. The methodology developed here by adapting literature from other systems has important strengths. The data suggest that there is a need for many more detailed studies of aspects of gender in parliaments.
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Foley, Meredith Anne. "The women's movement in New South Wales and Victoria, 1918-1938." Phd thesis, Department of History, 1985. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/6084.

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Walker, Betty Con. "Club politics and the business of gaming." Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2008. https://hdl.handle.net/2123/28215.

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This study examines how the New South Wales (NSW) club industry attained and retained the privilege to operate gaming machines, and how it has maintained a position of relative advantage over other operators in the gaming industry through favourable government regulation and concessional taxation. This favourable treatment has had a major impact on public policy and government finances. The history over five decades of the club industry’s privileged access to gaming machine operations and concessional tax treatments, serves as background to recent events — an effort in 2003 by the NSW Government to remove the preferential tax treatment. This occurred after a period of 'softening up' by policy entrepreneurs within the public service. Predictably, the initiative was strongly resisted by the club industry, which undertook a well-resourced and multi-faceted campaign to overturn the tax increases. The account of these events is based on documentary evidence and interviews with government ministers and their advisers, other public officials, participants from the club industry, and media representatives. It is concluded that the classic model of agenda building, issue expansion and issue containment does not fully explain the course of events. The issue was directly propelled on to the government's formal agenda by gatekeepers. The club industry's subsequent campaign followed all the basic steps countenanced by the model, and failed, as Government ministers effectively contained opposition from interest groups and backbenchers. The media lost interest and the issue was no longer on the formal agenda of the NSW Government. Then key players left politics, and there was a change of ‘gatekeeper’ in the form of a new Premier. This triggered a new policy cycle, and the club industry's lobbying substantially prevailed. It is suggested that the key factors in this turnaround were the political obligations and personal incentives facing the new gatekeeper.
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Smith, A. R. "Gender in the Fifty-first New South Wales Parliament." Connect to full text, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/2562.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Sydney, 2003.
Title from title screen (viewed Apr. 8, 2009) Degree awarded 2003; thesis submitted 2002. Submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy to the Dept. of Government and International Relations, Faculty of Arts. Includes bibliographical references. Also available in print form.
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Davis, Edward R. "Ethnicity and diversity : politics and the Aboriginal community /." Title page, table of contents and abstract only, 1991. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09phd2613.pdf.

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Hanna, Bronwyn Planning UNSW. "Absence and presence: a historiography of early women architects in New South Wales." Awarded by:University of New South Wales. Planning, 2000. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/18217.

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Women architects are effectively absent from architectural history in Australia. Consulting first the archival record, this thesis establishes the presence of 230 women architects qualified and/or practising in NSW between 1900 and 1960. It then analyses some of these early women architects' achievements and difficulties in the profession, drawing on interviews with 70 practitioners or their friends and family. Finally it offers brief biographical accounts of eight leading early women architects, arguing that their achievements deserve more widespread historical attention in an adjusted canon of architectural merit. There are also 152 illustrations evidencing their design contributions. Thus the research draws on quantitative, qualitative, biographical and visual modes of representation in establishing a historical presence for these early women architects. The thesis forms part of the widespread political project of feminist historical recovery of women forebears, while also interrogating the ends and means of such historiography. The various threads describing women's absence and presence in the architectural profession are woven together throughout the thesis using three feminist approaches which sometimes harmonise and sometimes debate with each other. Described as "liberal feminism", "socialist feminism" and "postmodern feminism", they each put into play distinct patterns of questioning, method and interpretation, but all analyse historiography as a strategy for understanding society and effecting social change.
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Volke, Harvey. "The politics of state rental housing in New South Wales, 1900 - 1939 : three case studies." Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2006. https://hdl.handle.net/2123/28059.

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The history of housing policy in New South Wales has been one of consistent disengagement of government from issues of low-income housing provision. Characteristically, until the 19405, government responses were dictated from within a laissez-faire liberal framework in which housing provision was best left to the operations of market forces. This impacted severely on the availability of appropriate and affordable housing for low-income people. Insofar as low-income housing policy was addressed at all, it was usually in terms of encouraging people into home ownership. Nevertheless, the period from around 1900 to 1940 saw the beginnings of deliberate government intervention in the housing market in piecemeal attempts to address the issue. A range of factors combined to produce this outcome, including outbreaks of contagious disease in badly drained and unsewered slum precincts, and increasing pressure from a range of disparate groups. These included the nascent town planning lobby, church and charity bodies, and not least, working class organisations and working class people themselves. Business interest in redeveloping prime commercial sites also played a role in the moves for slum clearance. The period was characterised by a series of attempts to resolve low-income housing problems in Sydney, or at least, the problems of slum clearance. These ranged from State resumption of The Rocks area, to attempts by both city governments and State governments to provide minimal amounts of public housing for some of those displaced by resumptions, and included attempts at encouraging self-help and self- reliance by church and charitable agencies, as well as State bodies. They also included attempts to address the problems of low—income tenants in the private rental market by legislative means: for example, by introducing rent control and some limited efforts to control the rate of evictions during the Depression era. The fact remains, that the period is characterised by a marked failure to undertake any substantive initiatives that would make a serious contribution to resolving the manifest problems. The reasons for this failure are complex, but include a policy commitment to home ownership (and to separate homes on separate sites at that), a prevailing ideology of laissez faire liberalism, and a shifting of responsibility for dealing with the problems between local and State authorities. It was only at the end of the period that the State Government accepted the responsibility for ensuring some attempt at meeting the needs of low—income people.
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Wannan, Alison. "Public policies and the construction of domestic life in western Sydney, 1974-1984: women, suburbia, community and the state." Thesis, The University of Sydney, 1988. https://hdl.handle.net/2123/26231.

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The issue of how selected public policies of the NSW Government impacted on the everyday lives of women in Western Sydney during the period 1974-1984 is examined here in terms of class and gender inequalities. Using data from official departmental reports and the empirical investigation of public expenditure on community services, the thesis demonstrates that most often public policies maintained the inequalities of women living in suburban Western Sydney. The sexual division of labour was central to public policies and maintained women as dependent mothers, wives and low paid workers. The home and the local neighbourhood were seen as the 'natural' location of suburban women. Further, the analysis indicates how the dominance of community- as-localit y in urban and social policies obscured the class, gender and racial/ethn ic divisions of suburban women. In contrast, a few 'community ' policies and services provided evidence of the possibilities for public policies to redistribute services explicitly to working class women and not to inevitably support existing inequalities. In conclusion, it is argued that the concept of community-as -locality needs to be reconsidered and reconstructe d and a range of housing and social policies developed that redistribute resources in favour of women and their families living in working class suburbs.
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Books on the topic "Women in politics – New South Wales"

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Jim, Hagan, ed. People and politics in regional New South Wales. Annandale, N.S.W: Federation Press, 2006.

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John, Evans, and New South Wales. Parliament. Legislative Council., eds. New South Wales Legislative Council practice. Annandale, N.S.W: Federation Press, 2008.

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Hogan, Michael. The New South Wales state election, 1922. Sydney: NSW Parliamentary Library and Dept. of Government, University of Sydney, 1995.

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Clune, David. The governors of New South Wales 1788-2010. Annandale, NSW: Federation Press, 2009.

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The governors of New South Wales 1788-2010. Annandale, NSW: Federation Press, 2009.

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David, Clune, and Turner Ken 1928-, eds. The premiers of New South Wales, 1856-2005. Annandale, N.S.W: Federation Press, 2006.

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Hogan, Michael. The people's choice: Electoral politics in colonial New South Wales. Annandale, N.S.W: Federation Press, 2007.

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Her natural destiny: The education of women in New South Wales. [Kensington, NSW, Australia: New South Wales University Press, 1986.

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Rydon, Joan. New South Wales politics, 1901-1917: An electoral and political chronicle. Sydney: New South Wales Parliamentary Library, 1996.

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Clune, David, and Michael Hogan. The people's choice: Electoral politics in twentieth century New South Wales. Sydney: Parliament of New South Wales ; University of Sydney, 2001.

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Book chapters on the topic "Women in politics – New South Wales"

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Wallace, Valerie. "Republicanism in New South Wales." In Scottish Presbyterianism and Settler Colonial Politics, 219–44. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-70467-8_10.

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Martin, Susan K., Caroline Daley, Elizabeth Dimock, Cheryl Cassidy, and Cecily Devereux. "Womanhood Suffrage League of New South Wales." In Women and Empire, 1750–1939, 343. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003101857-94.

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Dilley, Andrew. "The Politics of Finance in Three Australian States: Victoria, New South Wales, and Western Australia, 1901–1914." In Finance, Politics, and Imperialism, 139–60. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230355835_7.

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Flint, Carmel, Dailan Pugh, and Daniel Beaver. "The good, the bad and the ugly: science, process and politics in forestry reform and the implications for conservation of forest fauna in north-east New South Wales." In Conservation of Australia's Forest Fauna, 222–55. P.O. Box 20, Mosman NSW 2088: Royal Zoological Society of New South Wales, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.7882/fs.2004.016.

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Sawer, Marian. "New South Wales: Entering too Late? Women in Parliamentary Politics." In Breaking Male Dominance in Old Democracies, 49–71. Oxford University Press, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199653898.003.0003.

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Nam, Hwasook. "Female Strikers in Recent Decades and the Politics of Memory." In Women in the Sky, 151–88. Cornell University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501758263.003.0007.

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This chapter steps into the post-1987, post-developmental period of democratization and neoliberal transformation in South Korea and considers the conditions that shaped the invisibility of yŏgong and the underappreciation of their contributions in the current organized labor movement and in the larger society. It features Pusan's female shoe workers' resistance to capital flight in the 1990s and assesses shifting gender politics in the union movement before and after the 1987 Great Workers' Struggle. The unresolved nature of the gender question reveals itself starkly in the case of woman welder Kim Jin-Sook in the changed neoliberal environment of the twenty-first century. During this period, the progress that workers had achieved through massive strike waves in the 1980s and 1990s has eroded significantly under new management strategies aiming at reducing union power to cut costs and regain control on the shop floor. The process of irregularization of the workforce accelerated following the Asian financial crisis of 1997–98 and reached the unionized large-firm, heavy-industry regular male workers, engendering ferocious and long-lasting labor disputes. Meanwhile, an apathy toward labor struggle has become widespread in society, as many South Koreans have lost interest in embracing industrial workers as an essential component of nation-building.
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Smith, Rodney. "New South Wales." In Australian Politics and Government, 41–73. Cambridge University Press, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/cbo9780511756061.003.

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Jones, David J. "Public library development in New South Wales." In The Politics of Libraries and Librarianship, 71–80. Elsevier, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/b978-1-84334-343-1.50005-6.

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"Constituting New South Wales 1787–1850." In McCawley and Trethowan: The Chaos of Politics and the Integrity of Law. Hart Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9781509927142.ch-001.

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"Trethowan in the New South Wales Courts." In McCawley and Trethowan: The Chaos of Politics and the Integrity of Law. Hart Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9781509948307.ch-003.

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Reports on the topic "Women in politics – New South Wales"

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Edstrom, Jerker, Ayesha Khan, Alan Greig, and Chloe Skinner. Grasping Patriarchal Backlash: A Brief for Smarter Countermoves. Institute of Development Studies, January 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/backlash.2023.002.

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Abstract:
Nearly three decades ago the UN World Conference on Women at Beijing appeared to be uniting the international community around the most progressive platform for women’s rights in history. Instead of steady advancement, we have seen uneven progress, backsliding, co-option, and a recent rising tide of patriarchal backlash. The global phenomenon of ‘backlash’ is characterised by resurgent misogyny, homo/transphobia, and attacks on sexual and reproductive rights. It is articulated through new forms of patriarchal politics associated with racialised hyper-nationalist agendas, traditionalism, authoritarianism, and alterations to civic space that have become all too familiar both in the global North and South. A wide range of actors and articulations are involved and influenced by underlying drivers and dynamics. A clearer view of the patriarchal nature of current backlash is a prerequisite for building a cohesive movement to counter it, strategically engaging researchers, activists, policymakers and donors in development.
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